UNIT 1 PASSAGES OF HUMAN GROWTH (I)
1 A person?s life at any given time incorporates both external and internal aspects. The external system is composed of our memberships in the culture: our job, social class, family and social roles, how we present ourselves to and participate in the world. The interior realm concerns the meanings this participation has for each of us. In what ways are our values, goals, and aspirations being invigorated or violated by our present life system? How many parts of our personality can we live out, and what parts are we suppressing? How do we feel about our way of living in the world at any given time?
2 The inner realm is where the crucial shifts in bedrock begin to throw a person off balance, signaling the necessity to change and move on to a new footing in the next stage of development. These crucial shifts occur throughout life, yet people consistently refuse to recognize that they possess an internal life system. Ask anyone who seems down, “Why are you feeling low?” Most will displace the inner message onto a marker event: “I?ve been down since we moved, since I changed jobs, since my wife went back to graduate school and turned into a damn social worker in sackcloth,” and so on. Probably less than ten percent would say: “There is some unknown disturbance within me, and even though it?s painful, I feel I have to stay with it and ride it out.” Even fewer people would be able to explain that the turbulence they feel may have no external cause. And yet it may not resolve itself for several years.
3 During each of these passages, how we feel about our way of living will undergo subtle changes in four areas of perception. One is the interior sense of self in relation to others. A second is the proportion of safeness to danger we feel in our lives. A third is our perception of time—do we have plenty of it, or are we beginning to feel that time is running out? Last, there will be some shift at the gut level in our sense of aliveness or stagnation. These are the hazy sensations that compose the background tone of living and shape the decisions on which we take action.
4 The work of adult life is not easy. As in childhood, each step presents not only new tasks of development but requires
a letting go of the techniques that worked before. With each passage some magic must be given up, some cherished illusion of safety and comfortably familiar sense of self must be cast off, to allow for the greater expansion of our own distinctiveness.
Pulling Up Roots
5 Before 18, the m otto is loud and clear: “I have to get away from my parents.” But the words are seldom connected to action. Generally still safely part of our families, even if away at school, we feel our autonomy to be subject to erosion from moment to moment.
寻求自立
6 After 18, we begin Pulling Up Roots in earnest. College, military service, and short-term travels are all customary vehicles our society provides for the first round trips between family and a base of one?s own. In the attempt to separate our view of the wo rld from our family?s view, despite vigorous protestations to the contrary—“I know exactly what I want!”—we cast about for any beliefs we can call our own. And in the process of testing those beliefs we are often drawn to fads, preferably those most mysterious and inaccessible to our parents.
7 Whatever tentative memberships we try out in the world, the fear haunts us that we are really kids who cannot take care of ourselves. We cover that fear with acts of defiance and mimicked confidence. For allies to replace our parents, we turn to our contemporaries. They become conspirators. So long as their perspective meshes with our own, they are able to substitute fo r the sanctuary of the family. But that doesn?t last very long. And the instant they diverge from the shaky ideals of “our group”, they are seen as betrayers. Rebounds to the family are common between the ages of 18 and 22.
8 The tasks of this passage are to locate ourselves in a peer group role, a sex role, an anticipated occupation,an ideology or world view. As a result, we gather the impetus to leave home physically and the identity to begin leaving home emotionally.
9 Even as one part of us seeks to be an individual, another part longs to restore the safety and comfort of merging with another. Thus one of the most popular myths of this passage is: We can piggyback our development by attaching to a Stronger One. But people who marry during this time often prolong financial and emotional ties to the family and relatives that impede them from becoming self-sufficient.
10 A stormy passage through the Pulling Up Roots years will probably facilitate the normal progression of the adult life cycle. If one doesn?t have an identity crisis at this point, it will erupt during a later transition, when the penalties may be harder to bear.
The Trying Twenties
11 The Trying Twenties confront us with the question of how to take hold in the adult world. Our focus shifts from the interior turmoils of late adolescence—“Who am I?” “What is truth?”—and we become almost totally preoccupied with working out the externals. “How do I put my aspirations into effect?” “What is the best way to start?” “Where do I go?” “Who can help me?” “How did you do it?”
迷惘求索的二十几岁
11．到了二十几岁，我们面临的难题是如何在这成年人的世界中生存（自立）。再内心波功的青春期后期，我们
关注的焦点是：“我究竟是怎样的一个人?”“生活的真谛到底是什么?”而此时我们几乎全沉浸在有关外部生
活的问题上：“怎样才能使自己的抱负得以实现?”“最好从何处着手？”“我们应该朝什么目标努力?”“谁
能帮我的忙?”“别人是如何走过来的?”
12 In this period, which is longer and more stable compared with the passage that leads to it, the tasks are as enormous as they are exhilarating: To shape a Dream, that vision of ourselves which will generate energy, aliveness, and hope. To prepare for a lifework. To find a mentor if possible. And to form the capacity for intimacy, without losing in the process whatever consistency of self we have thus far mustered. The first test structure must be erected around the life we choose to try.
12．与前一阶段相比，这个阶段的时间更长，也更稳定一些。在这个阶段中，人们的任务既艰巨而又令人振奋：
绘制一幅美妙的生活蓝图，这种美好的憧憬会使我们充满活力、激情和希望；为毕生的事业做好准备；如果可
能的话，找一个良师益友。还要培养一种既不丧失自己固有的风格，又能做到善解人意的能力。最初的实验基地
必须围绕自己设计的生活监图去建立。
13 Doing what we “should” is the most pervasive theme of the twenties. The “shoulds” are largely defined by family models, the press of the culture, or the prejudices of our peers. If the prevailing cultural instructions are that one should get married and settle down behind one?s own door, a nuclear family is born.
13．“做我们‘应该’做的事。”这是二十儿岁的人的生活基调。但我们应该做什么主要取决于家庭的类型，文化的影响，以及同龄人的特定见解。如果当时最盛行的社会时尚就是到了这种年龄要结婚成家，那么年青人就会去建立小家庭。
14 One of the terrifying aspects of the twenties is the inner conviction that the choices we make are irrevocable. It is largely a false fear. Change is quite possible, and some alteration of our original choices is probably inevitable.
14．二十几岁的人内心有一种可怕的想法，他们认定自已所做的选择将来不能改弦易辙。实际上这种担忧是不对的，因为变化是可能的，改变初衷也常常是必然的。
15 Two impulses, as always, are at work. One is to build a firm, safe structure for the future by making strong commitments, to “be set”. Yet people who slip into a ready-made form without much self-examination are likely to find themselves locked in.
15．这个时期有两个方面的动力在起作用。一种动力是信誓旦旦地要为未求筑造一个坚实而安全的生活构架。
不过那些未经深思熟虑就落入一种现成的生活模式的人，往往到头来会发观自己陷入了一个十分狭小的天地里而
不能自拔。
16 The other urge is to explore and experiment, keeping any structure tentative and therefore easily reversible. Taken to the extreme, these are people who skip from one trial job and one limited personal encounter to another, spending their twenties in the transient state.
16．另外一种动力就是不断地开拓和尝试。他们把任何生活结构都看成是试验性的，因而可以随意更改的。在极端的情况下，这些人的工作试来换去，人际之间的短暂邂逅接二连三，结果很可能在一种反复不定的状态中度过这二十几岁的时光。
17 Although the choices of our twenties are not irrevocable, they do set in motion a Life Pattern. Some of us follow the locked-in pattern, others the transient pattern, the wunderkind pattern, the caregiver pattern, and there are a number of others. Such patterns strongly influence the particular questions raised for each person during each passage through the life.
17．虽然我们在二十几岁时的选择并不是一成不变的，它们对于我们生活方式的形成还是起着决定性的作用。有的人按照关在自己小天地里的生活模式一直生活下去，有些人则变来变去很难定型；有的人少年得志，成就卓著，有的人一心为他人奉献。当然还有其他一些类型。这些生活模式都极大地影响着每个人在人生每一阶段所面临的具体问题。
18 Buoyed by powerful illusions and belief in the power of the will, we commonly insist in our twenties that what we have chosen to do is the one true course in life. Our backs go up at the merest hint that we are like our parents, that two decades of parental training might be reflected in our current actions and attitudes.
18．由于幻想的鼓舞和支持以及对自己的意志充满信心，我们在二十几岁时普遍认定自己所选择的道路是人生真正的事业所在。如果有人说我们很像自已的父母，说我们的言行举止是父母十多年来教育和熏陶的结果，我们会很不高兴。
19 “Not me,” is the motto, “I?m different.”
L9.“不，我绝不是那样，我与他们不同。”我们总会这样说。
UNIT 2 AIDS IN THE THIRD WORLD A GLOBAL DISASTER
1 In rich countries AIDS is no longer a death sentence. Expensive drugs keep HIV-positive patients alive and healthy, perhaps indefinitely. Loud public-awareness campaigns keep the number of infected Americans, Japanese and West Europeans to relatively low levels. The sense of crisis is past.
1．在富裕的国家里，艾滋病不再意味着死亡。昂贵的药物使HIV呈阳性的患者能够维持生命，保持健康，或许还能长期地延续这种状态。声势浩大的提高公众防意识的运动唤起了人们对艾滋病的关注。在美国、日本以及西欧国家，艾滋病感染人数维持在相对较低的水平上。人们的危机感已成为过去。
2 In developing countries, by contrast, the disease is spreading like nerve gas in a gentle breeze. The poor cannot afford to spend $10,000 a year on wonder pills. Millions of Africans are dying. In the longer term, even greater numbers of Asians are at risk. For many poor countries, there is no greater or more immediate threat to public health and economic growth. Yet few political leaders treat it as a priority.
2．相比之下，在发展中国家，这种疾病的传播却如同在风中传播的致命毒气。穷人们付不起每年价值1万美元的神奇药物，因此上百万非洲人正面临着死亡。从更长远的时间上看，有更多的的亚洲人也将面临此运。在许多贫穷国家，艾滋病对公众健康和经济增长是最大的、也是最直接的威胁。但一些国家的领导者却很少把它列为头等大事来对待。
3 Since HIV was first identified in the 1970s, over 47 million people have been infected, of whom 1
4 million have died. Last year saw the biggest annual death toll yet: 2.
5 million. The disease now ranks fourth among the world?s big killers, after respiratory infections, diarrhea disorders and tuberculosis. It now claims many more lives each year than malaria, a growing menace, and is still nowhere near its peak. If India and other Asian countries do not take it seriously,
the number of infections could reach “a new order of magnitude”, says Peter Piot, head of the UN?s AIDS programme. 3．自从20世纪70年代HIV首次被发现以来，已有4700万以上的人感染了此病毒，其中1400万人为此丧生。去年的死亡总数达到了最高的年死亡率，即250万人。现在HIV病毒已成为世界上第四号巨型杀手，前三号依次为呼吸系统感染、腹泻和结核病。每年死于HIV病毒的人数已超过了疟疾，其威胁性正日益增长，并且无法估计何时能达到顶峰。彼得·帕尔德是联合国艾滋病项目的负责人，他认为如果印度等亚洲国家不认真对待此事，受感染的人数可达到一个新的高峰。
4 The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), which causes acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), is thought to have crossed from chimpanzees to humans in the late 1940s or early 1950s in Congo. It took several years for the virus to break out of Congo?s dense and sparsely populated jungles but, once it did, it marched with rebel armies through the continent?s numerous war zones, rode with truckers from one rest-stop brothel to the next, and eventually flew, perhaps with an air steward, to America, where it was discovered in the early 1980s. As American homosexuals and drug infectors started to wake up to the dangers of bath-houses and needle-sharing, AIDS was already devastating Africa.
4．引起AIDS(获得性免疫功能缺损综合症)的HIV(人体免疫缺损病毒)被认为是20∽世纪纪40年代末至50年代初由刚果的黑猩猩传染给人类的。几年之后此病毒从刚果荒蛮浓密的从林爆发出来。一旦流传开来，它就随着反叛部队穿越大陆的各个战区；随着货车司机驶过符个妓院；最终，可能随着空中乘务员飞往美国，并在那里于20世纪80年代初被发现。当美国的同性恋者和开始意识到公共浴池、吸毒者开始意识到公共浴池、共用针头的危险性时，艾滋病已经开始在非洲制造巨大灾难了。
5 So far, the worst-hit areas are east and southern Africa. In Botswana, Namibia, Swaziland and Zimbabwe, between a fifth and a quarter of people aged 15-49 are afflicted with HIV or AIDS. In Botswana, children born early in the next decade will have a life expectancy of 40; without AIDS it would have been near 70. Of the 25 monitoring sites in Zimbabwe where pregnant women are tested for HIV, only two in 1997 showed prevalence below 10%. At the remaining 23 sites, 20-50% of women were infected. About a third of these women will pass the virus on to their babies.
5．到目前为止，受害最严重的地区是非洲的东部和南部。在博茨瓦纳、纳米比业、斯威士兰以及津巴布韦，有五分之一到四分之一年龄在15到19岁的人正在遭受由HIV或艾滋病带来的痛苦。几年以后出生的博茨瓦纳儿童，其寿命将为40年。而如果不是艾滋病，他们本来可以活到近70岁。在津巴布韦的25个受监控的地区，怀孕的妇女接受了HIV病毒的检测。1997年只有两个地区显示其感染率在10％以下。在其它23个地区，受感染的妇女达到20％到50％，其中大约有三分之一的妇女将会把病毒传染给她们的婴儿。
6 The region?s giant, South Africa, was largely protected by its isolation from the rest of the world during the apartheid years. Now it is host to one in ten of the world?s new infections—more than any other country. In the country?s most populous province, KwaZulu-Natal, perhaps a third of sexually active adults are HIV-positive.
6．非洲大国南非在种族隔离的年代由于很少与世界其他地区往来而免受艾滋病的影响，可是现在它却拥有世界上十分之一的艾滋病感染者，其数量超过其他任何一个国家。在这个国家人口最多的省卡瓦祖鲁一纳塔尔，大约有三分之一的青壮年为HIV阳性患者。
7 Asia is the next disaster-in-waiting. Already, 7 million Asians are infected. India?s 930 million people look increasingly vulnerable. The Indian countryside, which most people imagined relatively AIDS-free, turns out not to be. A recent study in Tamil Nadu found over 2% of rural people to be HIV-positive: 500,000 people in one of India?s smallest states. Since 10% had other sexually transmitted diseases (STDS), the avenue for further infections is clearly open. A survey of female STD patients in Poona, in Maharashtra, found that over 90% had never had sex with anyone but their husband; and yet 13.6% had HIV.
7．亚洲将是下一个受灾地区，现已拥有700万感染者。有着9．3亿人口的印度，处境不容乐观。许多人认为印度的乡村地区相对安全，可以不受艾滋病的袭击，但事实并非如此、泰米尔那都是印度最小的邦之一，只有50万人口。但最近的研究表明这里2％的乡间人口为HIV阳性。由于10％的人口患其他性传播疾病，十分可能产生
进一步的感染。在浦那、马哈拉施特拉，人们对女性性病患者进行了一次调查，结果发现90％的人以前从未与她
们丈夫以外的任何人发生过性关系，但是13．6％的人呈HIV阳性。
8 No one knows what AIDS will do to poor countries? economies, for nowhere has the epidemic run its course. An optimistic assessment, by Alan Whiteside of the University of Natal, suggests that the effect of AIDS on measurable GDP will be slight. Even at high prevalence, Mr. Whiteside thinks it will slow growth by no more than 0.6% a year. This is because so many people in poor countries do not contribute much to the formal economy. To put it even more crudely, where there is a huge oversupply of unskilled labour, the dead can easily be replaced.
8．艾滋病将会给贫穷国家的经济造成什么影响，现在无法说清，因为无法预测这种传染病将发展到什么程度。
来自纳塔尔大学的艾伦·怀特塞德持一种较为乐观的态度，认为艾滋病对国内生产总值的影响不大，并指出即使
是在此传染病的高发期，对其影响也不会超过0．6％，这是因为在贫穷国家许多人对正常的经济发展不起作用。
说得再残酷些，在一个拥有大量非技术劳力的国家里，死去的劳力很容易被取代。
9 Other researchers are more pessimistic. AIDS takes longer to kill than did the plague, so the cost of caring for the
sick will be more crippling. Modern governments, unlike medieval ones, tax the healthy to help look after the ailing, so
the burden will fall on everyone. And AIDS, because it is sexually transmitted, tends to hit the most energetic and productive members of society. A recent study in Namibia estimated that AIDS cost the country almost 8% of GNP in 1996. Another analysis predicts that Kenya?s GDP will be 14.5% smaller in 2005 than it would have been without AIDS, and that income per person will be 10% lower.
9．也有一些研究人员持较为悲观的态度。他们认为艾滋病比瘟疫折磨人的时间更长，所以治疗过程所需的花费
就更大。不同于中世纪时的政府，现代政府向健康人征收税款来帮助患者。这样，负担便摊到每个人的头上。同时，由于艾滋病是通过性行为传播的，受害者可能是社会上那些最年富力强的人。最近一项在纳米比亚进行的调
查显示，1996年艾滋病耗去这个国家生产总值的8％。另一项分析预测，肯尼亚2005年的国内生产总值将为艾
滋病的影响而减少14．5％，其人均收入将减少10％。
The cost of the disease
10 In general, the more advanced the economy, the worse it will be affected by a large number of AIDS deaths. South Africa, with its advanced industries, already suffers a shortage of skilled manpower, and cannot afford to lose more. In better-off developing countries, people have more savings to fall back on when they need to pay medical bills. Where people have health and life insurance, those industries will be hit by bigger claims. Insurers protect themselves by
charging more or refusing policies to HIV-positive customers. In Zimbabwe, life-insurance premiums quadrupled in two years because of AIDS. Higher premiums force more people to seek treatment in public hospitals: in South Africa, HIV
and AIDS could account for between 35% and 84% of public-health expenditure by 2005, according to one projection.
艾滋病的治疗费用
10. 总体来说，经济越发达的国家，越难以承受艾滋病带来的大量人员死亡的后果。南非有着发达的工业，可
现在已因为技术人才的短缺而受到打击，再也经不起失去更多的人才了。在生活条件较好的发展中国家里，人们
可以依赖较多的存款来支付医疗费。而在有健康和人寿保险的国家里，那些保险业会因为大量的赔付遭受损失。，于是保险公司为了保护自己的利益就会提高保险费或拒绝给HIV阳性的顾客进行办理保险。在津巴布韦，人寿保
险费由于艾滋病在两年内上升了四倍。高昂的保险费迫使更多的人到公共医院寻求治疗。根据一项推算，到2005
年南非在HlV和艾滋病方面的公共医疗开支将达到总额的35％到84％。
11 At a macro level, the impact of AIDS is felt gradually. But at a household level, the blow is sudden and catastrophic. When a breadwinner develops AIDS, his (or her) family is impoverished twice over: his income vanishes,
and his relations must devote time and money to nursing him. Daughters are often forced to drop out of school to help. Worse, HIV tends not to strike just one member of a family. Husbands give it to wives, mothers to babies.
11．从宏观的角度上看，艾滋病的冲击是逐渐显现出来的，但从一个家庭的角度来看，这个打击是突如其来的，也是灾难性的。当全家主要的挣钱者染上了艾滋病，他或她的家庭损失就不是一个人的事了。因为不只是他的收人没
有了，他的亲属还要花时间和金钱去照料他，通常女儿们也不得不辍学在家帮忙。更糟的是HIV感染也不仅仅是一个人的事，它会由丈夫传染给妻子．母亲传染给嘤儿
12 The best hope for halting the epidemic is a cheap vaccine. Efforts are under way, but a vaccine for a virus that mutates as rapidly as HIV will be hugely difficult and expensive to invent. For poor countries, the only practical course is
to concentrate on prevention. But this, too, will be hard, for a plethora of reasons.
Sex is fun... Many feel that condoms make it less so. Zimbabweans as k: “Would you eat a sweet with its wrapper on?”... and discussion of it is often taboo. In Kenya, Christian and Islamic groups have publicly burned anti-AIDS leaflets and condoms, as a protest against what they see as the encouragement of promiscuity.
Poverty. Those who cannot afford television find other ways of passing the evening. People cannot afford antibiotics, so
the untreated sores from STDS provide easy openings for HIV.
Migrant labour. Since wages are much higher in South Africa than in the surrounding region, outsiders flock in to find work. Migrant miners (including South Africans forced to live far from their homes) spend most of the year in single-sex dormitories surrounded by prostitutes. Living with a one-in-40 chance of being killed by a rockfall, they are inured to risk. When they go home, they often infect their wives.
War. Refugees, whether from genocide in Rwanda or state persecution in Myanmar, spread HIV as they flee. Soldiers,
with their regular pay and disdain for risk, are more likely than civilians to contract HIV from prostitutes. When they go
to war, they infect others. In Africa the problem is dire. In Congo, where no fewer than seven armies are embroiled, the government has accused Ugandan troops (which are helping the Congolese rebels) of deliberately spreading AIDS. Unlikely, but with estimated HIV prevalence in the seven armies ranging from 50% for the Angolans to an incredible
80% for the Zimbabweans, the effect is much the same. Sexism. In most poor countries, it is hard for a woman to ask her partner to use a condom. Wives who insist risk being beaten up. Rape is common, especially where wars rage. Forced sex
is a particularly effective means of HIV transmission, because of the extra blood. Drinking. Asia and Africa make many excellent beers. They are also home to a lot of people for whom alcohol is the quickest escape from the stresses of acute poverty. Drunken lovers are less likely to remember to use condoms.
12．人们把阻止艾滋病传播的最大希望寄托于廉价的疫苗，目前正在做这方衙的努力。但是，要研制出对付像HIV 病毒这样变化无常的疫苗是十分艰难的，代价也会十分高昂。因此，对贫穷国家来说，唯一现实的办法就是注重预防。而这也困难重重，有各种各样的原因，其中包括：
·性生活是享受。许多人认为避孕套妨碍了他们的享受。津巴布韦的人这样问道：“你愿意吃糖果时带着包装纸吗?”
·此话题为禁忌。在肯尼亚，基督教和伊斯兰教徒们公开烧毁那些抵御艾滋的传病的传单和避孕套，因为他们认为这些东西是在鼓励人们性乱交。
·贫穷。那些买不起电视的人晚上会选择其他方式打发时光。另外．由于买不起抗生素，一些由性传播疾病带来的伤病无法治疗，这样就极易感染上HIV病毒。
·流动的劳力。由于在南非打工所得的收人大大高于周围地区，外来人口大量涌入。外来矿工，其中包括那些离家很远的南非矿工，一年中大部分时间生活在常有妓女出现的单一性别宿舍里。矿工们的生命本来就因为矿井倒塌而面临1:40的死亡威胁，他们也就习惯于冒险。可当他们回家时，便将病毒传染给他们的妻子。
·战争。无论是由于卢旺达种族灭绝的大屠杀还是缅甸的政治迫害而逃离家园的难民，在逃离的同时也在传播HIV病毒。军人们有固定的收入，又不惜冒险，因此比平民更容易从妓院里染上爱滋病。当他们参战时，就将病毒传给他人。在非洲，这个问题更为严峻。不下七只军队卷入了在刚果的战争，乌干达军队也在其中帮助刚果的反叛力量。刚果政府指责乌干达军队有意传播爱滋病病毒。这不太可能，但是如果考虑到这七支军队中的高感染率，从发安哥拉部队的50％到津巴布韦的高达80％，便可知道其影响实际是一样的。
·男性至上主义。在贫穷国家中，妇女很难向其性伙伴提出使用避孕套，妻子会因此遭受毒打。强奸是经常发生的事，尤其是双方争执起来的时候。强迫的性生活会因为出血而特别容易传播病毒。
·饮酒。亚洲和非洲生产许多品质很高的啤酒。有许多人靠烈性酒来迅速缓解贫困生活造成的精神压力，但是酒醉之后的性生活是不可能会想到使用避孕套的。
How to fight the virus
13 Pessimists look at that situation and despair. But three success stories show that the hurdles to prevention are not impossibly high.
14 First, Thailand. One secret of Thail and?s success has been timely, accurate information-gathering. HIV was first
detected in Thailand in the mid-1980s, among male homosexuals. The health ministry immediately began to monitor
other high-risk groups, particularly the country?s many heroin addi cts and prostitutes. In the first half of 1988, HIV prevalence among drug injectors tested at one Bangkok hospital leapt from 1% to 30%. Shortly afterwards, infections soared among prostitutes.
与艾滋病作斗争
13．悲观主义者对目前的形势感到绝望。但是从以下三个成功的事例中人可以看到其障碍并不是不可逾越的。 14．首先来看泰国。泰国的成功原因之一是及时准确地了解情况。HIV病毒是80年代中期男性同性恋者中首
次被发现的，卫生医疗部门立即着手对高发人群进行监视，尤其在吸毒者和妓女集中的地区。1988年上半年，在
曼古一家医院测试出吸毒者中的HIV阳性比例从1％上升到30％。此后，妓女中的此项比例也在飞速上升。
15 The response was swift. A survey of Thai sexual behaviour was conducted. The results, which showed men indulging in a phenomenal amount of unprotected commercial sex, were publicized. Thais were warned that a major epidemic would strike if their habits did not change. A “100% condom use” campaign persuaded prostitutes to insist on protection 90% of the time with non-regular customers.
15．政府迅速做出反应，开始了一项对泰国公民性行为的调查。接着公布了调查结果：男性中存在大量不加任
何防范措施的商业性性行为。因此对他们提出警告：如果他们不改变自己的行为，一种严重的传染病将威胁他们
的生命。同时发起了一场“100％使用避孕套”运动，劝妓女在与非固定性顾客接触时，90％的时间里要有防范
措施。
16 Most striking was the government?s success in persuading peop le that they were at risk long before they started to
see acquaintances die from AIDS. There was no attempt to play down the spread of HIV to avoid scaring off tourists, as happened in Kenya. Thais were repeatedly warned of the dangers, told how to avoid them, and left to make their own choices. Most decided that a long life was preferable to a fast one.
16．政府最有成效的举措是使人们相信在他们看到自己的伙伴死于艾滋病之前很久，自已就已经面临危险了。
泰国政府认为没有必要像肯尼亚那样由于害怕吓走了旅游者而淡化HIV传播的严重性。泰国人被反复告知HIV的
危害性，以及如何避免它，最后由他们自已去做出选择，大多数人还是愿意长寿而不是早死。
17 Second, Uganda. Thailand shows what is possible in a well-educated, fairly prosperous country. Uganda shows that there is hope even for countries that are poor and barely literate. President Yoweri Museveni recognized the threat shortly after becoming president in 1986, and deluged the country with anti-AIDS warnings.
17．再来看乌干达。泰国的经验表明在一个有着良好的教育基础、经济比较繁荣的国家里人们可以如何去做。乌
干达的经验则表明在一个贫穷的、几乎文盲的国家里也能看到希望。约韦里·穆塞韦尼在1986年宣誓就任总统
时就意识到了艾滋病的威胁，并广泛提醒人们行动起来抵抗艾滋病。
18 The key to Uganda?s success is twofold. First, Mr. Museveni made every government department take the problem seriously, and implement its own plan to fight the virus. Accurate surveys of sexual behaviour were done for only
$20,000-30,000 each. Second, he recognized that his government could do only a limited amount, so he gave free rein to scores of non-governmental organizations (NGOS), usually foreign-financed, to do whatever it took to educate people about risky sex.
18．乌干达的成功关键来自两方面：第一，穆塞韦尼要求每一个政府部门严肃对待此事，还要求他们实施自己的
计划来防范病毒。接着进行了一系列对性行为的精确调查，每项调查仅花费3万美元。第二，他意识到政府所能
做的非常有限，因此他给予许多非政府组织自主权。这些组织大多由外资支持，他们可以采取任何措施来教育人
们远离危险的性行为。
19 Third, Senegal. If Uganda shows how a poor country can reverse the track of an epidemic, Senegal shows how to stop it from taking off in the first place. This West African country was fortunat e to be several thousand miles from HIV?s origin. In the mid-1980s, when other parts of Africa were already blighted, Senegal was still relatively AIDS-free. In
concert with non-governmental organizations and the press and broadcasters, the government set up a national
AIDS-control programme to keep it that way.
19．最后来看塞内加尔。如果说乌干达的经验表明一个贫穷国家可以如何改变传染病的传播，那么塞内加尔的
经验则表明如何当传染病刚出现时就将其阻止。这个西非国家比较幸运，它离HIV的起源地有上千英里。80年代
中期，当非洲的其他国家已在遭受磨难时，塞内加尔还几乎是一片净土。政府与非政府组织、报业和广播电台一
起制定了全国艾滋病控制计划，以将其防范国门之外。
20 Contrast these three with South Africa. On December 1st, World AIDS Day, President Nelson Mandela told the people of KwaZulu-Natal that HIV would devastate their communities if not checked. The speech was remarkable not for
its quality—Mr. Mandela is always able to move audiences—but for its rarity. Unlike Mr. Museveni, South Africa?s leader seldom uses his authority to encourage safer sex. It is a tragic omission. Whereas the potholed streets of Kampala are lined with signs promoting fidelity and condoms, this correspondent has, in eight months in South Africa, seen only two anti-AIDS posters, both in the UN?s AIDS office in Pretoria.
20．与以上三个国家相比，再来看看南非。在12月1日世界艾滋病日到来时，总统纳尔逊·曼德拉对卡瓦祖鲁—纳塔尔人说如果不加以控制，HIV会毁灭他们的社区。这个演讲很出色，但不是因为它的内容，因为曼德拉一
向有能力感染他的听众，而是因为它的少有。与穆塞韦尼不同，他不太运用自己的权力来鼓励人们过安全的性生活。这个忽略是灾难性的。在坎帕拉（乌干达首都）路面坑洼不平的大街上，随处可见宣传忠诚和使用避孕套的
标语。而记者在南非的八个月中只看到两张抵御艾滋病的标语，还都贴在位于比勒陀利亚的联合国艾滋病办公室里。
UNIT 3 NEW FINDINGS OF HIV
1 For almost four years, research into HIV has been dominated by a single theory about how the virus causes the catastrophic collapse of the immune defences that leads to AIDS. But the consensus on this theory is now crumbling, thanks in part to the work of a Dutch team led by immunologist Frank Miedema. If the Dutch team is right, the consequences will be profound. People with HIV may hope for new types of treatment. And some of the most cherished dogmas of a multibillion-dollar research industry may be overturned.
1．近四年来，艾滋病病毒引起免疫系统灾难性崩溃从而导致艾滋病这一理论一直主宰着人类对这一病毒的研究。但是这种理论的一致性现在正在动摇，部分原因是由于免疫学家弗兰克·米德马领导的一支荷兰小组对HIV的研究工作。如果荷兰小组是正确的话，其影响将是深远的，感染HIV的人将有望得到新方法的治疗。而一些花费几十亿美元的研究项目中最具权威的理沦就会被推翻
2 The prevailing view about how HIV causes AIDS is that every day the virus makes billions of copies of itself and,
in doing so, kills billions of the key defence cells that it infects, a class of T cell known as CD4 cells. These vital cells orchestrate the body?s immune response. Every day the infected person?s immune system attempts to replace these cells. After years of waging this immunological war, the body eventually fails to keep pace with the virus and the numbers of CD4 cells become dangerously low, leaving the body unable to defend itself against microorganisms and cancerous cells. 2．流行的观点认为HIV导致艾滋病的原因是每天病毒自身繁殖几十亿倍，以此速度杀四几十亿个被感染的主要
防御细胞，即一种叫做CD4的T细胞。这些至关重要的细胞协调产生身体的免疫反应。每天被感染的病人的免疫
系统试图补充这些细胞。经过数年像这样的免疫斗争，人体最终没能战胜病菌，CD4细胞的数量降到了危险的程度，致使身体不能保护自身免受微生物和癌细胞的袭击。
3 But Miedema and his colleagues at the University of Amsterdam see things differently. They agree that the number
of CD4 cells ultimately dwindles, but not because th e virus is killing them off. In their view, the virus impairs the body?s ability to produce new CD4 cells, and—critically—it traps existing cells in lymph nodes and other tissues, preventing their movement in and out of the bloodstream. As large numbers of CD4 cells become trapped in this way, and the body fails to produce a sufficient number of new ones, the dwindling population of circulating cells becomes increasingly restricted in its range and ability to respond to different invading microbes.
3．但是米德马和他在阿姆斯特丹大学的同事对此有不同的看法j，他们间意CD4细胞的数量最终减少了的观点，但并不认为是病毒杀死了它们。他们认为病毒削弱了机体产生新CD4细胞的能力，并且至关紧要的是病毒捕捉淋巴结和其他组织中现有的细胞，阻止它们出入血流。由于大量的C D4细胞以这种方式被困住了，因此机体不能产生足够数量的新细胞，而循环细胞数量的下降使得细胞对各种入侵细菌作出反应的范围和能力越来越受到限制。
4 Naturally, the champions of the prevailing theory dispute the Dutch ideas. David Ho, chief architect and proponent of the accepted view, at the Aaron Diamond AIDS Research Center in New York, has told colleagues that “the whole field would have to be turned upside down if they were right”. But elsewhere, the con troversial Dutch theory is gaining ground. Indeed, it builds on ideas that have been circulating since about 1990, among researchers such as Yvonne Rosenberg at TherImmune, a company in Maryland, and John Sprent, at the University of California, San Diego. Earlier this month, Miedema?s latest findings were aired at a major international meeting in Glasgow on new therapies for HIV—a sign that the ideas are attracting interest from those at the sharp end of AIDS treatment.
4．很自然，流行理论的支持者对荷兰小组的理论表示怀疑。纽约亚伦戴蒙德艾滋病研究中心现有理论的创始者及支持者大卫·霍对同事说，“假如他们是正确的，整个（爱滋病研究）领域会出现一片混。”但是在其他地方有争议的荷兰理论正逐步获得更多人的支持。该理论实际是建立在自1990以来一直在一些研究人员中流行的一些观点之上，这些研究人员包括马里兰州的瑟尔穆恩公司的伊冯娜·罗森堡以及加州大学圣迭戈分校的约翰·斯普伦特。本月初，米德马的最新发现在格拉斯哥举行关于HIV新疗法的重要会议上公布——这种迹象表明这些观点已引起奋斗在艾滋病治疗最前沿的人士们的兴趣。
5 The widely accepted view, that HIV is a mass murderer of cells, first took hold in 1995, when Ho and his colleagues in New York, and another group led by George Shaw of the University of Alabama at Birmingham, published two seminal papers in the journal Nature. These papers reported that there was a large and rapid turnover of CD4 cells in people with HIV infection, and that therapy with a powerful cocktail of antiviral drugs brought about huge and immediate increases in the numbers of these cells. The fact that the cells bounced back so quickly was due, Ho and Shaw reasoned, to the effects of the antiviral drugs. By stopping HIV from building new copies of itself, the drugs stopped the virus from killing (or “lysing”)cells, while new cells continued to be produced at a ra pid rate. This compelling idea offered a simple explanation for how HIV could wreak such havoc. Overnight, the theory became dogma.
5．HIV是细胞的主要杀手这一已被公认的理论首次出现在1995年，当时霍和他的同事，还有伯明翰阿拉巴马大学乔治·肖领导的另外一组人员在杂志《自然》上发表了两篇开创性的沦义。这些论文报告说在感染了HIV的病人体内CD4细胞大量快速地发生变化，使用药效很强的抗病毒药物混合疗法导致CD4细胞数量骤然剧增。霍和肖推断说细胞数量的迅速反弹是由于抗病毒药物的作用。这种药物通过阻止HIV自身的复制来阻止病毒杀死(溶化)细胞，而新细胞被迅速生产出来。这种具有说服力的理论为HIV如何能够造成这样大的灾难提供了一个简单的解释。一夜之间，该理论成为（权威性的）教条。
6 Then, in November 1996, Miedema proposed an alternative view. His work at that time centred on telomeres. These are the small sections of DNA at each end of a chromosome that are shortened with each cycle of cell division. Miedema and his colleagues reasoned that if CD4 cells were being constantly destroyed, then the unremitting cell division needed to supply the new cells would wear away their telomeres.
6．1996年11月米德马提出了一种不同(于这一权威性理论)的观点。当时他研究的重点是末端染色体。这些末端染色体是在染色体每一端的一小部分DNA，在细胞分裂的每个循环中变短。米德马和他的同事认为，假如CD4细胞不断地被破坏，那么产生新细胞所需要进行的持续不断的细胞分裂将会逐步消耗掉末端染色体∕端粒。
7 Yet the length of the telomeres turned out to be stable. “This means that cells are not being turned over in massive numbers,” Miedema said at the time. “Our data cannot be interpreted any other way.” He suggested that if the cells are disappearing but not being destroyed, then HIV must be hitting their production instead.
7．然而，末端染色体的长度被证明是稳定的。“这就意味着（免疫）细胞没有发生大量的变化，”米德马说，“我
们的数据不能作出其他的解释。”他认为假如细胞是在消失而不是被破坏，那么HIV一定是在阻碍细胞的生产。
8 Ho disagreed. He said that an enzyme called telomerase, which rebuilds telomeres in cells that need to carry on dividing indefinitely, such as reproductive cells, is overactive in people with HIV. The enzyme is active in their immune cells, where normally it is absent. He argued that this overactivity could explain why the telomeres do not shorten. But Miedema?s group has tested T cells from people with HIV and has found no evidence of increased telomerase activity. Ho retorts that their tests are not sufficiently sensitive, and that special assays are needed.
8．霍不同意这种说法。他说一种叫做末端染色体酶的物质在需要不断进行分裂的细胞(如生殖∕再生性细胞)中
重建末端染色体，这种酶在感染了HIV的病人体内过于活跃。它活跃于他们的免疫细胞中，而正常情况下它是不
存在的。他认为这种过分活跃可以解释为什么未端染色体没有变短。但是米德马的小组已在感染了HIV的病人身
上测试了T细胞，没有发现末端染色体酶活性增加的证据。霍反驳说他们的测试不够精确（没有精确到足以显示
出端染色体酶活性的增加），需要使用特殊的检验方法。
9 Ho?s views find support from Tomas Lindahl, a telomere specialist at Britain?s Imperial Cancer Research Fund. “I don?t think the telomere argument... is very strong,” he says. “Telomerase activity is notoriously difficult to measure.”
10 Indeed, other researchers now suggest that Miedema may have misinterpreted his original results. They believe that he found the average length of telomeres to be stable because he missed those cells that were disappearing most rapidly—the very cells that would have the shortest telomeres if they were turning over at the rate Ho suggests.
9．霍的观点得到了英国皇家癌症研究基金会末梢染色体专家托马斯·林达尔的支持。他说“我认为末梢染色体的论点……不是非常有力的。众所周知，末梢染色体酶的活性是很难测量的。”
10．的确，现在其他的研究人员认为米德马有可能错误解释了他最初的观察结果。他们认为他发现末梢染色体
的平均长度是稳定的是因为他未觉察到消失非常快的那些细胞——正是这些细胞在以霍认为的速度发生变化时
具有最短的末梢染色体。
11 Whether the telomere research is significant or not, a growing number of researchers now believe that HIV does prevent the production of new T cells. Mike McCune at the University of California, San Francisco, suggests that the site
of this inhibition could be the thymus, the organ where CD4 cells develop. But the Dutch group and others were increasingly convinced that there was another possibility. If T cells were disappearing from the blood, perhaps it was not just because new cells were failing to appear. It could also be that existing cells were being hidden away in other tissues. Miedema and his colleagues were puzzled by the flood of CD4 cells rushing into the blood that Ho and others had observed when infected people start to take antiviral drugs. They knew that the rise was rapid and then reached a plateau, and so they argued that it could not be due to the production of new cells because this would lead to a slow, more sustained increase. Instead, it must be due to the release of existing CD4 cells trapped in lymph nodes and elsewhere. 11．无论末梢染色体的研究是否有重大意义，现在越来越多的研究人员认为HIV的确妨妨碍了新T细胞的产生。
加州大学旧金山分校的马克·麦丘恩认为这个阻止新T细胞产牛的位置可能是胸腺，即产生CD4细胞的器官。但
是荷兰研究小组和其他一些研究人员越来越确信存在另一种可能性。如果T细胞从血液中消失了，也许不仅仅是
因为新细胞无法产生，而且是因为现有的细胞隐藏在其他组织中。霍和其他研究人员观察到当受到感染的人开始
服用抗病毒药物时CD4细胞大量地涌入血液，而米德马和他的同事对此感到迷惑不解。他们知道这种增加是快速的，然后达到了一个稳定的状态，因此他们认为不可能是由于产生了新细胞，因为这只会导敛细胞数量的缓慢、
持续的增加。相反，这种增加必定是由于释放了被囚禁在淋巴结和其他地方的观有的CD4细胞。
12 Their own experiments supported their hunch. When they analysed T cells in the blood of people with HIV as they started antiviral treatment, they found the same steep rise of CD4 cells, reaching a plateau within three weeks. The findings also appear to explain a phenomenon that has puzzled doctors, namely that the more advanced a person?s HIV infection, the greater the initial rise in their CD4 cell count when they start antiviral therapy. This, says Miedema, is
because more and more cells become trapped as infection persists. If Ho and Shaw were right, the increase in CD4 cells should be modest in such people, because the virus would have killed so many of their cells.
12．他们自己的试验证明了他们直觉性的预测。当他们分析感染HIV的病人在开始抗病毒治疗阶段血液中的T 细胞时，他们发现CD4细胞同样急剧增加，在三周内达到一个稳定的状态。这些发现似乎也能解释使医生感到困惑的现象，即感染HIV的病人病情越严重，当他们开始抗病毒治疗时CD4细胞开始增加的数量就越多。米德马说这是因为随着感染的进一步发展越来越多的细胞被囚禁住了。如果霍和肖是正确的话，CD4细胞在这些病人体内的增加就应是适度的，因为病毒杀死了他们体内很多的细胞。
13 But the nature of the newly appeared cells gave the Dutch team further support. They were virtually all so-called CD4 memory cells——that is, cells that had already come into contact with antigens from specific invading microbes. What is more, so-called naive CD4 cells——those that have not yet met an antigen—did not immediately appear. These findings strengthen the argument that antiviral drugs were not preventing HIV from killing cells, but simply releasing into the blood mature CD4 cells that had been trapped elsewhere.
13．但是新出现的细胞的性质给了荷兰小组进一步的支持。它们几乎全都是所谓的CD4记忆细胞，即已经与从入侵细菌那里产生的抗原接触过的细胞。另外，所谓的自然的CD4细胞．即没有接触过抗原的细胞，不会立即出现。这些研究结果支持了这样的论点：抗病毒的药物不是阻止HIV杀死细胞，而仅仅是向血液中释放被囚禁在别处的成熟的CD4细胞。
14 An obvious response to the suggestion that CD4 cells are disappearing from blood into lymph tissue might be: “ Why not count them?” Unfortu nately, this is easier said than done. Removinglymph tissue is awkward and unpleasant—and may be unhelpful to patients whose immune systems are already disrupted. Equally important, researchers would not know exactly how many CD4 cells a patient had in the first place, and therefore would have no baseline figure with which to compare their estimate. Finally, even in healthy individuals, the number of CD4 cells in the bloodstream is a tiny proportion—between 1 and 2 per cent—of the total. So even if the researchers measured their decline in the bloodstream and estimated their numbers in the lymph nodes over a period of time, the margin of error would probably be too wide for the counts to be meaningful.
14．对于CD4细胞从血液中消失后进入淋巴组织这一说法的明显反应可能是“为什么不数一数它们的数量?”可惜说来容易做来难。去除淋巴组织是难以实施和令人不快的——而且对免疫系统已被破坏的病人来说也许没有什么帮助。同样重要的是，研究人员不知道病人最初究竟有多少CD4细胞，因此没有原始数据与他们所估计的进行对比。最后一点，即使在健康人的血液 CD4细胞的比例也是很小的——总数的1％到2％之间。因此即使研究人员测出了血液中CD4细胞下降的数量，估计出它们在一段时间里在淋巴结中的数量，误差也可能太大以至没有多大意义。
15 The Dutch group now has the backing of a growing number of immunologists. Brigitte Autran at the Pitié-Salpetrière Hospital in Paris has found that, in people with HIV who take powerful drug cocktails, the immune system appears to be able to take a break from the damaging effects of the virus and boost its numbers of naive CD4 cells. This implies that the unchecked virus does indeed prevent the production of new CD4 cells. And, in the latest move, also reported at the Glasgow meeting, Miedema found that the immature “progenitor” cells that eventually matu re into T cells are also disrupted. When his team took progenitor cells from people with HIV and from uninfected people, and put them into mice to mature in the thymus, they found that cells from HIV-infected people matured more quickly——suggesting that the virus is cranking up the immune system into excessive activity from the earliest stage.
16 Taken together, says Mario Roederer of Stanford University, who studies T-cell dynamics, these findings are “the final nails in the coffin” for the theory put forward by Ho and Shaw. Roederer believes the virus completely “rearranges” the immune system, rendering it ineffective and drastically reducing the repertoire of CD4 cells available to fight off infections.
15．现在荷兰研究小组已经赢得了越来越多免疫学家的支持。巴黎比蒂埃-萨尔皮特里埃医院的布利吉特·奥特朗已发现在感染HIV后服用混合药剂的病人体内免疫系统似乎能够避开病毒的破坏作用，促进自然CD4细胞的产生。这就意味着未受控制的病毒的确阻碍新的CD4细胞的产生。此外，根据一项同样是在格拉斯哥会议上报告的最新研究成果，米德马发现未成熟的“原始”细胞最终成熟为T细胞的过程也受到了干扰。当他的小组从感染了HIV的病人和未感染HIV的人的体内取出原始细胞，把它们植入老鼠的体内胸腺中使其成熟时，他们发现感染HIV的病人的细胞成熟得更快——这意味着艾滋病病毒从早期阶段就促使免疫系统进入过分活跃的状态。
16. 综上所述，斯坦福大学研究T细胞力学的马里奥·勒德雷尔认为，这些研究成果是对霍和肖提出的理论最终
否定。勒德雷尔认为艾滋病病毒完全扰乱了免疫系统，从而使整个系统失去效能并极大地降低了能够战胜感染的CD4细胞的免疫范围。
UNIT 4 WHO’S IN CHARGE OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMY?
1 Driven by the telecommunications revolution, the global economy is like a speeding train that keeps getting faster, says Thomas Friedman1, the New York Times foreign policy columnist. “What?s worse,” Friedman writes, “no one can slow the train down, because the world economy today is just like the Internet: everybody is connected but nobody is in charge.”
1．《纽约时报》对外政策专栏作家托马斯·弗里德曼指出，全球经济受到电信革命的驱动，就像一列正在飞驰
的列车一样发展愈来愈快。弗里德曼还写道：“更糟糕的是，没有人能让该列车减速，因为今天的全球经济就像
互联网一样，人人与之相连，但没有人能控制它。”
2 The idea that the global economy is out of control has a certain appeal to those who feel left in the dust by corporate mega-mergers, down-sizing, monolithic chain stores, ever-morphing financial markets, and an emerging culture that seems alien to human values.
2．面对公司大合并（并购）、正在裁员的大规模连锁店、不断变化的金融市场以及一种正在兴起的、似乎有悸人
类价值观的文化，一些人感觉已经落伍，全球经济正在失控这一论点对于他们颇具吸力。
3 But unlike Friedman, I h ave a pretty good idea who?s in charge. They are trade and finance ministers of the wealthy nations, leaders of multi-national manufacturing and finance firms, and high-level staff of institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Trade Organization (WTO). A good number of them will be meeting in Seattle
at the end of November, when the WTO holds its third ministerial meeting. High on the agenda will be the decision whether to launch a new “millennium” round of comprehensive trade negotiations. Many people who are concerned about the impact of globalization will have their eyes on Seattle.
3．但是，与弗里德曼不同，我很了解谁控制着全球经济。他们就是富裕国家的贸易及金融部长、跨国制造公司
和金融公司的领导人以及像国际货币基金组织及世界贸易组织(WTO)等机构的高级官员。他们中的许多人将参加
定于l 1月底在西雅图召开的第三届世界贸易组织部长级会议。会议的首要议程是决定是否启动新一轮全面广泛
的“千年”贸易谈判，许多关心全球化冲击的人们都将会关注西雅图。
4 There are lots of reasons to be concerned. When leading policy-makers and economists speak about the booming global economy and the benefits of free trade, they too often ignore the people who are losing out. The CEOs of Microsoft and Boeing, co-chairs of the Seattle Host Committee for the WTO meeting, are among the winners. But the form globalization has taken has increased the gap between rich and poor nations. According to the United Nations Development Program, “the income gap between the richest fifth of the world?s people and the poorest fifth, measured by average national income per head, increased from 30 to one in 1960 to 74 to one in 1997.” Nearly 90% of all economic activity takes place in the rich nations where o nly 20% of the world?s population lives. The result of globalization, says the UNDP in its latest Human Development Report, is “a grotesque and dangerous polarization between people and countries benefiting from the system and those that are merely passive recipients of its effects.”
4．这里有许多因素值得关注。主要的决策者和经济学家们在谈沦急速发展的全球经济以及自由贸易的好处时，经常忽略那些失败者。赢家中包括微软和波音的首席执行官们，他们将联合，他们将联合担任本次世界贸易组织西雅图会议接待委员会的主席。但是，已经形成的全球化形态加大了富国与穷国之间的差距。据联合国开发计划署披露，“按人均国民收入计算，世界L最富裕的五个国家与最穷的五个国家之间的收入差距从1960年的30:l增加到1997
年的74:l。”近90％的经济活动发生在仅生活着世界人口20％的富国中。联合国开发计划署在最近的人类发展报告中指出：全球化的结果是“受益于该体制的人群和国家与那些被动接受其结果的人群和国家之间将形成危险的两极分化”。
5 Inequality is also growing within nations, and globalization is a key factor. Since 1977, according to a new study from the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, the income of the wealthiest one percent of Americans has risen 120%, while the income of the poorest sixty percent has actually declined over the same period. Forbes reports that the richest 400 Americans now control more than $1 trillion in personal wealth. The Economic Policy Institute concludes that globalization and related shifts from industrial to service employment account for about one-third of the growth in U.S. wage inequality over the past generation.When employers are free to site their activities anywhere in the world, it is no surprise that jobs shift to locations with lower wages, less respect for human rights, and weaker environmental and public health protections. “Ideally, you?d have every plant you own on a barge,” was the way General Electric?s CEO put it, describing how his company moved a factory from Mexico to Korea in only 45 days.
5．各国内部的不平等现象也在增长，而全球化是一个关键因素。预算与优惠政策研究中心的一项新的研究表明，自1997年以来，占全美人口1％的最富者，其收入增长了120％，而最穷的60％人口的收入在同一时期反而下降了。据《福布斯》杂志报道，最富的400个美国人现在控制着1万亿美元以上的个人资产。经济政策学院的结沦是：经济全球化以及与其相关使就业从产业向服务业转变占了上一代美国人的工资差异增加额的大约1/3。当雇
主们可以在世界各地自由地选择他们的活动地点时，工作转向那些工资水平低、人权状况差、环境与公共健康保
护不利的地区是不奇怪的。通用电器公司的首席执行官在描述他的公司仅用了45天就把一工厂从墨西哥迁了韩
国时说：“最理想的方式是，你所拥有的每一个工厂都在一艘大货船上”
6 And when large corporations are as big as medium-sized governments (GE?s annual sales are about the same as Australia?s and Brazil?s federal budgets), it is no surprise that global commerce is organized to meet corporate requirements.
6．当大公司和中等国家一般大时(通用电器公司的年销售额大慨相当于澳大利亚和巴西的联邦预算)，全球贸易按公司的需要来组织就不足为奇了
7 Without rules in place that create enforceable procedures to protect workers? interests, the environment, and human interests that do not appear on corporate balance sheets, the global economy runs like a race to the bottom for the vast majority of people in the United States and throughout the world. That is why the World Trade Organization, where the rules of the global economy are set, is such a crucial institution.
7．对于大多数美国及其他国家的人来说，没有适当的规则去创建可行的（经济运行方案以保护那些公司资产负债表上显示不出来的工人的利益，环境和人类利益．全球经济的运行就像在最低层的经济竞争状态那样无序。这就是为什么设定全球经济规则的世界贸易组织是一个如此重要的公共机构。
8 Established in 1995 as the successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the WTO is an international organization that is “writing the constitution of a single global economy”, according to former WTO Director Gene ral Renato Ruggiero. The WTO aims to increase global trade by reducing restrictions on cross-border commerce, such as tariffs (taxes on imports). According to classical theory, an international economy works most efficiently if each nation produces those g oods it is most suited to produce, and trades them for goods in which other nations have a “comparative advantage”.
8. 作为关税及贸易总协定的继承者，成立于1995年的世界贸易组织是一个国际性机构。按照世界贸易组织前
任总干事雷纳托·鲁杰罗的说法，“它书写着全球经济的宪法”世界贸易组织的目的就是要通过减少跨边境商
务限制，如关税(进口税)等，来增加全球贸易量。根据传统理论，如果每一个国家都生产适合本国条件的产品，
并将其产品与其他国家有“相对优势”的商品进行贸易，国际经济的运行就会达到最佳效果。
9 But in the new global economy, international trade is not just cross-border sales of cars, bananas, sneakers, and other products. It includes dealings as diverse as:
international currency transactions, which amount to more than $1.5 trillion a day;
stock and bond markets in major cities that attract global speculators;
the sale of images and ideas, also known as “intellectual property”;
sales of services like insurance and banking; and
transfer of goods from a corporate subdivision in one country to its subdivision in another, which accounts for some 40%
of all trade in goods.
9．但在新的全球经济中，国际贸易不仅是汽车、香蕉、运动鞋以及其他商品的跨境销售，它还包括以下各种交易：·总计每天超过1．5万亿美元的国际货币流通业务；
·吸引着全球投机者的主要城市的股票和债券市场；
·各种各样的形象构造和理念思想(即“知识产权”)的出售；
·银行和保险等行业的服务销售；
·货物运输：把货物从某公司在一个国家的分支机构转运到其在另一个国家的分支机构。货运占据了大约所
有货物商品交易的40％。
10 And in the new “free trade” philosophy, laws that regulate any business activity in order to protect public health, the environment, human righ ts, or local community interests may be considered “non-tariff barriers to trade”, and be prohibited.
10．从新的“自由贸易”观念来看，为了保护公众健康、环境、人权以及本地利益而限制某些商业行为的法律，
都可能被认为是“非关税贸易壁垒”，因此会被取缔。
11 It is at the WTO where the people in charge of the global economy set the rules for what can be protected, what can be regulated, and what punishments can be imposed on whoever breaks the rules. When the WTO met in Singapore three years ago, it rejected a proposal to incorporate labor standards, such as the right to organize unions and prohibit child labor, into the “free trade” rules. It did, however, agree to allow nations to protect intellectual property, such as patents and trademarks. Following that summit, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions noted that “Mi ckey Mouse has more rights than the workers who make toys, because the WTO covers trademarks but not labor standards.” 11．在世界贸易组织里，全球经济负责人对需要保护或禁止的事情设置规则，并对违反规则者实施相应的处罚。
世界贸易组织三年前在新加坡召开首脑会议时，否决了一项提议把劳工标准纳入“自由贸易”规则里的提案，其
中包括组织工会的权利和禁止雇用童工。可是这次会议却同意允许各个国家保护如专利和商标等的知识产权。这
次首脑会议之后，国际自由贸易联盟联合会评沦道：“米老鼠比制造玩具的工人的权利还要多，因为世界贸易组
织保护商标而不接纳劳工标准。”
12 In general, the WTO has adopted rules which are in the interest of trans-national business and rejected rules opposed by business. WTO policies have been protested by represe ntatives of “civil society”, such as unions, consumer activists, environmentalists, indigenous people, and women?s groups. In Mexico, where a currency crisis threw the nation into depression shortly after implementation of NAFTA, small business owners were in the streets, too, opposing “free trade”. Poor countries of the global south, which disagree with northern unions over labor protections, agree the WTO is not working in the interests of most people.
12．总体而言，世界贸易组织采纳了有利于跨国商务活动的规则，拒绝了商务活动反对的规则。世界贸易组织的
政策遭到了来自“民间社团”的代表，如工会、消费者积极分子、环境保护主义者、土著居民、妇女团体等的反对。墨西哥在执行北美自由贸易协定不久，货币危机使国家陷入经济萧条，小业主们也走向街头反对“自由贸易”。不同意北部联盟有关劳动保护条款的南半球的贫穷国家也认为世界贸易组织并不为大多数人谋福利。
13 Since the 1996 Singapore summit, which concluded the “Uruguay Round” of negotiations, the WTO has ruled against provisions of the U.S. Clean Air Act, which would have blocked the use of dirty, imported gasoline. The WTO ruled against European laws which banned the sale of beef raised (in the U.S.) with artificial growth hormones. Laws that ban the import of products made by child labor could be ruled illegal as well.
13，1996年的新加坡峰会结束了乌拉圭回合谈判。在那之后，世界贸易组织已经否决美国的《空气净化法案》。
这项法案试图限制使用有污染的进口石油。世界贸易组织还否决了欧洲有关禁止出售(在美国)用人造生长激素喂
养的牛肉的法律。有关禁止进口由童工制造的产品的法律也有可能被裁定为无效立法。
Unit 5 ANYTHING BUT BEEFS
1 Distraught callers jamm ed Germany?s consumer hot lines with “mad cow” questions all week. Is milk safe to drink? (Yes.) Can you catch the disease from sitting in leather chairs? (No.) In London, where the panic began, an insurance company introduced customized coverage for humans who are worried about contracting the illness. For a
￡40 annual premium, Millennium Insurance Management promises a ￡40,000 payout to any policyholder upon diagnosis. Shoppers in Britain and across the Continent developed a sudden appetite for spring lamb and veggie burgers—anything but steak. Sales of beef tumbled by a third in France, Spain, the Netherlands and Belgium. In Germany, they plunged 40 percent and slaughterhouses sent their workers home on forced vacations. The World Health
Organization announced an emergency meeting to be held in Geneva this week.
由于对疯牛病的恐惧，欧洲消费者仍然对牛排和烤牛肉敬而远之。现在欧盟开始介入解决这一不再只是英国独有的问题。
1．整个星期，焦虑不安的消费者一直不断地给忙得不可开交的德国消费热线打电话询问“疯牛病”的情况：牛奶还能喝吗?(答：能。) 牛皮椅子坐了会得病吗?(答：不会。) 在首先发生恐慌的伦敦，一家保险公司应消费
者要求为那些担心得疯牛病的人提供了相应的人寿保险。黄金时代保险经营公司做出承诺：年度保险费为40英镑，一旦保险单持有者被诊断患有疯牛病，该公司将支付4万英镑保险金。英国和欧洲大陆的消费者一下对早春
羊肉和素肉饼胃口大开。人们似乎什么都吃，惟独不吃牛肉。法国、西班牙、荷兰和比利时四国的牛肉销量骤跌
了三分之一；在德国，牛肉的销量跌落了40％，屠宰场强令工人回家度假。本周世界卫生组织宣布在日内瓦召开
紧急会议。
2 At the center of the storm, Prime Minister John Major flung blame in all directions. “What has happened is collective hysteria—partly media, partly opposition and partly European,” the British prime minister declared. Yet even in the ranks of his own Conservative Party, some members are openly critical of the way Major?s government has han dled
the crisis．“It has been at best clumsy, at worst catastrophic,” says Edwina Currie, a Tory member of Parliament and former health minister. Two weeks ago press leaks forced the health minister, Stephen Dorrell, to make a hasty disclosure. 2．在这场风暴的中心，英国首相约翰·梅杰遭到了各方面的指责和谩骂。首相宣称：“现在所发生的情况来自
各个方面的歇斯底里——其中有媒体的，有反对党的，也有欧洲的。”然而，即使枉保守党内部也有人公开批评
梅杰政府处理这次危机的方式欠妥。先前担任过卫生部长，现为国会托利党成员的埃德维纳·卡里说：“梅氏策
略说得好听些是愚蠢笨拙，而说得难听些则是祸国殃民。”两周前，新闻媒体对疯牛病问题的透露使得卫生部长
斯蒂芬·多雷尔被迫匆匆向外界做出公告。
3 Scientists had found 10 individuals dead or dying from a new strain of Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease(CJD)，a rare but lethal degenerative brain condition. Worse yet, they suspected that the infection might have come from cattle infected
with mad-cow disease. That was frightening news in a country where roughly 160,000 cases of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) have been reported since 1985. It scared other Europeans, too. They consume roughly more
than half of Britain?s exported beef—considerably more than 250,000 metric tons in 1995 alone.
3．科学家已经发现10位患者由于新的克雅氏(疯牛)病死亡或奄奄一息。这是一种罕见而致命的变性（渐衰性）
脑病。更糟糕的是，科学家怀疑这种传染病可能源于感染了疯牛病的牛肉。在英国，这一消息令人惶恐不安，因
为自1985年以来，英国已报导报道了16万例牛海绵状脑病。这一消息同样使其他欧洲国家惊恐不安，因为他们
所消费的牛肉近一半来自英国，而且仅1995年一年就从英国进口了多达25万多公吨的牛肉。
4 Early last week the European Union imposed a worldwide ban on exports of British beef and byproducts, from gelatin to cosmetics. Major howled that the prohibition was illegal, but it scarcely mattered. International demand for British beef had already dropped to just about zero. The ban remained. Farmers and butchers unions in Germany and
France applauded. They had complained for years about being undersold by British farm products, and they hailed the Health Ministry?s disclosure as a backhanded vindication.
4．上周头两天，欧盟对英国牛肉及其副产品——从凝胶到化妆品的出口，都实行了全面的查禁。梅杰暴怒，指责这一禁令是非法的，但他的怒号无济于事。国际上对英国牛肉的需求量儿乎降到了零，而禁令依然生效。德国和法国的农民和屠宰商联合会为之欢呼雀跃，因为多年来他们一直抱怨由于国家对英国农产品的进口他们被迫压价。他们很高兴英国卫生部的公告间接证明了他们的抱怨是有道理的。
5 By midweek that attitude began to change. The ban was supposed to protect the European market against fears of tainted beef. Instead, the public regarded the move as an official confirmation of the mad-cow threat. Europe?s homemakers quit buying beef of any sort, whether British or domestic. The unions began complaining of a “crisis of consumer confidence”. France?s President, Jacques Chirac, and Germany?s chancellor, Helmut Kohl, phoned Major and offered their support. Kohl recalled that the European Union had come up with about $300 million to help Germany and Belgium halt an epidemic of swine fever a decade ago. Last year the European Agricultural Fund produced an unexpected surplus of $5 billion. Some of that money could help compensate Britain?s stricken beef farmers. On the eve of the EU?s Inter-Governmental Conference, such a move might even convince the British that Europe could actually be useful.
5．到本周三，人们的看法开始有所改变。该禁令本旨在保护欧洲市场，使人们不用担心病牛牛肉的侵害。而公众则将此举措看作是官方确认了疯牛病的威胁。欧洲的家庭主妇们不再买任何牛肉，无论是英国牛肉还是本国牛肉。法国总统雅克．希拉克和德国总理赫尔穆特·科尔电告梅杰，表示他们会支持他。科尔回想起十年前欧盟曾提供3亿美元帮助德国和比利时控制猪瘟的蔓延。去年欧洲农业基金获了意想不到的50亿美元的盈余，因此可以用其中的一些资金来补偿遭受牛肉损失的英国农民。在欧盟各政府会联席会召开前夕，这一决定的确让英国人感到了欧盟实实在在的用处。
6 Indeed, at the conference that opened on Friday in Turin, the continent?s leaders turned the summit into a pep rally for Major, for Britain—and for beef. Little business was on the schedule, so the leaders were free to set their own agenda. Chirac insisted there was “not a shred of scientific evidence” that mad-cow disease can infect human beings. Major, noticeably more cautious, proclaimed British beef “safe in the ordinary meaning of the word”. Jacques Santer, the European Co mmission?s president, called for “a return to consumer confidence” and hinted that Britain?s export ban might be lifted “very soon”. Others denounced the “mass hysteria” sweeping Europe. “Instead of mad cows,” cracked Austria?s chancellor, Franz Vranitzky,“we should be talking about mad reporters.”
6．星期五在都灵召开的大会上，欧洲大陆各国领导人把这次会议开成了主题为积极支持梅杰，支持英国——同时也是支持牛肉（工业）的工作会议。此次会议几乎没有商务活动安排，因此各国领导人可以自行设定自己的议事日程。希拉克认为“没有任何科学证据”表明疯牛痫会传染给人类。梅杰则更谨慎一些，他宣称英国牛肉“从一般意义上说是安全的”。欧洲委员会主席雅克·桑特呼吁“消费者恢复(对牛肉的)自信心”，同时暗示对英国的牛肉出口禁令可能“很快”解除。其他领导人也指责风靡欧洲的“大众心理的极度恐慌”。奥地利总理弗朗兹·乌拉尼茨基在会议上开玩笑说：“我们真正要讨论的不是疯牛病，而是一些疯狂的记者。”
7 But the crisis is no tabloid fantasy. On the contrary, it?s just as serious as the money the summit leaders pledged to rescue the beef industry. They earmarked up to $2.5 billion in EU funds to support beef prices and to compensate British farmers for livestock that may be destroyed in order to eradicate the mad-cow threat. They also ordered a series of emergency round-the-clock talks between Britain?s agriculture minister, D ouglas Hogg, and representatives of the European Commission. The assignment is to draw up a plan for how to eliminate the disease and how to pay for the job. The plan is supposed to be presented at a full-dress meeting of Europe?s farm ministers this week.If the EU?s Standing Veterinary Committee approves, Britain?s beef embargo may be lifted within days.
7．但是现实危机并不是小报胡编来的。相反，事态已经非常严重，一致参加会议的各国领导要筹集资金挽救（欧
洲的）牛肉工业。他们从欧盟基金中特意拨出25亿美元以维持牛肉价格和补偿为了遏制疯牛病危机要杀死其牛群的英国农民。他们还预定在英国农业部长道格拉斯·霍格和欧洲委员会代表之间召开一系列全天会晤。其任务是拟订计划，尽快消除疯牛病以及尽快支付该工作所需费用。该计划本周应呈交给欧洲各农业部长联席会议讨沦，如果欧盟常设兽医委员会批准，英国牛肉禁运可望在数日内得到解除。
8 Europe wants results for its money. “There are no blank checks, nor should the impression be given that we are just waiting to pay out,” declared Franz Fischler, the EU?s a griculture commissioner. Last week Britain made a few token gestures, such as outlawing the use of cattle feed containing any kind of mammalian meat or bone meal. The country?s mad-cow problems are thought to have originated from the use of cattle feed containing the remains of sheep that were infected with scrapie, a similar brain disease. The practice was discontinued in 1988, and the incidence of BSE has declined dramatically. About 2,000 cases a month were reported in 1994; so far this year the rate has been about 300 a month.
8．欧洲希望付出的金钱能够得到回报。欧盟农业委员会委员弗朗兹·费希勒说道：“我们给的决不是空额支票（要多少钱就给多少钱），也不要以为我们只是等着给别人支付帐单。”上周英国作出了一些象征性的表示，宣布禁止将含有任何哺乳动物肉类或骨粉的东西用作牛饲料。人们认为英国疯牛病来源于使用了含有感染了痒病(一种类似的脑病)的绵羊的残余物所做的饲料。这种饲料加工在1998年就停止了。此后，疯牛病的发病率急剧下降。据报导，1994年每月大约有2000例这种病，而到1996年，发病率仅每月大约300例。
9 That?s still 300 cases a month more than the Europeans want to see. They are expected to demand that Britain?s farmers destroy significant numbers of their cattle, especially older animals that may have been exposed to tainted feed. Last week the British government said it was considering that step for as many as 4.5 million cattle; some officials have even spoken of killing some of the country?s nearly 12 million beef and dairy animals—a grisly project that would cost as much as ￡10 billion. Even to dispose of that many carcasses would be a herculean task. Burying them in landfills might put drinking-water supplies at risk from dangerous diseases. Burning them on open-air pyres wouldn?t reach temperatures hot enough to kill all pathogens. The safest method is cremation, but in all of Britain there are only 10 facilities licensed for the incineration of livestock carcasses. By one estimate, those crematories would need 70 years to process 12 million head of cattle.
9．每月仍有300例病牛的数字对欧洲人来说还是不能接受的。他们可能会要求英同农民更大量销毁肉牛，尤其是可能吃了感染了病毒的饲料的成年牛。上周英国政府提出，正在考虑处理将近450万头牛；有些官员还说要从英国将近1200万头肉牛和奶牛中宰杀一大批——这是一项将耗资100亿英磅的巨大工程。如何处理这么多牛的尸体就是一项艰巨的任务。如果运到填埋场掩埋，可能会使饮用水资源受到危险病菌的污染。而在露天柴堆上烧毁，温度又达不到足够杀死昕行这些病原体的高度。最安全的方法是将这些牛在火葬场焚毁，但整个英国仅有十处设施有执照获准对动物尸体进行焚毁。有人估计这些焚烧场要烧完这1200万头牛的尸体需要70年的时间。10 Many Britons balked at the idea of even a limited culling of the country?s herds. “What we are talking about is slaughtering healthy animals at the taxpayers? expense, not to protect the public but to restore their confidence,” complained Sir Jerry Wiggins, chairman of the Commons Select Committee on Agriculture. Erik Millstone of the Science Policy Research Unit added, “There is no way in which you can calculate how many cattle you need to put in the incinerator before confidence is restored.” Some commentators found the very notion absurd. Simon Jenkins, a columnist for The Times, wrote: “Like some primitive tribe we are expected to immolate our property to propitiate the raging gods.”10．即使是对英国牛群的这种有选择的屠杀，许多英国人也不赞同。（英国）下院农业特别委员会主席杰里·维金斯爵士抱怨说：“我们正在讨论的问题只是用纳税人的钱屠杀健康的动物，不是为了保护公众，而是借此重建他们的自信心。”而科学政策研究室的埃里克·米尔斯通说：“根本无法计算出究竟要把多少牛送往焚烧场才能够恢复人们的自信心。”有些评论员认为屠杀牛群的概念本身就很荒谬。泰晤士报专栏作者西蒙·詹金斯写道：“像一些原始部落那样我们牺牲自己的财物来抚慰愤怒的众神。”
11 What?s strange is that the Europeans are hardly raging. The British government didn?t even bother to give advance warning to the European Commission before issuing its mad-cow news two weeks ago. And many Europeans think British cows, British feed and British carelessness are responsible for spreading BSE on the Continent. After Britain, Switzerland has Europe?s highest incidence of BSE—more than 200 cases, all told. Unlike the British, the Swiss have taken aggressive steps to fight the disease, such as spot checks on feed manufacturers. In France and Ireland, the entire herd is eliminated when a single case is discovered. Yet despite all qualms, Europe continued to import beef until last week?s ban. Many other trading partners have been far less obliging. The threat of BSE has prompted a U.S. ban against British beef since 1989 and a similar ban in Australia since 1988．
11．奇怪的是，欧洲人似乎并不愤怒。英国政府甚至没有对欧洲委员会提出一步的警告便在两周前公布了疯牛病的消息。许多欧洲人认为疯牛病在欧洲大陆蔓延，责任存于英国的牛，英国的饲料，还有英国人的粗心大意。继英国之后，瑞士成了疯牛病发病率最高的地区——总计多达200例。但是与英国人不同，瑞士人采取了积极果断的措施来战胜疯牛病，诸如对饲料厂家进行实地检查。在法国和爱尔兰，一旦发现一例疯牛病，则会将所有的牛彻底销毁。尽管大家对牛肉仍有些忐忑不安，但是欧洲却继续进口牛肉，直到上周禁令下达为止。其他许多贸易伙伴对英国牛肉的态度却远没有这么友好。自1989年以来，疯牛病的威胁使美国果断地禁止了对英国牛肉的进口；同样，澳大利亚自1988年以来就已禁止进口英国牛肉。
12 In Turin, the summit leaders were still looking for a solution. Meanwhile, they tried to head off the consumer stampede with confident smiles and bold speeches. No matter how many British cows are destroyed, European beef sales are not likely to return to their pre-scare levels for a long time—if European beef sales are ever likely to return to the
pre-scare levels. Like many Americans, Europeans have been cutting down on their intake of beef in recent years, and mad-cow panic will probably intensify that trend. Even so, the leaders gamely battled on. “At lunch, they served us veal,” Chirac told reporters in Turin. “Every one of the presidents and prime ministers ate it with gusto.”
12．在都灵，欧盟领导人仍然在寻求解决疯牛病的办法；同时他们还带着自信的笑容、振振有词地劝阻那些消费者不要放弃牛肉。无论要销毁多少英国牛，欧洲的牛肉销售量也不能在短期内恢复到产生消费恐慌之前的水平；（换句话说）即使有这种可也需要很长时间。像许多美国人一样，近年来欧洲人已经大大减少了对牛肉的消费，而且疯牛病也许还会加剧这一趋势。即使这样，欧盟领导人仍然以乐观的情绪来继续这场保卫战。在都灵，希拉克告诉记者：“我们每位总统和总理都在津津有味地吃着牛肉呢!”
13 While the dining and talking continue in Turin, scientists in Britain issued more bad news. The new strain of CJD was implicated in another case，bringing the total of suspected victims to 13. The 29-year-old woman died in February at a hospital in Kent. Further tests are needed to confirm the diagnosis. Meanwhile the hospital?s menu continues to feature beef—imported from Argentina.
18．领导人在都灵举行盛宴和高谈阔论的同时，英国的科学家们发布了更多不好的消。另一例疯牛病暗示了一种新型的CDJ（克雅氏症）产生的可能性，这使得现在死于疯牛病的人数达到13例之多。这位29岁的妇女2月份死于肯特郡的一家医院。需要做出进一步的检查来确认这一诊断的结粜。而与此同时，该医院的菜单上仍然保留着特色牛肉——不过这哩的牛肉是从阿根廷进口的。
UNIT 6 FROM POPPING THE QUESTION TO POPPING THE PILL
1 There have been major changes in attitudes toward courtship and marriage among those middle-class, educated Americans who are celebrated in the media and who are style setters for American life. Courtship was once a regular part of American life; it was a long period, sometimes lasting for many years, and also a tentative one, during which a future husband or wife could still turn back but during which their relationship became more and more exclusive and socially recognized. Courtship both preceded the announcement of an engagement and followed the announcement, although a broken engagement was so serious that it could be expected to throw the girl into a depression from which she might never recover.
1．那些中产阶级、受过教育，并在广播、电视、报纸等媒体方面占据主要位置的美国人是美国生活方式的典型代表。在他们中间，对待求婚与结婚的态度变化很大。求婚原来曾是美国人生活中的正常现象，恋爱的过程也很长，有的长达数年，而且带有考验性质。在这一过程中男女双方都可以改变原来的态度，拒绝对方的爱。当然有许多人之间的关系可能越来越专一，也逐渐地为社会所认可。人们一般是先恋爱后订婚，但也有先订婚后恋爱的。不过，订了婚再后悔是很糟糕的事，这会把一个姑娘推向痛苦的深渊而永远无法解脱。
2 There were definite rules governing the courtship period, from the “bundling” permitted in early New England days, when young couples slept side by side with all their clothes .on, to strict etiquette that prescribed what sort of gifts a where expensive presents were customary. Gifts had to be either immediately consumable, like candy or flowers, or indestructible, like diamonds—which could be given back, their value unimpaired, if there was a rift in the relationship. Objects that could be damaged by use, like gloves and furs, were forbidden. A gentleman might call for a lady in a cab or in his own equipage, but it was regarded as inappropriate for him to pay for her train fare if they went on a journey.
2．以前恋爱期间的男女双方要遵守许多明确的规范。从早年新英格兰时期流传下来的一个习惯是，恋爱的青年男女可以在一起“和衣而睡”。在送贵重礼品成风的圈子里，一个男子要对自己的未婚妻送什么样的礼物也有严格的讲究。礼物可以是马上就能用的，如糖果或鲜花，或不易损坏的，如钻石——如果关系破裂了，还可以退回，价值也不会受损。容易用旧、用坏的物品，诸如手套和皮货之类的东西是禁止赠送的。男方可以雇出租马车或者用自家的马车去接女方，但如一起乘火车旅行男方为女方付旅费则被视为是不合适的。
3 How much chaperoning was necessary, and how much privacy the courting couple was allowed, was a matter of varying local custom. Long walks home through country lanes after church and sitting up in the parlor after their elders had retired for the night may have been permitted, but the bride was expected to be a virgin at marriage. The procedure for breaking off an engagement, which included the return of letters and photographs, was a symbolic way of stating that an unconsummated relationship could still be erased from social memory.
3．未婚少女需要多少长辈的陪伴、恋爱期间的男女可以亲密到什么程度视地区习俗而异。从教堂做完礼拜出来男女双方可以相伴着步行回家。父母睡觉去了，他们还町以坐住客厅聊天，甚至到天亮。但有一条规矩必须遵守：姑娘在正式结婚之前要保持处女的贞节。如果婚约破裂的话，也有一些必要手续要办，比如退还信件或照片等。这种做法表明完婚前中断关系依然为社会所接受。
4 The wedding day was the highest point in a girl?s li fe—a day to which she looked forward all her unmarried days and to which she looked back for the rest of her life. The splendor of her wedding, the elegance of dress and veil, the cutting of the cake, the departure amid a shower of rice and confetti, gave her an accolade of which no subsequent event could completely rob her. Today people over 50 years of age still treat their daughter?s wedding this way, prominently displaying the photographs of the occasion. Until very recently, all brides? books prescribe d exactly the same ritual they had prescribed 50 years before. The etiquette governing wedding presents—gifts that were or were not appropriate, the bride?s maiden initials on her linen—was also specified. For the bridegroom the wedding represented the end of his free, bachelor days, and the bachelor dinner the night before the wedding symbolized this loss of freedom. A woman who did not marry—even if she had the alibi of a fiancé who had been killed in war or had abilities and charm and money of her own—was always at a social disadvantage, while an eligible bachelor was sought after by hostess after hostess.
4．举行婚礼的这一天是一个姑娘一生中最美好的时刻：这一天婚前她一直盼望着，而婚后她也将值得她永远回忆。婚礼的场面一般都蔚为壮观。华丽高贵的结婚礼服及面纱，切蛋糕的场面，离开时祝福的人们撒来的米粒和五彩纸屑，交织在一起为新娘谱写了一曲新婚颂歌，使她一乍都难以忘却。直到今天，五十来岁的人还以这样的方式为自己的女儿举行婚礼，并把婚礼照片放在最显眼的位置。如今不少婚礼指南上描述的礼仪习俗还与50年前一样。还专门制定有判别婚礼那天所送礼品的规则：如那些礼品得体，那些不得体，应该在新娘内衣绣上她少女时所用全名的首字母缩写，等等。对于新郎来说，婚礼则意味着他自由的单身生活的结束。婚礼前夜新郎吃的那顿单身汉晚餐就标志着这种自由的终结。一个单身女人即使说自己曾经的情人在战场上死去了，或说自己有能
力、有魅力、还有金钱，她在社会上的地位仍然很低下。而对一个合适的未婚男子来说，求婚的人会络绎不绝。
5 Courtship ended at the altar, as the bride waited anxiously for the bridegroom who might not appear or might have forgotten the ring. Suppliant gallantry was replaced overnight by a reversal of roles, the wife now becoming the one who read her husband?s every frown w ith anxiety lest she displease him.
5．走进教堂意味着男人完成了他的求婚任务。这时新娘会急切地等待着新郎，担心他不来或忘记带上结婚戒指。新郎一夜之问地位就发生了变化，过去的那种屈尊求爱的殷勤荡然无存，做妻子的则要看丈夫的脸色，生怕做错什么事会惹他生气。
6 This set of rituals established a rhythm between the future husband and wife and between the two sets of parents who would later become co-grandparents. It was an opportunity for mistakes to be corrected; and if the parents could not be won over, there was, as a last resort, elopement, in which the young couple proclaimed their desperate attraction to each other by flouting parental blessing. Each part of the system could be tested out for a marriage that was expected to last for life. We have very different ways today.
6．结婚典礼这一整套仪式将使青年男女之间，以及他们与双方父母之建立新的关系。如果有什么缺陷的话，那么婚姻是个纠正错误的好机会。如果两个执着相爱的恋人不能说服双方的父母同意，那只有不要父母的祝福而私奔。与此相关的每个角色都可以通过婚姻来检验，因为婚姻被认为是一辈子的事。然而，现在人们对此的态度已是不可同日而语了。
7 Since World War I, changes in relationships between the sexes have been occurring with bewildering speed. The automobile presented a challenge to chaperonage that American adults met by default. From then on, except in ceremonial and symbolic ways, chaperonage disappeared, and a style of premarital relationship was set up in which the onus was put on the girl to refuse inappropriate requests, while each young man declared his suitability by asking for favors that he did not expect to receive. The disappearance of chaperonage was facilitated by the greater freedom of middle-aged women who began to envy their daughters? freedom, which they had never had. Social forms went through a whole series of rapid changes: The dance with formal partners and programs gave way to occasions in which mothers, or daughters, invited many more young men than girls, and the popular girl hardly circled the dance floor twice in the same man?s arms. Dating replac ed courtship—not as a prelude to anything but rather as a way of demonstrating popularity. Long engagements became increasingly unfashionable, and a series of more tentative commitments became more popular. As college education became the norm for millions of young people, “pinning” became a common stage before engagement. The ring was likely to appear just before the wedding day. And during the 1950?s more and more brides got married while pregnant—but they still wore the long white veil, which was a symbol of virginity.
7．第一次世界大战以来，男女之问的关系发生了惊人的变化。小汽车的普及使父母监督、伴随自己的子女成为不可能的事。从那时起，除了在正式的场合下有人象征性地陪伴之外，一般场合男女青年可以单独接触。现在男女双方婚前关系的特点是，男方可以提出一些非份的、并不期待得到满足的要求，以表白自己（求婚）的诚意，而女方有责任拒绝不正当的请求。陪伴和监督自己子女现象的消失还因为中年妇女享有越来越大的自由，她们甚至羡慕自己的女儿拥有她们过没有的自由。交际的形式也发生了一系列的迅速变化。原先的那种同正式舞伴跳舞以及按节目程序进行的做法已让位于随便选择舞伴，女儿们甚至母亲们多半愿意邀请比女孩子人数多得多的年轻男子去跳舞。舞池内的明星姑娘一晚不可能与同一男子跳两次舞。幽会代替了求婚。幽会并不能说明两人之问有什么正式关系，而只是他们炫耀受人青睐的机会。订婚的做法也已经过时了，双方履行一定承诺的考验性同居则越来越时髦。上大学成为千百万青年人追求的目标，在那里同居已经成为订婚前的一种常见的做法。结婚戒指要等到举行婚礼前才拿出来。50年代有很多姑娘是怀着身孕去教堂结婚的。她们结婚时依然身披白色的婚纱，而那原本是童贞的象征。
8 In this conservative, security-minded decade love became less important than marriage, and lovers almost disappeared from parks and riverbanks as young people threatened each other: “Either you marry me now, or I?ll marry
Unit1 Section A 公交司机和乘客一起救护老人 昨天上午9点钟，当26路公交车在中华路行驶的途中，司机看到一位老人正躺在路中，一位妇女正在老人身边大声呼救。 这位24岁的公交司机王平，没有丝毫的犹豫就停下了车。他从车上下来，询问那位妇女发生了什么事。她说这位老人有心脏病，需要送往医院。王先生知道他必须马上行动起来。他告诉（车上的）乘客他必须送老人去医院。他希望大多数或者全部乘客下车等下一班车。但令他惊讶的是，所有的乘客都同意和他一起去（医院）。部分乘客帮助王先生把老人搬到车上。 多亏了王先生和乘客们，医生们及时挽救了那位老人。一位乘客说：“许多人不想帮助别人是令人痛心的，因为他们不想惹上麻烦。但是这位公交车司机没有考虑自己，他只考虑去救人。” SectionB 他失去了胳膊但是仍然登山 阿伦罗尔斯顿是一位对登山感兴趣的美国人。作为一名登山者，阿伦习惯于冒险。这是他做的刺激的危险运动之一。有好多次因为事故，阿伦险些丢掉性命。在2003年的4月26日，当他在尤他州登山的时候，他发现自己陷入了非常危险的境地。 在那一天，当阿伦独自在山里登山时，他的胳膊被一块2000千克的石头压在了下面。因为他的胳膊拿不出来，所以他在那里困了五天，希望有人能够发现他。但是当他的水喝光以后，他知道他将不得不做点事情来挽救自己的生命。那时他还不准备死。所以他用刀子切除了自己一半的右臂。然后，用左胳膊对自己进行了包扎，以至于不会失血过多。完成这些以后，他爬下山，寻求帮助。 失去胳膊以后，他写了一本书《在顽石与绝境之间》。这就意味着你在一个艰难的似乎无法走出的境地中。在这本书中，阿伦讲述了做正确决定的重要性，以及掌握命运的重要性。他对登山的挚爱如此的强烈以至于经过这次经历后，他仍然继续登山。 我们有和阿伦一样的勇气吗？让我们在发现自己处在一个“顽石与绝地间”的境地前考虑一下，在我们不得不做出生与死的选择前考虑一下。 Unit2 SectionA 学生志愿者 来自河畔高中的马里奥格林和玛丽布朗每周拿出几小时去帮忙朋友。 马里奥喜欢动物，想成为一名兽医。每周六的上午，他在一家动物医院做义工。马里奥相信通过做义工能够帮助他得到将来梦想的工作。他说：“做义工是一项艰苦的工作，但是我想了解更多关于如何照顾动物的知识。当我看到动物们变得健康以及它们的主人脸上的快乐表情时，我就有一种强烈的满足感。” 玛丽是一位读书爱好者。在她四岁的时候，就能够自己读书。去年，她决定尝试做一个课后读书活动的志愿者。她仍然在那里一周一次帮助儿童们学习读书。“儿童们坐在图书馆里，但是你能在他们眼睛里看到，通过每一本新书，他们正在踏上不同的旅途。在这里做义工，对我来说实现了梦想。我能做我喜欢做的事情并且同时可以帮助比尔呢。”
元结文言文《右溪记》原文译文及赏析 《右溪记》 唐代:元结 道州城西百余步，有小溪。南流数十步，合营溪。水抵两岸，悉皆怪石，欹嵌盘曲，不可名状。清流触石，洄悬激注；佳木异竹，垂阴相荫。 此溪若在山野之上，则宜逸民退士之所游处；在人间，则可为都邑之胜境，静者之林亭。而置州以来，无人赏爱；徘徊溪上，为之怅然。乃疏凿芜秽，俾为亭宇；植松与桂，兼之香草，以裨形胜。为溪在州右，遂命之曰右溪。刻铭石上，彰示来者。 【白话译文】 从道州城向西走一百多步，有一条小溪。这条小溪向南流几十步远，汇入营溪。两岸全是一些奇石，（这些石头）有的倾斜嵌叠，有的盘曲回旋，不能够用言语形容（它们的美妙）。清澈的溪流撞击着岩石，水回旋而流，激水触石溅起高高的浪花，激荡倾
注；岸边美丽的树木和珍奇的青竹，投下的阴影互相掩映。 这条溪水如果在空旷的山间田野，就是很适合避世隐居的人和隐士居住的；如果它在人烟密集的地方，也可以成为都会城镇（市民游览）的胜地，仁者休憩的园林。但是自从道州成为州的治所以来，至今也没有人来欣赏和关爱（它）；我在溪水边走来走去，为它（景色秀丽但无人知晓）而惋惜！于是进行疏导开通，清除掉杂乱的草木，建起了亭阁，栽上了松树、桂树，又种植了鲜花香草，来增益它优美的景致。因为溪水在道州城的右面，便命名为“右溪”。把这些文字刻在石上，明白地告诉后来人。 【作品赏析】 《右溪记》文笔简练，开头即以清丽的语言，寥寥数笔，勾勒出怪石嶙峋、泉佳林幽的右溪美景。文章虽短，却用了多种表达方式。写溪，突出其小；写石，突出其怪；写水，突出其湍急、清激；写木竹，突出其“垂阴”。正面写溪、写水，又通过写石、写树竹从侧面烘托溪水。这一层重在描写。第二层写由小溪引起的感慨，以议论为主，兼以抒情，将作者隐士的襟怀与怀才不遇的身世之感表现俱足，使写景的志趣得以体现。写对小溪的修葺和美化，用的是记叙手法，而命名和刻石的来由则用诠释说明的方法。各种表达手法综合运用，达到了高度统一。 全文内容可分成三个部分。从开头至“垂阴相荫”是第一部
1.p6 UNIT 1 3a:In ten years,I think I"ll be a reporter.I"ll live inShanghai, 十年后，我想我会成为一名记者。我将住在上海因为去年我去了上海，立即爱上了这座城市。上海真的是座优美的城市。作为一名记者，我想我会遇到很多有趣的人。我想我会和自己最好的朋友住在一套公寓里，因为我不愿意独居。我会养宠物，因为我妈妈讨厌宠物，况且公寓太小；所以我现在一个宠物也没有。十年后，我会拥有许多不同的宠物。我可能甚至养一只鹦鹉！我也许每天去溜冰和游泳。工作日里，我每天打扮精干或许会着一身西装。逢到周末，我穿得更休闲些。我想我会去香港度假，甚至有一天我会去澳大利亚游览。 1.p8 UNIT 1 3a:Do you think you will have your own robot? 你认为你将会有属于自己的机器人么？ 在一些科幻电影里，未来的人们都拥有自己的机器人。这些机器人就像人类一样。他们帮助人们做家务和大多数令人感到厌烦的工作。 一些科学家相信将来会有这样的机器人。然而他们赞同者也需要花几百年的时间才能成为现实。科学家们正在试图研制看似人类且能和我们作相同工作的机器人。一些日本的公司已经制造出能走路和跳舞的机器人。这种机器人看起来非常有趣。 但是研究机器人的科学家詹姆斯怀特并不认同这类观点。他认为要让机器人向人类一样做事情是非常困难的。比如说，对一个孩子来说要醒来并知道自己身处何处是很简单的。怀特认为机器人不能做到这一点。但是其他的科学家并不赞成。他们认为在未来的25到30年间，机器人就能和人类谈话。 研究机器人的科学家们不只是在试图让机器人外观接近人类。比如说，现在已经有能在工厂工作的机器人了。这些机器人看起来就像巨大的胳膊。他们能一边又一遍重复简单的工作。人类不喜欢做这类工作而且容易对此感到厌烦。但机器人永远不会厌倦。 在未来，将到处都有更多的机器人，而人类要做的工作就更少了。新的机器人会有很多不同的形状。一些看起来像人类，其他的可能像蛇。在发生地震后，一种蛇形机器人能够帮助寻找建筑下埋着的人。这在现在看来还不可实现，但在一百年之前，电脑，太空火箭甚至电动牙刷也被视作不可能的存在的。我们永远都不能了解未来会发生什么！
古诗浮槎山水记翻译赏析 文言文《浮槎山水记》选自初中文言文大全，其古诗原文如下：【原文】浮槎山，在慎县南三十五里，或曰浮巢山，或曰浮巢二山，其事出于浮图、老子之徒荒怪诞幻之说。其上有泉，自前世论水者皆弗道。余尝读《茶经》，爱陆羽善言水。后得张又新《水记》，载刘伯刍、李季卿所列水次第，以为得之于羽，然以《茶经》考之，皆不合。又新妄狂险谲之士，其言难信，颇疑非羽之说。及得浮槎山水，然后益以羽为知水者。浮槎与龙池山，皆在庐州界中，较其水味，不及浮槎远甚。而又新所记，以龙池为第十，浮槎之水，弃而不录，以此知其所失多矣。羽则不然，其论曰：“山水上，江次之，井为下。山水，乳泉、石池漫流者上。”其言虽简，而于论水尽矣。浮槎之水，发自李侯。嘉佑二年，李侯以镇东军留后出守庐州，因游金陵，登蒋山，饮其水。既又登浮槎，至其山，上有石池，涓涓可爱，盖羽所谓乳泉、石池漫流者也。饮之而甘，乃考图记，问于故老，得其事迹，因以其水遗余于京师。余报之曰：李侯可谓贤矣。夫穷天下之物无不得其欲者，富贵者之乐也。至于荫长松，藉丰草，听山流之潺湲，饮石泉之滴沥，此山林者之乐也。而山林之士视天下之乐，不一动其心。或有欲于心，顾力不可得而止者，乃能退而获乐于斯。彼富贵者之能致物矣，而其不可兼者，惟山林之乐尔。惟富贵者而不可得兼，然后贫贱之士有以自足而高世。其不能两得，亦其理与势之然欤。今李侯生长富贵，厌于耳目，又知山林之乐，至于攀缘上下，
幽隐穷绝，人所不及者皆能得之，其兼取于物者可谓多矣。李侯折节好学，喜交贤士，敏于为政，所至有能名。凡物不能自见而待人以彰者，有矣；凡物未必可贵而因人以重者，亦有矣。故余为志其事，俾世知斯泉发自李侯始也。三年二月二十有四日，庐陵欧阳修记。【翻译】浮槎山在慎县南方三十五里的地方，有人叫它浮巢山，也有人叫它浮巢二山，这出自于那些佛教道教之徒荒怪虚诞幻化的说法。山上有泉水，以前谈论水的人都没有提到过这里的泉水。我曾经读《茶经》，欣赏陆羽擅长谈论水（的本事）。（我）后来又得到张又新的《水记》，这本书记载有刘伯刍与李季卿所排列的泉水的优劣等级，（张又新）认为他们的看法是从陆羽那里得来的，但是用《茶经》来考证这些说法，这些说法都不符合。张又新是个狂妄怪异的人，他所说的话很难让人相信，我很怀疑并非陆羽的说法。等到我见到浮槎山的泉水后，更加相信陆羽是了解水的人。浮槎山、龙池山均位于庐州界中，比较它们的水质，（龙池山的水）远远比不上浮槎山的水。但若张又新记载的，把龙池的水列为第十，浮槎山的水却弃而不录；从这里可以知道张又新有很多没有收录到的泉水。陆羽却不是这样，他论述说：“山水最好，江水中等，井水是最差的。山水中又以像乳汁一样喷流的泉水和石池里漫流四溢的泉水为最佳。他的言辞虽然简洁，但对水质的品论（已经）达到极点了。浮槎山的水，是李侯发现的。嘉佑二年，李侯凭镇东军留后的身份兼任庐州太守。于是游览金陵，登上蒋山，并饮蒋山的水。随后又登上浮槎山，到了山上，发现山上有石池，池水涓涓流淌，十分可爱，大概
一，选择 1，This book (contains) all the information you need. 2，The government (restricts) the number of foreign cars that could be imported. 3，As a teacher you should not show (inclination) towards any of your students. 4，Traffic is (regulated) by police at every intersection. 5，How much do you (charge) for this pair of shoes? 6，We can (leave off) now and return to work in the morning. 7，That matter can be left (over) until our next morning. 8，I learned that he was (on) sick leave from a government office. 9，It was one of the most beautiful sights that I had even set eyes (on). 10, Each week he tried to set (aside) a few dollars of his salary. 11, All this ceremony is just (for show); it doesn’t mean a thing. 12 ,Bill is afraid to (show his face) since Tom threatens to beat him up. 13, She has been behaving foolishly; I hope you will (bring her to senses). 14, The classroom is 30 feet (in length) and 20 feet in breadth. 15, I’m leaving this job because I’m tried of being (pushed around). 16, After the rain, the orchard seems to have (burst into) blossom overnight. 17, The two men stood (glaring at) each other, while the crowd looked on with amusement. 18, When you have any problems in your studies, you can always (look to) John for help. 19, Theodore Roosevelt was a (versatile) man ; he was successful as a statesman, soldier…. 20, The small town has (undergone) many changes during last 10 years. 21, The old farmer (survived) his wife, living until 105 years of ages. 22, Poor eyesight is a (handicap) to many students. 23, The wheat crop will be (decimated) with strong spring rains. 24, The various parts of the essays do not adequately (interrelate). 25, Hot weather (multiplies) the bacteria in the milk rapidly. 26, If something very substantial is not done next month , he cannot (retain) his office. 27, We sent him an invitation but he (declined). 28, The lifeguard pulled the (inanimate) body out of the pool. 29, If you are to be accepted as a member of the club you must (abide) by its rules. 30, (Even if) you dislike ancient monuments, Warrick Castle is worth a visit. 31, The cites will to be (deflated) and the population distributed in villages. 32, He gave a (distorted) account of what has happened. 33, His speech (fermented) trouble among the works. 34, The criminal was told he would be (immune) from punishment if he said what…… 35, If you (strain) the elastic band any more, it will break. 36, The Egyptians (inhabit) an area equal to France and Spain combines. 37, He is (by no means) considered to be a great explorer. 38, It was a long time before scientists could (penetrate) the mystery of the atom. 39, inhale (breathe in) 40, scent (fragrance) 41, beam (smile happily) 42, solid (heavy) 43, suspicious (unbelieving) 44, steady (regular) 45, accomplishment (success)
苏洵、苏轼、苏辙《六国论》原文、赏析及译文 （翻译） 苏洵《六国论》 原文 六国破灭，非兵不利，战不善，弊在赂秦。赂秦而力亏，破灭之道也。或曰：“六国互丧，率赂秦耶？”曰：“不赂者以赂者丧，盖失强援，不能独完。故曰‘弊在赂秦’也！” 秦以攻取之外，小则获邑，大则得城，较秦之所得，与战胜而得者，其实百倍；诸侯之所亡，与战败而亡者，其实亦百倍。则秦国之所大欲，诸侯之所大患，固不在战矣。 思厥先祖父，暴霜露，斩荆棘，以有尺寸之地。子孙视之不甚惜，举以予人，如弃草弃。今日割五城，明日割十城，然后得一夕安寝。起视四境，而秦兵又至矣。然则诸侯之地有限，暴秦之欲无厌，奉之弥繁，侵之愈急。故不战而强弱胜负已判矣。至于颠覆，理固宜然。古人云：“以地事秦，犹抱薪救草，薪不尽火不灭。”此言得之。 齐人未尝赂秦，终继五国迁灭，何哉？与嬴而不助五国也。五国既丧，齐亦不免矣。燕赵之君，始有远略，能守其土，义不赂秦。是故燕虽小国而后亡，斯用兵之效也。至丹以荆卿为计，始速祸焉。赵尝五战于秦，二败而三胜。后秦击赵者再，李牧连却之。洎牧以谗诛，邯郸为郡，惜其用武而不终也。且燕赵处秦革灭殆尽之际可谓智力孤危，战败而亡，
诚不得已。向使三国各爱其他，齐人勿附于秦，刺客不行，良将犹在，则胜负之数，存亡之理，当与秦相较，或未易量。呜呼！以赂秦之地封天下之谋臣，以事秦之心，礼天下之奇才，并力西向，则吾恐秦人食之不得下咽也。悲夫！有如此之势，而为秦人积威之所劫，日削月割，以趋于亡。为国者，无使为积威之所劫哉！ 夫六国与秦皆诸侯，其势弱于秦，而犹有可以不赂而胜之之势；苟以天下之大，下而从六国破亡之故事，是又在六国下矣。 译文 六国的灭亡，并不是（因为他们的）武器不锋利，仗打不好，弊病在于拿土地贿赂秦国。拿土地贿赂秦国亏损了自己的力量，（这就）是灭亡的原因。有人会问：“六国接连灭亡，都是因为有贿赂秦国的吗？”（回答）说：“不贿赂秦国的国家因为有贿赂秦国的国家而灭亡。原因是不贿赂秦国失掉了强有力的外援，不能单独地保全。所以说：‘弊病在于贿赂秦国’。” 秦国在用战争夺取土地以外（还受到诸侯的贿赂），小的就获得邑镇，大的就获得城市。比较秦国受贿赂所得到的土地，实际多到百倍。六国诸侯（贿赂秦国）所丧失的土地，比战败所丧失的土地，实际也要多到百倍，那么秦国最大的欲望，六国诸侯最大的祸患，当然不在于战争。
M1U1 托尼：呣…..好香啊。你做的比萨看上去不错。 贝蒂：谢谢！来一点尝尝？ 托尼：好的。看上去不错，闻起来香喷喷的，呣，好吃。 大明：这上面是什么？ 贝蒂：噢，是奶酪，想尝一块吗？ 大明：啊！不用了，谢谢，我不喜欢奶酪。奶酪闻起来不新鲜，气味太大，吃起来有点酸。 贝蒂：嗯，我的巧克力饼干做好了，尝尝吧！ 大明：谢谢！很甜，里面很酥软。 托尼：你是不是在做很多不同的食物啊？你看上去挺忙的！ 贝蒂：是的。我做了比萨和饼干，现在我在做苹果派和蛋糕。 大明：苹果派听起来不错呢。我喜欢甜食，你知道的。我给你拿糖吧？ 贝蒂：好。噢，你确定你拿的是糖吗？先尝一下，可能是盐。 大明：没拿错，是甜的，是糖。 托尼：这是什么？也是甜的。 贝蒂：是草莓酱，做蛋糕用的。 大明：太好了。每种东西都是甜丝丝的。我今天可真幸运啊！ M1U2 玲玲： 你好！ 谢谢你上次的来信，收到你的信真是太好了。真想马上见到你。 希望你能凭着照片在机场认出我来。我的个子比较高，留着一头金色短发，戴眼镜。为了旅行方便，我将穿牛仔裤和T恤，但我也会拿一件厚点的外套。我这里有你的照片，你非常漂亮，我想我们肯定能认出对方来！ 谢谢你告诉我你的爱好，我俩的爱好非常相似！我花很多时间在学校和朋友弹奏古典音乐，我也喜欢舞曲——我喜欢跳舞。我也喜欢运动，尤其是网球。我哥哥在我们学校网球队，我为他感到非常自豪。他各方面都很优秀，而我不行。有时候考得不好，我会难过。我要更加努力。 你问我：“要来中国了，你有什么感受？”嗯，每当我要离开父母几天时，起初都会有点感伤。和陌生人一起的时候，我会很害羞，讲汉语时我会感到紧张，但是过几天就好了。当我不知道该如何正确处理事情时，心里总
元结《右溪记》原文及翻译 元结 原文： 道州城西百余步，有小溪。南流数十步，合营溪。水抵两岸，悉皆怪石，欹嵌盘曲，不可名状。清流触石，洄悬激注；佳木异竹，垂阴相荫。 此溪若在山野之上，则宜逸民退士之所游处；在人间，则可为都邑之胜境，静者之林亭。而置州以来，无人赏爱；徘徊溪上，为之怅然。乃疏凿芜秽，俾为亭宇；植松与桂，兼之香草，以裨形胜。为溪在州右，遂命之曰右溪。刻铭石上，彰示来者。 注释 (1)右溪：唐代道州城西的一条小溪，元结任道州刺史时曾对它进行修葺，并刻石铭文，取名“右溪”。道州唐代时属江南西道，治所在今湖南道县。“右”，古以东为左，西为右，此溪在城西，所以作者取名“右溪”。 (2)南：向南。 (3)合：汇合。 (4)营溪：谓营水，源出今湖南宁远，西北流经道县，北至零陵入湘水，湘江上游的较大支流。 (5)抵：击拍。 (6)悉皆：都是。悉，全。
(7)敧嵌(qīqiàn)：石块错斜嵌插溪岸的样子；“攲”，倾斜。盘屈，怪石随着溪岸弯曲曲折的样子。 (8)不可名状：无法形容它们的状态。名，形容。状，（它们的）状态。 (9)洄(huí)：水回旋而流。悬，激水触石溅起高高的浪花。激，形容被石遏制而造石成的急流。注，形容水急如灌注一般。 (10)佳木：美丽的树木。佳，美好。 (11)垂阴：投下阴影。 (12)相荫：彼此遮蔽荫护。荫，遮蔽。 (13)逸民退士：指不仕的隐者和归隐的官宦。 (14)人间：与前文“山野”对称，谓世俗社会，主要相对隐逸而言，指仕宦于朝。嵇康《答山巨源绝交书》：“又每非汤、武而薄周、孔，在人间不止，此事会显，世教所不容。”其义同此。 (15)都邑：都会城镇。邑，县城。 (16)胜境：风景优美的境地。 (17)静者：喜欢清静的人，谓仁人。《论语·雍也》载：“孔子曰：‘知者乐水，仁者乐山。知者动，仁者静。’” (18)置州：谓唐朝设置道州。唐高祖武德四年(612年)设置南营州，太宗贞观八年(634年)改为道州，玄宗天宝元年(742年)改设江华郡，肃宗乾元元年(758年)复称道州。
Unit Six 洛城邂逅 混凝土、烟雾及晨色将好莱坞高速公路立交桥下的奥尔瓦多街笼罩在特有的灰色之中，车辆堵塞在路上，几乎一动不动。杰克无精打采地坐在车里，对此并不真的在乎，因为他知道，如果试图往左转，开到高速路入口，情况可能会糟糕得多。好在他不用每天这样，如果有人问他，他会肯定地说，以后也决不这样。稳定的工作有其优点，他不否认考虑过这件事。他需要一台调频收音机，安装在一辆比他现在开的这辆58款别克更好的车上。好一点的车有天鹅绒内饰，有为洛城的夏天而设计的电控装置，为冬天开往海滩而设计的精美电热器和除霜器，还有为长途旅行设计的导航控制器，当然车的前后都有声音优美的喇叭，窗户一摁就能关好，将外面高速公路上恼人的噪音隔绝。实际上，他可能不得不改变整个生活方式。富有异国情调的古龙香水、长毛绒服装、光线暗淡的夜总会、代基里酒、身穿丝绸长礼服、佩戴项链的女子，她们如同特奎拉酒广告里的女子一样，朦朦胧胧而又富有魅力。只要让他的想像驰骋，杰克会想像出许多可能的东西。 杰克正想入非非时，瞥见绿灯亮了，他只顾开动汽车，盯了一眼那些有固定工作的人，以示再见。当他扭过头来，面对前方时，已经晚了一秒钟。他猛地一下踩住刹车，调转方向，以避免撞上前面那辆车上小小的刹车红灯，但还是砰然一声撞上了。如果他动作再快一秒钟，也许只会离这辆车很近，不会撞上。而如果再晚一秒钟，他的车就会爬上这辆丰田车的行李箱。实际上，他好像没有把前面的车撞坏，而后面的车撞上了他车后部的保险杠，那一撞却严重多了。 杰克想开过这辆丰田车，但又怕前面的车挡路。当他在几辆车前的路边停下来时，又突然觉得这些车反而有助于他逃走。他使劲关了两次车门，一方面是为了将车门关紧，同时也再给自己一秒钟时间盘算。然后，他走到别克车的前面，又走到车后面，看看保险杠及其周围是否碰坏。然而，镀鉻层上连明显的划痕都没有。于是他精神振作起来了。虽然比起启动性能和行驶性能来，车的外表之美是次要的，但他这些年取得的少数显著成就之一便是：他的汽车车身和喷漆上除了几处小小的刮痕以外还完好无损。 杰克没有先去跟丰田汽车司机说话，因为从她的表情可以看出，她可能会给他增添更多的麻烦，所以，他先是向撞了他的车的司机打了个手势。这时那个司机还坐在车里，但已将车停在了丰田车的后面。杰克向他挥挥手，摇摇头，让他知道什么问题也没有。这位司机也向杰克挥了挥手，便开动汽车走了。 “连漆都没擦伤，”杰克用他特有的口气对她说，“你怎么样?车碰坏了吗?我倒是有点希望如此，这样，我们便可以多停留一会儿，聊一聊什么的。要不，你现在把电话号码给我，免得我以后还得跟你贫嘴，问你再要。” 杰克把她的微笑当作一个好兆头，便松了一口气。他吸人的是她身上散发的香味儿，就好像是清新的空气。他拽了一下自己身上穿着的不算很新但还不算过时的衣服。 “你的牌照是佛罗里达州的。但看上去你肯定是古巴人。” “我父母是委内瑞拉人。” “我叫杰克。”他伸出手来。 “我叫玛丽安娜。” 他们握了握手，她好像有生以来从未与人握过手似的。 “把你的车撞成那样了，我真的很抱歉。”他的话听起来很真诚。他抚弄着撞碎了的尾
P3 Bus Driver and Passengers Save an Old Man At 9:00 a.m. yesterday, bus No. 26 was going along Zhonghua Road when the driver saw an old man lying on the side of the road. A woman next to him was shouting for help. The bus driver, 24-year-old Wang Ping, stopped the bus without thinking twice.He got off and asked the woman what happened.She said that the man had a heart problem and should go to the hospital. Mr. Wang knew he had to act quickly. He told the passengers that he must take the man to the hospital. He expected most or all of the passengers to get off and wait for the next bus. But to his surprise, they all agreed to go with him. Some passengers helped Mr. Wang to move the man onto the bus. Thanks to Mr. Wang and the passengers, the man was saved by the doctors in time. "It's sad that many people don't want to help others, because they don't want any trouble," says one passenger. "But the driver didn't think about himself. He only thought about saving a life."
P84右溪记翻译 【注释】[1]右溪：唐道州城西的一条小溪。道州治所在今湖南道县。“右”，古以东为左，西为右，此溪在城西，所以作者为之取名“右溪”。 [2]营溪：谓营水，源出湖南宁远，西北流经道县，北至零陵入湘水，湘江上游的较大支流[3]抵：击拍，形容溪流满涌，作者《游右溪劝学者》：“尤宜春水满，水石更殊怪。”[4]悉皆：谓两岸都是。[5]欹嵌(qīqiàn)：石块错斜嵌插溪岸的样子；“欹”，通“攲”。盘屈：怪石随着溪岸弯曲屈折的样子。[6]名状：说出它们的状态。[7]洄(huí)：漩涡。悬：形容触石溅起的浪花。激：形容被石遏制而造石成的急流。注：形容水急如灌注一般。[8]垂阴：投下阴影。相荫：彼此遮蔽荫护。 [9]逸民退士：指不仕的隐者和归隐的官宦。[10]人间：谓世俗社会，主要相对隐逸而言，指仕宦于朝；嵇康《答山巨源绝交书》：“又每非汤、武而薄周、孔，在人间不止，此事会显，世教所不容。”其义同此。 [11]都邑：都会城镇。胜境：风景优美的环境。一本“可为”上有“则”字。 [12]静者：谓仁人；《论语·雍也》载孔子曰：“知者乐水，仁者乐山。知者动，仁者静。”[13]置州：谓唐朝设置道州。唐高祖武德四年(612)设置南营州，太宗贞观八年(634)改为道州，玄宗天宝元年(742)改设江华郡，肃宗乾元元年(758)复称道州。已来：同“以来”。[14]之：指“无人赏爱”。怅然：惆怅抱憾的样子。[15]疏凿芜秽：谓疏通水道，开挖乱石，去除荒草杂树。[16]俾(bì)：以便，准备。为：修筑。亭宇：亭子房屋。 [17]兼之：并且在这里种植。[18]裨：补益，增添好处。形胜：优美的风景。[19]为：因为。[20]命：命名。[21]铭：铭文，指作者为右溪所作的铭文。据作者《阳华志铭》、《五如石铭》、《浯溪铭》等其它同类作品，大多以铭文为主，前有小序。则本篇当同其例，应有铭文，此记属序。但铭文已佚，后人为拟题作“记”。[22]彰示：明白地告诉；这里告诉以后来的人。 【译文】在道州城西边一百多步的地方，有一条小溪。它向南流几十步远，并入营溪。溪水两岸，全都是怪石，它们倾斜嵌叠，回旋盘曲，姿态奇特，无法用语言来形容。清澈的溪流冲击到岩石，便
六国论 文学常识 苏洵（1009年－1066年），字明允，汉族，眉州眉山（今属四川眉山人）。北宋文学家，与其子苏轼、苏辙合称“三苏”，均被列入“唐宋八大家”。苏洵长于散文，尤擅政论，议论明畅，笔势雄健，有《嘉祐集》传世。 原文 六国破灭，非兵不利，战不善，弊在赂秦。赂秦而力亏，破灭之道也。或曰：六国互丧，率赂秦耶曰：不赂者以赂者丧，盖失强援，不能独完。故曰：弊在赂秦也。 六国的灭亡，不是（因为他们的）武器不锋利，仗打得不好，弊端在于用土地来贿赂秦国。拿土地贿赂秦国亏损了自己的力量，（这就）是灭亡的原因。有人问：“六国一个接一个的灭亡，难道全部是因为贿赂秦国吗”（回答）说：“不贿赂秦国的国家因为有贿赂秦国的国家而灭亡。原因是不贿赂秦国的国家失掉了强有力的外援，不能独自保全。所以说：弊病在于贿赂秦国。” 秦以攻取之外，小则获邑，大则得城。较秦之所得，与战胜而得者，其实百倍；诸侯之所亡，与战败而亡者，其实亦百倍。则秦之所大欲，诸侯之所大患，固不在战矣。思厥先祖父，暴霜露，斩荆棘，以有尺寸之地。子孙视之不甚惜，举以予人，如弃草芥。今日割五城，明日割十城，然后得一夕安寝。起视四境，而秦兵又至矣。然则诸侯之地有限，暴秦之欲无厌，奉之弥繁，侵之愈急。故不战而强弱胜负已判矣。至于颠覆，理固宜然。古人云：“以地事秦，犹抱薪救火，薪不尽，火不灭。”此言得之。 秦国除了用战争夺取土地以外，（还受到诸侯的贿赂），小的就获得邑镇，大的就获得城池。比较秦国受贿赂所得到的土地与战胜别国所得到的土地，(前者)实际多百倍。六国诸侯（贿赂秦国）所丧失的土地与战败所丧失的土地相比，实际也要多百倍。那么秦国最想要的，与六国诸侯最担心的，本来就不在于战争。想到他们的祖辈和父辈，冒着寒霜雨露，披荆斩棘，才有了很少的一点土地。子孙对那些土地却不很爱惜，全都拿来送给别人，就像扔掉小草一样不珍惜。今天割掉五座城，明天割掉十座城，这才能睡一夜安稳觉。明天起床一看四周边境，秦国的军队又来了。既然这样，那么诸侯的土地有限，强暴的秦国的欲望永远不会满足，（诸侯）送给他的越多，他侵犯得就越急迫。所以用不着战争，谁强谁弱，谁胜谁负就已经决定了。到了覆灭的地步,道理本来就是这样子的。古人说：“用土地侍奉秦国，就好像抱柴救火，柴不烧完，火就不会灭。”这话说的很正确。 齐人未尝赂秦，终继五国迁灭，何哉与嬴而不助五国也。五国既丧，齐亦不免矣。燕赵之君，始有远略，能守其土，义不赂秦。是故燕虽小国而后亡，斯用兵之效也。至丹以荆卿为计，始速祸焉。赵尝五战于秦，二败而三胜。后秦击赵者再，李牧连却之。洎牧以谗诛，邯郸为郡，惜其用武而不终也。且燕赵处秦革灭殆尽之际，可谓智力孤危，战败而亡，诚不得已。向使三国各爱其地，齐人勿附于秦，刺客不行，良将犹在，则胜负之数，存亡之理，当与秦相较，或未易量。 齐国不曾贿赂秦国，（可是）最终也随着五国灭亡了，为什么呢（是因为齐国）跟秦国交好而不帮助其他五国。五国已经灭亡了，齐国也就没法幸免了。燕国和赵国的国君，起初有长远的谋略，能够守住他们的国土，坚持正义，不贿赂秦国。因此燕虽然是个小国，却后来才灭亡，这就是用兵抗秦的效果。等到后来燕太子丹用派遣荆轲刺杀秦王作对付秦国的计策，这才招致了（灭亡的）祸患。赵国曾经与秦国交战五次，打了两次败仗，三次胜仗。后来秦国两次攻打赵国。（赵国大将）李牧接连打退秦国的进攻。等到李牧因受诬陷而被杀死，（赵国都城）邯郸变成（秦国的一个）郡，可惜赵国用武力抗秦而没能坚持到底。而且燕赵两国正处在秦国把其他国家快要消灭干净的时候，可以说是智谋穷竭，国势孤立危急，战败了而亡国，确实是不得已的事。假使韩、魏、楚三国都爱惜他们的国土，齐国不依附秦国。（燕
1.天气怎么样？ 在春天你家乡的天气怎么样？你曾经听过天气预报吗？他们常常用什么表达？丹尼：大家早上好！我是正在播音的恐龙丹尼。今天天气怎么样？这是天气预报。今天是2月28日，星期五。今天有雪，而且很热。 詹妮：（她笑了）丹尼！下雪的时候天气不是热，是冷。 丹尼：对，天不热，没有雪，但多云。 詹妮：气温是多少？ 丹尼：让我们看一下，白天将达到10摄氏度。 布莱恩：今天天气很温暖。春天要来了。丹尼，天要下雨吗？ 丹尼：对！今天下午将有阵雨，也许会有雷雨。我可不希望这样！我害怕打雷。 詹妮：噢！多么奇怪的天气！现在谈论日出和日落。 丹尼：今天早上，太阳升起来了。今天晚上，太阳将落下。 詹妮：不，不！告诉我们准确的时间！ 丹尼：今天早上太阳在7:25升起来，并将会在今天晚上6:09落下。 2天气转暖了
对于春天你了解什么？你最喜欢哪一个季节？ 亲爱的詹妮： 今天是3月1号。春天已来到了石家庄。今天早上的气温是10℃。今天下午气温将达到15℃。天气相当温暖并且空气是新鲜的。现在我既不需要我冬天的厚外套也不需要我的靴子了！ 今天早晨在我上学的路上，我看见一些开花的冬茉莉。在这儿，人们相信这种花的盛开总是告知春天的到来，所以我们把冬茉莉叫做“迎春花”。 白天逐渐变长了并且早上太阳升起得更早了。在度过寒冷的冬天之后，温暖的阳光（使人）感觉好。每天早晨我看见许多人在公园里锻炼一些人练太极。另外一些人唱给跳舞。孩子们到处跑或者荡秋千。 下周我们会有学校篮球比赛。我班也正在计划到农村去实地考察。我们将会种树，欣赏美丽的花儿并且玩游戏。哇！我等不及了。 加拿大的天气怎么样？你喜欢在春天做什么。 王梅 3太阳在升起 对于春天的空气、花儿和鸟儿，你觉得怎么样？你知道一些关于春天的歌曲和诗歌吗？
[三](15分) 【甲】潭中鱼可百许头,皆若空游无所依,日光下澈,影布石上。佁然不动,俶尔远逝,往来翕忽,似与游者相乐。 潭西南而望,斗折蛇行,明灭可见。其岸势犬牙差互,不可知其源。 坐潭上,四面竹树环合,寂寥无人,凄神寒骨,悄怆幽邃。以其境过清,不可久居,乃记之而去。 (节选自柳宗元《小石潭记》) 【乙】道州①城西百余步,有小溪。南流数十步,合营溪②。水抵两岸,悉皆怪石,欹③嵌④盘曲,不可名状。清流触石,洄悬激注;佳木异竹,垂阴相荫。 此溪若在山野,则宜逸民退士⑤之所游处;在人间,则可为都邑之胜境,静者之林亭。而置州⑥已来,无人赏爱;徘徊溪上,为之怅然! (节选自元结《右溪记》) [注] ①道州:在今湖南省道县。唐时偏僻荒凉,元结曾在此为官。②合营溪:汇入营溪。③敧(qī):倾斜。④嵌:张开。⑤逸民退士:遁世隐居的人。⑥置州:设置州郡。 15.解释下列加点词在文中的意思。(5分) (1)潭中鱼可百许头可: 大约 (2)俶尔远逝俶尔: 忽然 (3)乃记之而去乃: 于是 (4)南流数十步南: 向南 (5)不可名状名: 说出 16.把下面的句子翻译成现代汉语。(4分) (1)其岸势犬牙差互,不可知其源。 两岸的形状像狗的牙齿那样交错不齐,无法知道它的源头(在哪里)。(2分) (2)佳木异竹,垂阴相荫。 秀丽的树木与奇异的青竹,投下的阴影互相掩映。(2分) 17.【甲】【乙】两文各从什么角度写出了水怎样的特点?(2分) 【甲】文从侧面(间接)描写水的清澈透明。(1分) 【乙】文从正面(直接)描写水流湍急。(1分) 18.【甲】【乙】两文都运用了借景抒情的写法,请具体说明。(4分) 【甲】文作者借写小石潭的幽美、凄寒,含蓄地抒发了自己被贬后无法排遣的忧伤、凄苦的感情。(2分)【乙】文作者借写右溪美好的景色无人欣赏,抒发自己怀才不遇的深沉慨叹。(2分) 【参考译文】 【乙】从道州城向西走一百多步,有一条小溪。这条小溪向南流几十步远,汇入营溪。水流拍打着两岸,(两岸的岩石)全是一些奇石,(这些石头)有的倾斜嵌叠,有的盘曲回旋,不能够用言语形容(它们的美妙)。清澈的溪流撞击着岩石,水回旋而流,激水触石溅起高高的浪花,激荡倾注;岸边秀丽的树木和奇异的青竹,投下的阴影互相掩映。 这条溪水如果在空旷的山野,那是很适合隐士游览和居住的;如果在人烟密集的地方,也可成为城市居民游览的胜地,和爱清静者休憩的园林。可是自从道州城成为州的治所以来,却至今没有人来欣赏它和喜爱它;我在溪水旁徘徊,为此怅然惋惜!
Unit 1 : cyberspace : if you don't love it ,leave it 信息空间：出入随愿 1 someth ing in the America n psyche loves new fron tiers. 美国人的内心深处具有一种酷爱探索新领域的气质。 We hanker after wide-ope n spaces ;we like to explore ;we like to make rules but refuse to follow them . 我们渴求宽敞的场地，我们喜欢探索，喜欢制定规章制度，却不愿去遵守。 But in this age it's hard to find a place where you can go and be yourself without worry ing about he n eighbours . 在当今时代，却很难找到一块空间，可以供你任意驰骋，又不必担心影响你的邻居。 There is such a place : cyberspace . 确实有这样一个空间，那就是信息空间 Formerly a playgro und for computer fans ,cyberspace . Formely a playgro und for computer fans ,cyberspace now embraces every con ceivable con stitue ncy : school childre n , flirtatious ,sin gles ,Hun garia n-America ns, acco untants . 这里原本是计算机迷的游戏天地，但如今只要想像得到的各类人群应有尽有，包括少年儿童、轻佻的单身汉、美籍匈牙利人、会计等。
1、天气怎么样？ 在春天您家乡的天气怎么样？您曾经听过天气预报不？她们常常用什么表达？丹尼:大家早上好！我就是正在播音的恐龙丹尼。今天天气怎么样？这就是天气预报。 今天就是2月28日,星期五。今天有雪,而且很热。 詹妮:(她笑了)丹尼！下雪的时候天气不就是热,就是冷。 丹尼:对,天不热,没有雪,但多云。 詹妮:气温就是多少？ 丹尼:让我们瞧一下,白天将达到10摄氏度。 布莱恩:今天天气很温暖。春天要来了。丹尼,天要下雨不？ 丹尼:对！今天下午将有阵雨,也许会有雷雨。我可不希望这样！我害怕打雷。 詹妮:噢！多么奇怪的天气！现在谈论日出与日落。 丹尼:今天早上,太阳升起来了。今天晚上,太阳将落下。 詹妮:不,不！告诉我们准确的时间！ 丹尼:今天早上太阳在7:25升起来,并将会在今天晚上6:09落下。 2天气转暖了
对于春天您了解什么？您最喜欢哪一个季节？ 亲爱的詹妮: 今天就是3月1号。春天已来到了石家庄。今天早上的气温就是10℃。 今天下午气温将达到15℃。天气相当温暖并且空气就是新鲜的。现在我既不需要我冬天的厚外套也不需要我的靴子了！ 今天早晨在我上学的路上,我瞧见一些开花的冬茉莉。在这儿,人们相信这种花的盛开总就是告知春天的到来,所以我们把冬茉莉叫做“迎春花”。 白天逐渐变长了并且早上太阳升起得更早了。在度过寒冷的冬天之后,温暖的阳光(使人)感觉好。每天早晨我瞧见许多人在公园里锻炼一些人练太极。另外一些人唱给跳舞。孩子们到处跑或者荡秋千。 下周我们会有学校篮球比赛。我班也正在计划到农村去实地考察。我们将会种树,欣赏美丽的花儿并且玩游戏。哇！我等不及了。 加拿大的天气怎么样？您喜欢在春天做什么。 王梅 3太阳在升起 对于春天的空气、花儿与鸟儿,您觉得怎么样？您知道一些关于春天的歌曲与诗歌不？
23、《右溪记》 一、全文翻译。 原文：道州城西百余步，有小溪。南流数十步，合营溪。 译文：在道州城西边一百多步的地方，有一条小溪。向南流几十步远，流入营溪。 原文：水抵两岸，悉皆怪石，攲嵌盘屈，不可名状。 译文：溪水到达两岸，全都是怪石，它们有的倾斜，有的凹陷，极不规则，无法用语言来形容。 原文：清流触石，洄悬激注。 译文：清澈的溪流冲击岩石，有的形成漩涡，有的卷起浪花，有的激荡倾注。 原文：佳木异竹，垂阴相荫。 译文：岸边有美树奇竹，垂下绿荫相互遮蔽。 原文：此溪若在山野，则宜逸民退士之所游处；在人间，可为都邑之胜境，静者之林亭。 译文：这条溪水如果在空旷的山野，就应当是隐士游玩居住的地方；在人烟稠密的地方，就可以成为繁华都市的名胜风景区，喜爱清净的人植树建亭的地方。 原文：而置州已来，无人赏爱；徘徊溪上，为之怅然。 译文：然而设置州府以来，没有人欣赏喜爱；在溪水旁徘徊，为此感到很失落。 原文：乃疏凿芜秽，俾为亭宇，植松与桂，兼之香草，以裨形胜。 译文：于是疏理开凿荒芜污秽的地方，使它变为亭台和屋宇，种植松树和桂树，加上香草，以增加景物之美。原文：为溪在州右，遂命之曰“右溪”。刻铭石上，彰示来者。 译文：因为溪在州城之右，就命名它为“右溪”。现在把这些文字刻在石上，明白地告诉后来的人。 二、重点字词解释。
23、《右溪记》过关卷 元结[2] 【题解】 这篇文章实是一篇游记，是元结任道州刺史时期的作品。全文一百六十多个字，描述了一条风景优美的无名小溪，先描绘小溪幽美的景色，“怪石不可名状”，清流“激注”，溪岸是佳木异竹，再写美景“无人赏爱”，然后写元子加以整理，使它光采显露，并为之命名。作者在深情的描写里，表现对美的向往、追求以及恬静的思想情趣和怀才不遇的情感。文字简洁，内容充实。清末古文家吴汝纶评论说：“次山放恣山水，实开子厚先声。” 道州城西百余步，有小溪，南流数十步，合营溪[3]，水抵两岸[4]，悉皆怪石[5]，欹嵌盘屈[6]，不可名状[7]，清流触石，洄悬激注[8]，佳木异竹，垂阴相荫[9]。 此溪若在山野，则宜逸民退士之所游处[10]，在人间，则可为都邑之胜境[11]，静者之林亭[12]。而置州已来[13]，无人赏爱；徘徊溪上，为之怅然[14]。