克林顿总统第一次就职演说
克林顿总统第一次就职演说
名人演讲稿
My feow citizens:
Today we ceebrate the mystery of American renewa. This ceremony is hed in the depth of winter, but by the words we speak and the faces we show the word, we force the spring.
A spring reborn in the word's odest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America. When our founders body decared America's independence to the word, and our purposes to the Amighty, they knew that America, to endure, woud have to change. Not change for change sake, but change to preserve America's ideas: ife, iberty, the pursuit of happiness.
Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeess. Each generation of American's must define what it means to be an American. On behaf of our nation, I saute my predecessor, President Bush, for his haf-century of service to America, and I
thank the miions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over depression, fascism and communism.
Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cod War assumes new responsibiities in a word warmed by the sunshine of freedom, but threatened sti by ancient hatreds and new pagues. Raised in unrivaed prosperity, we inherit an economy that is sti the word's strongest, but is weakened by business faiures, stagnant wages, increasing inequaity, and deep divisions among our own peope.
When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphod, news traveed sowy across the and by horseback, and across the ocean by boat. Now the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneousy to biions around the word. Communications and commerce are goba. Investment is mobie. Technoogy is amost magica, and ambition for a better ife is now universa.
We earn our iveihood in America today in peacefu competition with peope a across the Earth. Profound and powerfu forces are shaking and remaking our wor
d, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy. This new word has aready enriched the ives of miions of Americans who are abe to compete and win in it. But when most peope are working harder for ess, when others cannot work at a, when the cost of heath care devastates famiies a
nd threatens to bankrupt our enterprises, great and sma; when the fear of crime robs aw abiding citizens of their freedom; and when miions of poor chidren cannot even imagine the ives we are caing them to ead, we have not made change our friend. We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps, but we have not done so. Instead we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence. Though our chaenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. Americans have ever been a restess, questing, hopefu peope, and we must bring to our task today the vision and wi of those who came before us. From our Revoution to the Civi War, to the Great
Depression, to the Civi Rights movement, our peope have aways mustered the determination to construct from these crises the piars of our history. Thomas Jefferson beieved that to preserve the very foundations of our nation we woud need dramatic change from time to time. We, my feow Americans, this is our time. Let us embrace it.
Our democracy must be not ony the envy of the word but the engine of our own renewa. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.
And so today we pedge an end to the era of deadock and drift, and a new season of American renewa has begun.
To renew America we must be bod. We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own peope, in their jobs, and in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. . .and we must do so in a word in which we must compete for every opportunity. It wi not be easy. It wi require sacrifice, but it can be done, and done fairy. Not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own
sake. We must provide for our nation the way a famiy provides for its chidren.
Our founders saw themseves in the ight of posterity. We can do no ess. Anyone who has ever watched a chid's eyes wander into seep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the word to come, the word for whom we hod our ideas, from whom we have borrowed our panet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibiities. We must do what America does best, offer more opportunity to a and demand more responsibiity from a.
It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing: from our government, or from each other. Let us a take more responsibiity, not ony for ourseves and our famiies, but for our communities and our country. To renew America we must revitaize our democracy. This beautifu capito, ike every capito since the dawn of civiization, is often a pace of intrigue and cacuation. Powerfu peope maneuver for position and worry endessy about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those peope whose toi and sweat sends ushere and paves our way.
Americans deserve better, and in this city today there are peope who want to do better, and so I say to a of you here, et us resove to reform our poitics, so that power and priviege no onger shout down the voice of the peope. Let us put aside persona advantage, so that we can fee the pain and see the promise of America. Let us resove to make our government a pace for what Frankin Roosevet caed "bod, persistent experimentation, a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays." Let us give this capito back to the peope to whom it beongs.
To renew America we must meet chaenges abroad, as we as at home. There is no onger a cear division between what is foreign and what is domestic. The word economy, the word environment, the word AIDS crisis, the word arms race: they affect us a. Today as an od order passes, the new word is more free, but ess stabe. Communism's coapse has caed forth od animosities, and new dangers. Ceary, America must continue to ead the word we did so much to make.
Whie America rebuids at home, we wi not shrink from the chaenges nor fai to seize the opportunities of
this new word. Together with our friends and aies, we wi work together to shape change, est it enguf us. When our vita interests are chaenged, or the wi and conscience of the internationa community is defied, we wi act; with peacefu dipomacy whenever possibe, with force when necessary.
The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Guf, in Somaia, and wherever ese they stand, are testament to our resove, but our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are sti new in many ands. Across the word, we see them embraced and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent, who are buiding democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause. The American peope have summoned the change we ceebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakabe chorus, you have cast your votes in historic numbers, you have changed the face of congress, the presidency, and the poitica process itsef. Yes, you, my feow Americans, have forced the spring. Now we must do the work the season demands. To that work I now turn with a the authority of my
office. I ask the congress to join with me; but no president, no congress, no government can undertake this mission aone.
My feow Americans, you, too, must pay your part in our renewa. I chaenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service, to act on your ideaism, by heping troubed chidren, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done. Enough, indeed, for miions of others who are sti young in spirit, to give of themseves in service, too. In serving we recognize a simpe, but powerfu, truth: we need each other, and we must care for one another. Today we do more than ceebrate America, we rededicate ourseves to the very idea of America, an idea born in revoution, and renewed through two centuries of chaenge, an idea tempered by the knowedge that but for fate, we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other; an idea ennobed by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity, the deepest measure of unity; an idea infused with the conviction that America's journey
ong, heroic journey must go forever upward.
And so, my feow Americans, as we stand at the edge of the 21st Century, et us begin anew, with energy and hope, with faith and discipine, and et us work unti our work is done. The Scripture says: "And et us not be weary in we-doing, for in due season we sha reap, if we faint not." From this joyfu mountaintop of ceebration we hear a ca to service in the vaey. We have heard the trumpets, we have changed the guard, and now each in our own way, and with God's hep, we must answer the ca.
Thank you, and God bess you a!
克林顿总统第一次就职演说
名人演讲稿
My fow ciizns:
Tody w cbr h mysry of Amricn rnw. This crmony is hd in h dph of winr, bu by h words w spk nd h fcs w show h word, w forc h sprin.
A sprin rborn in h word's ods dmocrcy, h brins forh h vision nd cour o rinvn Amric. Whn our foundrs body dcrd Amric's indpndnc o h word, nd our purposs
o h Amihy, hy knw h Amric, o ndur, woud hv o chn. o chn for chn sk, bu chn o prsrv Amric's ids: if, ibry, h pursui of hppinss.
Thouh w mrch o h music of our im, our mission is imss. Ech nrion of Amricn's mus dfin wh i mns o b n Amricn. On bhf of our nion, I su my prdcssor, rsidn Bush, for his hf-cnury of srvic o Amric, nd I hnk h miions of mn nd womn whos sdfsnss nd scrific riumphd ovr dprssion, fscism nd communism.
Tody, nrion risd in h shdows of h Cod Wr ssums nw rsponsibiiis in word wrmd by h sunshin of frdom, bu hrnd si by ncin hrds nd nw pus. Risd in unrivd prospriy, w inhri n conomy h is si h word's srons, bu is wknd by businss fiurs, snn ws, incrsin inquiy, nd dp divisions mon our own pop.
Whn Gor Wshinon firs ook h oh I hv jus sworn o uphod, nws rvd sowy cross h nd by horsbck, nd cross h ocn by bo. ow h sihs nd sounds of his crmony r brodcs insnnousy o biions round h word. Communicions nd commrc r ob. Invsmn is mobi. Tchnooy is mos mic, nd mbiion for br if is now univrs.
W rn our ivihood in Amric ody in pcfu compiion wih
pop cross h Erh. rofound nd powrfu forcs r shkin nd rmkin our wor
d, nd h urn qusion of our im is whhr w cn mk chn our frind nd no our nmy. This nw word hs rdy nrichd h ivs of miions of Amricns who r b o comp nd win in i. Bu whn mos pop r workin hrdr for ss, whn ohrs cnno work , whn h cos of hh cr dvss fmiis
nd hrns o bnkrup our nrpriss, r nd sm; whn h fr of crim robs w bidin ciizns of hir frdom; nd whn miions of poor chidrn cnno vn imin h ivs w r cin hm o d, w hv no md chn our frind.
W know w hv o fc hrd ruhs nd k sron sps, bu w hv no don so. Insd w hv drifd, nd h drifin hs rodd our rsourcs, frcurd our conomy, nd shkn our confidnc. Thouh our chns r frsom, so r our srnhs. Amricns hv vr bn rsss, qusin, hopfu pop, nd w mus brin o our sk ody h vision nd wi of hos who cm bfor us. From our Rvouion o h Civi Wr, o h Gr Dprssion, o h Civi Rihs movmn, our pop hv wys musrd h drminion o consruc from hs criss h pirs of our hisory. Thoms Jffrson bivd h o prsrv h vry foundions of our nion w woud nd drmic chn from im o im. W, my fow Amricns, his is our im.
L us mbrc i.
Our dmocrcy mus b no ony h nvy of h word bu h nin of our own rnw. Thr is nohin wron wih Amric h cnno b curd by wh is rih wih Amric.
And so ody w pd n nd o h r of ddock nd drif, nd nw sson of Amricn rnw hs bun.
To rnw Amric w mus b bod. W mus do wh no nrion hs hd o do bfor. W mus invs mor in our own pop, in hir jobs, nd in hir fuur, nd h sm im cu our mssiv db. . .nd w mus do so in word in which w mus comp for vry opporuniy. I wi no b sy. I wi rquir scrific, bu i cn b don, nd don firy. o choosin scrific for is own sk, bu for our own sk. W mus provid for our nion h wy fmiy provids for is chidrn.
Our foundrs sw hmsvs in h ih of posriy. W cn do no ss. Anyon who hs vr wchd chid's ys wndr ino sp knows wh posriy is. osriy is h word o com, h word for whom w hod our ids, from whom w hv borrowd our pn, nd o whom w br scrd rsponsibiiis. W mus do wh Amric dos bs, offr mor opporuniy o nd dmnd mor rsponsibiiy from .
I is im o brk h bd hbi of pcin somhin for nohin: from
our ovrnmn, or from ch ohr. L us k mor rsponsibiiy, no ony for oursvs nd our fmiis, bu for our communiis nd our counry. To rnw Amric w mus rviiz our dmocrcy. This buifu cpio, ik vry cpio sinc h dwn of civiizion, is ofn pc of inriu nd ccuion. owrfu pop mnuvr for posiion nd worry ndssy bou who is in nd who is ou, who is up nd who is down, forin hos pop whos oi nd sw snds ushr nd pvs our wy.
Amricns dsrv br, nd in his ciy ody hr r pop who wn o do br, nd so I sy o of you hr, us rsov o rform our poiics, so h powr nd privi no onr shou down h voic of h pop. L us pu sid prson dvn, so h w cn f h pin nd s h promis of Amric. L us rsov o mk our ovrnmn pc for wh Frnkin Roosv cd "bod, prsisn primnion, ovrnmn for our omorrows, no our ysrdys." L us iv his cpio bck o h pop o whom i bons.
To rnw Amric w mus m chns brod, s w s hom. Thr is no onr cr division bwn wh is forin nd wh is domsic. Th word conomy, h word nvironmn, h word AIDS crisis, h word rms rc: hy ffc us . Tody s n od ordr psss, h nw word is mor fr, bu ss sb. Communism's cops hs cd forh od nimosiis, nd nw dnrs. Cry, Amric mus coninu
o d h word w did so much o mk.
Whi Amric rbuids hom, w wi no shrink from h chns nor fi o siz h opporuniis of his nw word. Tohr wih our frinds nd is, w wi work ohr o shp chn, s i nuf us. Whn our vi inrss r chnd, or h wi nd conscinc of h inrnion communiy is dfid, w wi c; wih pcfu dipomcy whnvr possib, wih forc whn ncssry.
Th brv Amricns srvin our nion ody in h rsin Guf, in Somi, nd whrvr s hy snd, r smn o our rsov, bu our rs srnh is h powr of our ids, which r si nw in mny nds. Across h word, w s hm mbrcd nd w rjoic. Our hops, our hrs, our hnds, r wih hos on vry coninn, who r buidin dmocrcy nd frdom. Thir cus is Amric's cus. Th Amricn pop hv summond h chn w cbr ody. You hv risd your voics in n unmiskb chorus, you hv cs your vos in hisoric numbrs, you hv chnd h fc of conrss, h prsidncy, nd h poiic procss isf. Ys, you, my fow Amricns, hv forcd h sprin. ow w mus do h work h sson dmnds. To h work I now urn wih h uhoriy of my offic. I sk h conrss o join wih m; bu no prsidn, no conrss, no ovrnmn cn undrk his mission on.
My fow Amricns, you, oo, mus py your pr in our rnw.
I chn nw nrion of youn Amricns o sson of srvic, o c on your idism, by hpin roubd chidrn, kpin compny wih hos in nd, rconncin our orn communiis. Thr is so much o b don. Enouh, indd, for miions of ohrs who r si youn in spiri, o iv of hmsvs in srvic, oo. In srvin w rconiz simp, bu powrfu, ruh: w nd ch ohr, nd w mus cr for on nohr. Tody w do mor hn cbr Amric, w rddic oursvs o h vry id of Amric, n id born in rvouion, nd rnwd hrouh wo cnuris of chn, n id mprd by h knowd h bu for f, w, h forun nd h unforun, mih hv bn ch ohr; n id nnobd by h fih h our nion cn summon from is myrid divrsiy, h dps msur of uniy; n id infusd wih h convicion h Amric's journy on, hroic journy mus o forvr upwrd.
And so, my fow Amricns, s w snd h d of h 21s Cnury, us bin nw, wih nry nd hop, wih fih nd discipin, nd us work uni our work is don. Th Scripur sys: "And us no b wry in w-doin, for in du sson w sh rp, if w fin no." From his joyfu mouninop of cbrion w hr c o srvic in h vy. W hv hrd h rumps, w hv chnd h urd, nd now ch in our own wy, nd wih God's hp, w mus nswr h c.
Thnk you, nd God bss you !
Inaugural Address of George Bush FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989 Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends: There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history. President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America. I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his. It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country. And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day; for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began. We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended. And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads: Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use power to help people." For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen. I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better. For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn; for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on. There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken. There are times when the future seems thick as a fog; you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right
1974年美国总统福特就职演说 （文章一）：1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon. President Ford;s Inaugural Address: [Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger] Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans: The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts. Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented pact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a caign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many. I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not caigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dear
first inaugural address of ronald reagan里根第一任总统就职演说 tuesday, january 20, 1981 第40任总统(1981年-1989年) （一）senator hatfield, mr. chief justice, mr. president, vice president bush, vice president mondale, senator baker, speaker oneill, reverend moomaw, and my fellow citizens: to a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion; and yet, authority as called for in the constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. in the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle. 议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先 生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我 们 中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却 是 一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事” 了 两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以 为 常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。 （二）mr. president, i want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. by your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and i thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our republic. 总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交 程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样 一 个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。 同 时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共 和 国的根基。 the business of our nation goes forward. these united states are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. we suffer from the longest and one of
barack obama’s inaugural address ——美国第44任总统奥巴马宣誓就职的演讲词 英文： my fellow citizens: i stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. i thank president bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. forty-four americans have now taken the presidential oath. the words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. at these moments, america has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. so it has been. so it must be with this generation of americans. that we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsi bility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. these are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that america’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. today i say to you that the challenges we face are real. they are serious and they are many. they will not be met easily or in a short span of time. but know this, america - they will be met. on this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the god-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness. in reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. it must be earned. our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. it has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom. for us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
摘要：就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势，很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象，对排比的大量使用进行分析，旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势，使演说的逻辑更加清晰，同时也增强了演说者的感召力，增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词：就职演说词；演讲；排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题，既不同于日常谈话，也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合，由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情，获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动，因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时，有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长，弃口语松散杂乱之短；既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风，又不失口语生动感人之韵，使人听来感到铿锵悦耳，感情充沛，极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众，并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待，总统治国理想，对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析，施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明，大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见，一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料，以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析，揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力，以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比（parallelism）是一种修辞手法，它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近，结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组（主谓/动宾）或句子并排，达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases （Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986）.这种结构的大量运用，使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整，在语篇上更具气势，在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中，每一位总统的就职演说词，都依据各自不同的政治目的，而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法，以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初，国家建设时期的就职演讲中，排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷，鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们，让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱，如果没有这些，自由，甚至生活本身都会索然寡味，让我们再想一想，我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上，如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容，其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿，那么我们必将无所收获。……因此，让我们以勇气和信心，迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则，拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列，从团结到和睦如初，到想一想，最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则，把团结置于首位，加强了感情联络，产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期，林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念，给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中，强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性，突出了国家宪法高于一切，人民的利益是以宪法为保障，一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据，因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代，富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中，排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心；他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147
美国历届总统名单、大事记 任英文名中文名任期时间党派备注 1 George Washington乔治·华盛顿1789-1797 无党派“美国国父”，未上过大学（7位），领导独立战争，《告别演说》：孤立主义传统 2 John Adams约翰·亚当斯（老）1797-1801 美国联邦党华盛顿的副总统，总统父子，费城迁都，首任白宫主人，联邦党人（vs杰裴逊等共和党人），与好友汉密尔顿闹僵→杰裴逊当选总统，XYZ事件（塔列兰索贿，美法敌对），此时英法交战（拿破仑） 3 Thomas Jefferson托马斯·杰斐逊1801-1809 民主共和党亚当斯政敌，门徒众多，建民主共和党（反对联邦党建中央银行），起草《独立宣言》（拥有奴隶→言行不一），众议院裁决上台（得票相同），从法国购路易斯安那（领土扩一倍），死于贫困（全国募捐，政敌亚当斯也不好过） 4 James Madison詹姆斯·麦迪逊1809-1817 联邦党→ 民主共和党杰裴逊的国务卿，“宪法之父”，前期：《联邦党人文集》，《权利法案》，后期：放弃联邦党→与杰裴逊创民主共和党（中央银行只对北方有利），第二次独立战争火烧白宫（英法交战，英国扣押美船）（1815新奥尔良战役） 5 James Monroe詹姆斯·门罗1817-1825 民主共和党杰裴逊门徒（反对批准宪法），1823年门罗主义（孤立主义），弗吉尼亚三杰：杰斐逊、麦迪逊、门罗，三位得票率超高（华盛顿、罗斯福），穷困而死（六位穷死：杰斐逊、门罗、杰克逊、波尔克、菲尔莫尔、威尔逊） 6 John Adams约翰·亚当斯（小）1825-1829 国民共和党门罗的国务卿，第二任总统之子，从西班牙取得弗罗里达，总统难产→众议院裁决（vs杰克逊），国立大学 7 Andrew Jackson安德鲁·杰克逊1829-1837 民主党第一位民主党总统【国民共和党解体→民主党（杰克逊）vs国民共和党（亚当斯）→后者改为辉格党→共和党】，平民出身,军人总统（1815新奥尔良战役英雄），川普以他自比，与神枪手决斗（侮辱其妻），创民主党→杰克逊民主，杰克逊主义，《印第安人迁移法》，政治分肥（分赃制度），非常强势：“皇帝总统”“安德鲁王”“老胡桃木” （Old Hickory），维护统一，以农立国，抵制中央银行，驴象之争（被讽为“驴蛋”） 8 Martin van Buren马丁·范布伦1837-1841 民主党杰克逊副总统，“拍马屁”（50岁学骑马跟随杰克逊），击败辉格党（刚成立），第一位建国后出生，反联邦党人，支持麦迪逊，杰裴逊民主继承人：政府权力受到严格限制，《独立国库法》、十小时工作制，首次经济危机未连任 9 William Harrison威廉·哈里森1841 辉格党击败范布伦，任期最短（1个月，迷恋演讲且拒绝戴帽，肺炎去世），孙子是23任总统（本杰明·哈里森），首位死于“特科抹人诅咒”（Curse of Tippecanoe），打击印第安人
里根就职演说稿范文 名人的演讲总是有震撼心灵的能力。下面就是为您收集的里根就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！ TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981 Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous oasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a monplace ourrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we aept as normal is nothing less than a miracle. Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help
肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析
摘要：肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国 总统就职演说之一，引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域，从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域，进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征，加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果，而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。 关键词：就职演说；语域特征；语域分析 一．引言 历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出，表现在其时间的固定性（一月二十日）、地点的固定性（白宫）、演说者身份的固定性（当选为美国总统的人）、听众的固定性（美国民众和世界各国）、内容的相似性（施政纲领、国内国际形势等）。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果，因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰??菲茨杰拉德?肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上，均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域，鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析，从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点，一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果，另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。 二．文献回顾 语域是语言学中的一个重要概念，它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基（Malinowski）把语境分为三类：话语语境（context of utterance）、文化语境（context of culture）和情景语境（context of situation）。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合，并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域（register）定义为“语言的功能变体”（functional variety of language）,即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分：语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）。 国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表，而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行，对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄，其后，一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义，认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法，强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助，在英语写作中我们不能一概而论，单纯教学生模仿或套用，或者教词汇和语法，改错句，而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征，能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义，
First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure