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2012年湖北大学MTI真题(回忆版)

2012年湖北大学MTI真题(回忆版)

政治 (1)

翻译硕士英语 (1)

英语翻译基础 (13)

汉语写作与百科知识 (15)

政治就不多说啦,主要写下大题题目。

1. 为什么说中国共产党是孙中山革命最忠实的继承者?

2. 诚信与道德

3. “碎花瓶理论“与电影剪辑相关的哲学

4. 中国形象

5. 收入分配调节

冒死把其它几科题目抄到了准考证后,跟大家分享下吧!

时间过得太久,阅读部分只记得主要相关的关键词了,呵呵。

有一篇文章开头是这么写的“The world bank is undeniably in crisis…”查了一下,来自Time杂志The World Bank's Real Problem

Thursday, May 03, 2007

The World Bank is undeniably in crisis. But not because its president, Paul Wolfowitz, got his girlfriend a raise.

It is the Wolfowitz saga that has been grabbing all the headlines, of course. The Iraq-war architect was plucked from the Defense Department and deposited by President George W. Bush at the World Bank in 2005 (by tradition, the U.S. President picks the bank's chief). At the time, Wolfowitz informed the bank's ethics committee that he was seeing Shaha Riza, a communications adviser at the bank, and the in-house ethicists told him she should be moved to another agency and given a raise for her troubles. But the size of the pay hike (from $133,000 to $180,000, tax free) and other details about Riza's transfer raised hackles among bank staff and sparked an investigation. The bank's board will decide any day now whether Wolfowitz stays or goes.

This dragged-out mess, though, is a distraction. The bigger issue is that the Washington-based bank and its sister organization, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), are struggling to justify their continued existence.

The situation is most pressing for the smaller IMF, which pays its bills with the profits it

makes lending money to middle-income countries in financial trouble. With hardly any such countries in trouble these days, the organization is projecting a $224 million deficit for this fiscal year and asking its member nations if it can start selling off some of the gold they deposited with it after World War II (the answer so far: no).

The World Bank isn't that desperate, but it faces similar pressures. Both organizations were created in 1944 by the soon-to-be-victorious Allied powers. At the time, says Harvard professor and former IMF chief economist Kenneth Rogoff, "global financial markets barely existed, and domestic financial markets barely existed in Europe."

The World Bank's initial job was to finance reconstruction in Europe. The Marshall Plan rendered that task superfluous, so the bank--in the first of several reinventions--moved on to bankroll development in other countries. The idea was to lend to governments that were creditworthy but had no access to rich-country capital markets. "Now we live in a world where there are huge global capital markets, where, if anything, investors are too willing to invest in developing countries," says Adam Lerrick, a former investment banker who teaches economics at Carnegie Mellon University. The World Bank's net lending has plummeted over the past few years, even as it keeps shopping loans to the likes of Brazil, Turkey, Russia and China, sometimes on hugely generous terms.

This is the work of the biggest part of the World Bank, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Member countries make deposits (the U.S. share is $2 billion down and $30 billion pledged); the bank sells bonds backed by those deposits and pledges, then lends the money out at a small profit. The other main arm of the World Bank, the International Development Association, gets regular infusions of cash from rich countries and lends funds on near giveaway terms to truly poor countries, mostly in Africa (the U.S. contribution is just under $1 billion a year, or 0.04% of federal spending).

Lerrick wants the World Bank to stop lending to middle-income countries and restructure its loans to the poorest nations as outright grants. Nancy Birdsall, a former World Banker who runs a Washington think tank called the Center for Global Development, argues that the bank could have more impact on poverty by making better use of its best assets: the expertise of its staff and its ability to coordinate global action. "Lending and grantmaking at the country level should not be the end-all and be-all," she says. "It should be the vehicle for advice and constant rebuilding of the bank's knowledge." Birdsall is a World Bank fan but agrees with critics like Lerrick that it must become smaller (it has a staff of 10,000) and less banklike to remain relevant. Wolfowitz's allies say he is the victim of backlash from entrenched bank staff upset that he is turning up the heat on an anticorruption campaign begun by his predecessor, James Wolfensohn. That's probably overstating things. But the potential backlash against slashing the bank's staff and getting it out of lending would surely be epic. Which may explain why no World Bank president, Wolfowitz included, has attempted

it.

回答问题第一篇是关于吉普赛人的(湖大就是把选择题改成回答了,考前备考时碰巧做过这篇,真是幸运,不过题目本身也不是很难),原文和答案如下:

(Europe’s Gypsies, Are They a Nation?)

The striving of countries in Central Europe to enter the European Union may offer an unprecedented chance to the continent’s Gypsies (or Roman) to be recognized as a nation, albeit one without a defined territory. And if they were to achieve that they might even seek some kind of formal place-at least a total population outnumbers that of many of the Union’s present and future countries. Some experts put the figure at 4m-plus; some proponents of Gypsy rights go as high as 15m.

Unlike Jews, Gypsies have had no known ancestral land to hark back to. Though their language is related to Hindi, their territorial origins are misty. Romanian peasants held them to be born on the moon. Other Europeans (wrongly) thought them migrant Egyptians, hence the derivative Gypsy. Most probably they were itinerant metal workers and entertainers who drifted west from India in the 7th century.

However, since communism in Central Europe collapsed a decade ago, the notion of Romanestan as a landless nation founded on Gypsy culture has gained ground. The International Romany Union, which says it stands for 10m Gypsies in more than 30 countries, is fostering the idea of “self-rallying”. It is trying to promote a standard and written form of the language; it waves a Gypsy flag (green with a wheel) when it lobbies in such places as the United Bations; and in July it held a congress in Prague, The Czech capital. Where President Vaclav Havel said that Gypsies in his own country and elsewhere should have a better deal.

At the congress a Slovak-born lawyer, Emil Scuka, was elected president of the International Tomany Union. Later this month a group of elected Gypsy politicians, including members of parliament, mayors and local councilors from all over Europe (OSCE), to discuss how to persuade more Gypsies to get involved in politics.

The International Romany Union is probably the most representative of the outfits that speak for Gypsies, but that is not saying a lot. Of the several hundred delegates who gathered at its congress, few were democratically elected; oddly, none came from Hungary, whose Gypsies are perhaps the world’s best organized, with some 450 Gypsy bodies advising l ocal councils there. The union did, however, announce its ambition to set up a parliament, but how it would actually be elected was left undecided.

So far, the European Commission is wary of encouraging Gypsies to present themselves as a nation. The migh t, it is feared, open a Pandora’s box already containing Basques, Corsicans and other awkward peoples. Besides, acknowledging Gypsies as a nation might backfire, just when several countries, particularly Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, are beginning to treat them better, in order to qualify for EU membership. “The EU’s whole premise is to overcome differences, not to highlight them,” says a nervous Eurocrat.

But the idea that the Gypsies should win some kind of special recognition as Europe’s la rgest continent wide minority, and one with a terrible history of persecution, is catching on . Gypsies have suffered many pogroms over the centuries. In Romania, the country that still has the largest number of them (more than 1m), in the 19th century they were actually enslaved. Hitler tried to wipe them out, along with the Jews.

“Gypsies deserve some space within European structures,” says Jan Marinus Wiersma, a Dutchman in the European Parliament who suggests that one of the current commissioners should be responsible for Gypsy affairs. Some prominent Gypsies say they should be more directly represented, perhaps with a quota in the European Parliament. That, they argue, might give them a boost. There are moves afoot to help them to get money for, among other things, a Gypsy university.

One big snag is that Europe’s Gypsies are, in fact, extremely heterogeneous. They belong to many different, and often antagonistic, clans and tribes, with no common language or religion, Their self-proclaimed leaders have often proved quarrelsome and corrupt. Still, says, Dimitrina Petrova, head of the European Roma Rights Center in Budapest, Gypsies’ shared experience of suffering entitles them to talk of one nation; their potential unity, she says, stems from “being re garded as sub-human by most majorities in Europe.”

And they have begun to be a bit more pragmatic. In Slovakia and Bulgaria, for instance, Gypsy political parties are trying to form electoral blocks that could win seats in parliament. In Macedonia, a Gypsy party already has some-and even runs a municipality. Nicholas Gheorge, an expert on Gypsy affairs at the OSCE, reckons that, spread over Central Europe, there are now about 20 Gypsy MPS and mayors, 400-odd local councilors, and a growing number of businessmen and intellectuals.

That is far from saying that they have the people or the cash to forge a nation. But, with the Gypsy question on the EU’s agenda in Central Europe, they are making ground.

1. The Best Title of this passage is

[A]. Gypsies Want to Form a Nation. [B]. Are They a Nation.

[C]. EU Is Afraid of Their Growth. [C]. They Are a Tribe

2. Where are the most probable Gypsy territory origins?

[A]. Most probably they drifted west from India in the 7th century.

[B]. They are scattered everywhere in the world.

[C]. Probably, they stemmed from Central Europe.

[D]. They probably came from the International Romany Union.

3. What does the International Romany lobby for?

[A]. It lobbies for a demand to be accepted by such international organizations as EU and UN.

[B]. It lobbies for a post in any international Romany Union.

[C]. It lobbies for the right as a nation.

[D]. It lobbies for a place in such international organizations as the EU or UN.

4. Why is the Europe Commission wary of encouraging Gypsies to present themselves as a nation?

[A]. It may open a Pandora’s Box.

[B]. Encouragement may lead to some unexpected results.

[C]. It fears that the Basgnes, Corsicans and other nations seeking separation may raise the same demand.

[D]. Gyspsies’ demand may highlight the difference in the EU.

5. The big problem lies in the fact that

[A]. Gypsies belong to different and antagonistic clans and tribes without a common language or religion.

[B]. Their leaders prove corrupt.

[C]. Their potential unity stems from “being regarded as sub-human”.

[D]. They are a bit more pragmatic.

Vocabulary

1. albeit 尽管,

2. 虽然

3. outnumber 数字上超过

4. ethnic 少数民族的成员,

5. 种族集团的成员

6. Hindi 印地语

7. misty 模糊不8. 清的,9. 朦胧的

10. derivative 衍生的,11. 派生的

12. itinerant 逻辑的

13. Romanesten 说吉普塞语的地方

Romanes 吉普塞语

Stan 地方

14. outfit (口)组织,15. (协同16. 工作)的集体

17. local 地方(市,18. 镇,19. 县)政务委员会

20. wary 谨慎的,21. 机警的

22. backfire 产生出乎意料或事与愿违的结果

23. highlight 强调

24. persecution 迫害

25. catch on 了解,26. 风行=to become popular

27. pogrom 大屠杀,28. 集体迫害

29. commissioner 委员,30. 调查团团员

31. quota 定量,32. 配额,33. 限额

34. snag (尖利突出物,35. 抽丝)潜在的困难

36. heterogeneous 由不同37. 种类组成的

38. antagonistic 有效对抗性的,39. 对抗性的

40. clan 氏族

41. tribe 部落

42. pragmatic 务实的,43. 讲究实效的

44. municipality 城市,45. 镇,46. 区属政府,47. 自治区

48. Rom 罗姆,49. 即吉普塞人

难句译注

1. Central Europe 中欧,如本文提及捷克,匈牙利,罗马尼亚等。

2. European Union 欧盟。

3. the EUs institutions 欧洲机构,如:European Commission 欧盟委员会,European Council 欧盟理事会,European Parliament 欧洲会议,the Court of Justic 欧洲法院。4m=more than 4 million 四百多万。

4. Unlike Jews, Gypsies have had no known ancestral land to hark back to.

[结构简析] hark back to =to mention again or remember an earlier subject, event, etc. 吉普塞不知其祖先来自何方,而犹太人在《圣经》中已阐明了他们的历史。

[参考译文] 吉普塞人和犹太人不同,他们没有可以回想起来的已知的祖居地。

5. …the notion of Romanesta n as a landless nation founded on Gypsy culture has gained ground.

[结构简析] gain ground (on) 接近。

[参考译文] 作为建立在吉普塞文化基础上的无疆地民族应该有一个说吉普塞语的地方。这种想法越来越为人接受。

6. the International Romany Union 国际吉普塞人联盟。

7. Vaclav Harel (1936--) 剧作家和人权运动成员,1990--1992为捷克斯洛伐克的总统,1993年后为捷克总统。

8. a Slovak-born lawyer 斯洛伐克出生的律师,1992年捷克斯洛伐克

9. Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe 简称OSCE,偶中安全合作条约组织,成立于1972。

10. nation 一词有民族和国家的含义。这里主要指11. :民族。因为作为国家应有疆土,12. 但吉普塞人有要求成立国家的想法,13. 欧盟是国家加入地方,14. 不15. 是民族加入。

16. electoral block 选举集团

17. The might, it is feared, open a Pandora’s box already containing Basques, Corsicans and other awkward peoples.

[结构简析] Pandora’s box 潘多拉盒子--喻种种麻烦事。潘多拉是主神宙斯命火神用黏土制成的第一个女性。宙斯命潘多拉带着一个盒子下凡。潘多拉私自打开盒子,于是里面的疾病,罪恶等各种祸害全部出来,散布于世。这里潘多拉盒子喻里面已有的各种麻烦的民族,吉普塞加入,更多了一份麻烦。

[参考译文] 人们担心,若让吉普塞人作为一个民族代表,就会打开了一个潘多拉盒子,里面已经装有要独立的西班牙的巴斯克人,意大利的科西嘉人和其他难以对付的民族。

写作手法与文章大意

文章以对比手法环绕吉普塞是不是一个民族/国家,可不可以取得合法地位这一中心而写。从人口上说,它的数量超过加入欧盟许多国家,应在欧盟中一席之底。但人口分散在各国,他是对抗的部落,还没有共同的语言和信仰。不像犹太人,它们没有回归的祖居地。它们成立了国际联盟,也选出了领导,在布鲁塞尔开设了办事处,想成立国会,但不知如何落实操作,只是极力游说欧盟和联合国等组织,以获得一个合法地位和发言权。这是欧盟日程表上一个问题,但欧盟等机构又担心,万一他们取得正式地位,那些国家中正闹分离和独立的民族也会提出同样的要求,就象潘多拉盒子那样,不能打开。

答案祥解

1. B. 他们是一个民族/国家吗?整篇文章环境这一点而

2. 写,

3. 文章一开始就提出中欧入欧盟的国家会给大陆吉普塞人一个机会,

4. 承认他们是一个民族--国家,

5. 虽然没有界定的领土(作为国家,

6. 应有领土)。吉普塞人的领袖人物也指

7. 出其人数超过欧盟中许多现在有的和将来要入盟的国家。他们至少要在欧盟中有一席之地。第二段提出,

8. 吉普塞和犹太人不同,

9. 他们没有可回归的祖居地。他们的语言属印欧语系。英国人认为他们来自埃及及移民。最可能的是七世纪时一些流浪的手工业工人和艺人从印度向西方流移。第三段涉及一种思想--以吉普塞文化为基础的无疆土的吉普塞民族应有个说话的地方-越来越为人接受。国际吉普塞人联盟

声称代表30多个国家的吉普塞人,10. 做了几件事:展开自我联合,11. 提出语言标12. 准和书面形式,13. 在联合国进行游说活动时挥动吉普塞国旗,14. 在布鲁塞尔设立办事处,15. 六月在捷克首都布拉格召开会议。第四段集中讲到会上选出了联盟主席。一群选出吉普塞的政治家--国会议员,16. 市长,17. 地方政务委员再次在布拉格开会,18. 会议由欧洲安全合作条约组织召集,19. 来讨论如何动员更多的吉普塞人参政。第五段涉及联盟雄心勃勃的宣布要建立国会,20. 但如何实际操作还未落实。后面主要是外界对吉普塞的态度。第六段描述欧盟委员会在吉普塞作为最大的大陆少数民族,21. 历史上遭到残酷的迫害,22. 应赢得特别承认。19世纪他们横遭奴役,希23. 特勒企图把它们和犹太人一起消灭。第八段讲了欧洲会议中有人提出吉普塞在欧洲机构中应有一席之地,24. 还提议一个常务委员负责吉普塞事务。还有行动筹建建立一所吉普塞大学。后面两段讲的是困难,25. 第九段点出。最后一段指26. 出,27. 现在说他们有人有钱可以组成(国家)为时还早,28. 可是吉普塞是欧盟中日程表上的一个问题,29. 他们日益接近解决。从内部,30. 外部情况分析都说明吉普塞是一个组成国家的民族。全文都是环绕它是不31. 是,32. 该不33. 该承认为民族/国家而34. 写,35. 所以B 项他们是不36. 是民族是最佳标37. 题。

A. 吉普塞要想组成一个国家(民族)。这只是文章涉及到的部分内容,中欧国家想加入欧盟一事可能产生的结果。C. 欧盟害怕它们成长。D. 他们是一个部落。

38. A. 最可能是在7世纪从印度流浪到西方。见第1题第二注释。

B. 他们分散在世界各地。

C. 可能他们源于中欧。

D. 他们可能来自国际吉普塞人联盟。

39. D. 它们在这些国际组织,40. 如欧盟,41. 联合国中进行活动游说要取得一席之地。见第1题第一段,42. 三段注释。

A. 它们游说活动欧盟和联合国接受他们的要求。太抽象。

B. 它们活动游说在国际机构取得职位。

C. 他们游说作为民族的权利。

43. C. 它害怕巴斯克人,44. 科西嘉人和其它要求分裂的民族会提出同45. 样的要求。见难句译注11。

A. 它可能会打开潘多拉盒子。此盒子在文章中只是比喻。

B. 鼓励可能会导致某些意想不到的结果。

D. 吉普塞的要求会加深欧盟分歧。B,D两项不够明确。

46. A. 吉普塞人属于不同47. 的,而48. 且常常是对抗的民族的部落,49. 还没有共同50. 的语言和宗教信仰。

B. 他们领袖很腐败。

C. 他们潜在的团结来自被人看作是低于人类(次等人)。

D. 他们有点太讲究实效,B,C, D 三项不是主要问题。主要问题是A. 项。

还有一篇关于Lou Dobbs的,忘了是回答还是选择题,原文如下(节选了下文80%以上文字)

(Fortune Magazine) -- Lou Dobbs is apparently larger than life, which is pretty much just the way he wants it.

When you enter the Midtown Manhattan studio of his syndicated radio show, the first thing you see is Big Lou -- in a pinpoint shirt, striped tie, and dark-blue suit adorned with de rigueur flag pin. With his waves of sandy hair, confident gaze, and glint of a smile, the 64-year-old is the essence of Distinguished Broadcaster.

I approach to shake his hand. "Hello, sir!" bellows an emerging presence at the door at the opposite end of the room. That's the real Lou Dobbs, in argyle sweater, jeans, and a Rolex baseball cap. He waves me over. "Let's go get a sandwich!"

The other Lou is actually a life-size cardboard cutout, designed for radio trade shows and now part of the studio trimmings that include giant posters for his bestselling books. Cardboard Lou is so convincingly wrought that I was, believe it or not, certain it was he.

Dobbs jokes it's slimmer and trimmer than he is, but the line also unintentionally raises larger questions about who the real Lou Dobbs is: True Believer or Ideological Mercenary? Right now, depending on whom you ask, Dobbs is the most despised, or best-loved, broadcaster in America.

The questions about his identity matter, especially as Dobbs says he's contemplating a third-party run for national office in 2012, either for the U.S. Senate or, incredibly, the White House. Whichever route he takes, the erstwhile voice of the financial world -- the Cronkite for the business community for two decades -- is clearly casting about for his next act.

In 1981 Dobbs was one of the first business anchors at CNN and helped build the upstart. Steady, authoritative, and Harvard-credentialed, Dobbs won a Peabody for his coverage of the 1987 stock market crash and an Emmy for lifetime achievement.

Then 9/11 and Wall Street scandals like Enron transformed -- or transmogrified -- him into an opinion-spewing, rabble-rousing provocateur. You could count on Fox's Bill O'Reilly to attack from the right, and MSNBC's Keith Olbermann from the left. By contrast, Dobbs was a bilious brew on CNN. Confoundingly, he also was hard to peg, an assortment of contradictions that reflected either independence or opportunism.

For example, he seemed to have genuine concerns for U.S. jobs and empathy for the middle class, yet it's hard to be a paragon of the people when you have your own plane and preside over a 300-acre farm, Hickory Hollow, in the suburbs of New York City.

He wants us all to buy American, yet that twin-engine Hawker jet of his was made in the U.K. by British Aerospace. He has railed against illegal aliens yet professed support for immigration. He opposed outsourcing, globalization, and unfettered trade yet calls himself a champion of free enterprise. He has little use for unions or corporations.

He's pro-choice and anti-gun-control. He wants out of Iraq and Afghanistan. He despises "elites" yet is an Ivy Leaguer. He has denounced the Pope, the United Nations, bailouts, and Columbus Day. He called for the impeachment of George W. Bush, and relentlessly skewers Barack Obama, whom he mocks as "our supreme leader." For the past eight years Dobbs has been a populist madman.

But then, in November, CNN cut him loose, though neither party to the breakup will officially describe it that way. Positioning itself as a neutral in the ideological cable wars between Fox and MSNBC, CNN concluded that Dobbs's fulminations had ceased to have utility, since his ratings weren't very good; it didn't help either that Dobbs was perceived at CNN as leaning right when a lot of folks there happened to lean left.

An executive at Time Warner (TWX, Fortune 500), which owns CNN (as well as Fortune), calls it a divorce between spouses who hadn't been getting along for some time. Dobbs walked away with upwards of $8 million, according to sources who asked for anonymity. Neither Time Warner nor Dobbs would comment on the terms of his contractual release.

Nobody, though, disputes that Dobbs was stunned that CNN was ending his run of nearly 30 years (interrupted only by a much-lampooned two-year interlude at https://www.doczj.com/doc/cb5073765.html, during the dotcom bubble). He announced his departure on the air and was gone minutes later, describing his exit in what sounded like a stump speech.

With a huge digital Stars and Stripes waving behind him, he said: "Over the past six months it's become increasingly clear that strong winds of change have begun buffeting this country. ... Some leaders in media, politics, and business have been urging me to go beyond my role here at CNN and to engage in constructive problem solving, as well as to contribute positively to a better understanding of the great issues of our day." Strong winds indeed.

He says now the hurt is gone and he is "exhilarated" to have fresh choices. Fox presumably would be thrilled to have him on its business channel or in its cable stable with such bloviating stallions as Bill O'Reilly and Sean Hannity. Even without a TV presence for the moment, Dobbs can roar away on his daily three-hour radio gig (as well as a separate repeating one-minute spot on business news).

And while he's wise enough to acknowledge the hassles of politics, he is altogether charmed by the idea of elected office. "It's flattering that so many people have urged me to consider it," he says. So who are those people? Dobbs declines to say.

Roots from the heartland

Dobbs can rightfully claim to be a product of the heartland -- and he's also from places that know of immigration, much of it illegal. He was born in the Texas Panhandle, and after his father's propane business failed, the family moved to a small southern Idaho town called Rupert. (Besides Dobbs, its most notable citizen is Bill Fagerbakke, the voice of Patrick Starfish, best friend of SpongeBob SquarePants.)

A significant part of Rupert's population has long been Hispanic. Dobbs spent summers in the bean and potato fields with migrant workers, and autumns playing offensive tackle for Minico Regional High. He was an exceptional student and class president, and school administrators noticed.

They helped him apply to Harvard, and Dobbs was accepted in 1963. He made the Crimson football team, and after hearing a debate between Milton Friedman and Paul Samuelson across the river at MIT, Dobbs

fell in love with economics and wound up majoring in it.

Harvard also left an impression on him, as he "became fascinated with the big questions." The farm boy had come east just as the cultural and political tumult of the '60s was beginning. Dobbs is vague about how much the Cambridge scene affected him. Pot? Protests? Free love? Did he behave in the way Lou Dobbs might criticize today?

"I would give you the answer that [Los Angeles Lakers coach] Phil Jackson gave to that very question: 'I fully participated in my generation.'" If Dobbs believes in transparency and asks his guests hard questions, why wouldn't he answer? "Now that my children are grown," he says, "I can tell you without reservation or equivocation I am glad that that's the only answer I have ever given anybody." It's a curiously coy admission of youthful indiscretions but also an indication that there is in fact more to Dobbs's arch, un-nuanced worldview.

'Mr. Independent'

After Harvard, he worked for a while in federal antipoverty programs on the East Coast, then returned to Idaho for a brief try at law school, then moved on to L.A. to work for a bank. He knew journalists who seemed to be having more fun than he was, so he got a job at the L.A. Times as a copyeditor. Unable to break into the reportorial ranks and mocked by his editor when Dobbs mentioned going into broadcasting, Dobbs did just that -- he moved to Yuma, Ariz., to work the police and fire beats for a radio station, which led to a TV affiliate there, and then he was off to anchor positions in Phoenix and Seattle.

Dobbs was glib, and his voice and CEO looks gave him a commanding presence. And he was young. When Ted Turner's nascent 24-hour cable news network in 1980 went looking for a business anchor, Dobbs was perfect. Barely 35, he was chief economics correspondent and host of the nightly MoneyLine, which much later became Lou Dobbs Tonight.

Over time his detractors would come to think of it as What on Earth Will Lou Say Tonight? Corporate corruption and the terrorist attacks, Dobbs says, rattled him -- and made him think he had let his audience down. "I'm sitting there worrying about pro forma accounting in 2000 when I should've been worrying about outright fraud on the part of WorldCom and Enron." He says that 9/11 undercut his faith in government and caused him to connect the dots between national security and border security.

Dobbs embraces the notion that he's idiosyncratic. "Mr. Independent," as he brands himself, has to be. If you could predict every view he'd espouse "on the great issues of the day," you might opt for the easy nostrums of O'Reilly or Olbermann. To move "beyond partisanship" and instead engage in "rigorous, empirical discussion," Dobbs says, you have to do it "in the most honest, direct language possible."

The devil is in the details, of course -- and therein lies the commotion over Dobbs.

Here he is moving "beyond partisanship" a few months ago, on the occasion of President Obama's creation of a "pay czar" to monitor executive compensation: "The number of czars in the administration -- roughly 20. That would amount to almost as many czars as there were in czarist Russia." If the subtext wasn't clear, Dobbs then paraded various images of Nicholas II, Ivan the Terrible, and other Russky

scoundrels across the screen.

On a "rigorous" discussion of "ObamaCare," here's Dobbs's prescription a few weeks ago: "We're going to have to move into street demonstrations. We're going to have to make it very clear and protest physically."

And from a few years ago, here's the TV voice of empiricism on his signature issue: "The invasion of illegal aliens is threatening the health of many Americans. Highly contagious diseases are now crossing our borders decades after those diseases had been eradicated in this country." One such loathsome affliction, he said, was leprosy; when Lesley Stahl on 60 Minutes in 2007 called him out for misstating the actual number of cases, he unabashedly replied, "If we reported it, it's a fact." Dobbs told me he acknowledged he got it wrong. The better question is why leprosy was worth valuable airtime on CNN.

That's half the battle in editorial decision-making. It's not only what you say but the topics on which you say it. If the latter are heavily directed to issues that traffic on the fears of the fringe -- of foreign things, of experts, of people who speak in sentences as long as this one -- then it means you'll ignore entire categories of what many folks consider news.

Take Dobbs and the Birthers. Even as he insists he believes "Barack Obama is a citizen of the United States," Dobbs has given voice to the conspiracy nuts who maintain the President was born elsewhere. "Why not release your [long-form] birth certificate?" bellowed Dobbs on the radio show in July.

When I asked Dobbs why he would fixate on that faux controversy, he feigns confusion. "I was just raising the question that others were asking," he says, as if that were an explanation of why it's that question he emphasizes rather than countless others, particularly when Dobbs has already conceded Obama is a citizen.

The entire line of inquiry has an absurd quality to it. If Dobbs weren't so affable, he'd be infuriating to engage in linear debate.

What's next?

Dobbs is now at a crossroads -- whether to go back to TV, aim to compete with the likes of Rush Limbaugh on radio, or enter the Twilight Zone of politics.

Not long ago, to the theme song of that Rod Serling favorite, I watched The Lou Dobbs Show open another afternoon inside the talk-show echo chamber. "You walk through the door and see partisan hacks selling out middle-class Americans," intones the radio MC. "Aghast at the sight of clowns to the left and jokers to the right, you seek the sanity of the political center -- you've just crossed over to the Lou Dobbs Zone."

There are the constant references to Lou Dobbs, "the radical centrist," and his commitment to "not just the facts, but truth, justice, and the American way." The program consists of Dobbs's monologues, interviews, and clips of politicians of all stripes saying stupid things.

And then there's the shameless hawking of Lou Dobbs products. "Check out the Lou Dobbs store -- all of that merchandise made in America!" Dobbs tells the audience, which is about 2 million people a week -- much smaller than Rush's but not bad for a program that turns two in March. "That's https://www.doczj.com/doc/cb5073765.html,.

Didn't know it could be done, did you? But it is possible. All it takes is will. And a little money to buy American."

I did check it out. There are $24.95 "Wake Up America" travel mugs, $19.95 "America By God" T-shirts, and

a $49.95 annual membership in Lou Dobbs's "Independent America," which gets you not only "premium member-only podcasts of The Lou Dobbs Show" but a discount "on all purchases in the Lou Dobbs store." I'm pretty sure Edward R. Murrow didn't offer this kind of loot.

But then Murrow was a journalist. By his own account, Dobbs doesn't call himself that anymore. "I'm a talk show host," which is to say, he's an entertainer.

One's self-image means a lot. When he puts on the professional mask each day, he has to decide who he is. His wife, Debi, who happens to be Mexican-American, says he's the same man with or without an audience; she told Fortune she decries "how they paint him out to be a racist" or any suggestion he's anti-immigrant.

Based on his performance as a business anchor, few doubt his intelligence, which is why many doubt his post-2001 conversion. The old Lou, if a bit of a Wall Street sycophant, showed mastery of subject and tonal modulation. In short, he knows better.

The new Lou, evoking the Howard Beale "mad as hell" character in Network, is more about heat than light -- and he's not even particularly good at it compared with other firebrands on the air. His populism often seems like calculation by any other name.

Lou Dobbs has traded in journalism for the carnival. The pay's better, but it's reasonable to ask if the price is self-respect.

第一题、短语翻译

E to C

1)CEO

2)GNP

3)NMD

4)USB

5)NASA

6)FTP

7)OPEC

8)Presidential Suite

9)Free lancer

10)Imperial garden

11)Seven Character Octave

12)Heavenly stem and earthly branches

13)Meteordogy (记得卷子上是这个词))

14)Silicon valley

15)Registered capital

C to E

1)批发

2)国画

3)名胜古迹

4)市场准入

5)现货

6)端午节

7)食物链

8)餐后甜点

9)享有高度自治

10)自由贸易区

11)诚信缺失

12)不结盟运动

13)科学民主决策

14)预防金融风暴

汉译英(原文出处:新华网曼谷12月23日电国家副主席习近平23日出席在泰国华人华侨各界举行的欢迎晚宴并致辞。真题为下面文字的大部分,具体内容在原文基础上貌似有改动)

中国改革开放30多年来,特别是加入世界贸易组织10年来,取得了举世瞩目的发展进步。截止2010年,中国经济总量比1978年翻了四番多,达到5.88万亿美元,占世界经济总量比重从1.8%增加到9.3%;进出口总额达到2.97万亿美元,比1978年增长143倍。今年,中国在巩固和扩大

应对国际金融危机冲击成果过程中,保持了国民经济平稳较快发展。现在中国已成为世界第二大经济体、第一大出口国、第二大进口国和全球最大的新兴市场,也是第一个提前实现联合国千年发展目标关于贫困人口减半的发展中国家。我们成功走出了一条中国特色扶贫开发道路,稳定解决了13亿人口的温饱问题。中国的发展成就,从根本上得益于找到了一条适合本国国情的中国特色社会主义道路。正是这条道路深刻改变了13亿中国人的命运,也积极影响了国际和地区发展。我们将坚定不移沿着这条道路走下去。

30多年来,中国发展的基础和条件虽然发生了很大变化,但中国仍然是世界上最大的发展中国家,发展中不平衡、不协调、不可持续问题仍然突出。在21世纪第二个十年,中国将更加注重以人为本,更加注重全面协调可持续发展,更加注重统筹兼顾,更加注重改革开放,更加注重保障和改善民生,加快经济结构战略性调整,加快科技进步和创新,加快建设资源节约型、环境友好型社会,促进社会公平正义,促进经济长期平稳较快发展与社会和谐稳定,为全面建成小康社会、实现中华民族伟大复兴打下更为坚实的基础。

30多年来,中国发展的基础和条件虽然发生了很大变化,但中国仍然是世界上最大的发展中国家,发展中不平衡、不协调、不可持续问题仍然突出。在21世纪第二个十年,中国将更加注重以人为本,更加注重全面协调可持续发展,更加注重统筹兼顾,更加注重改革开放,更加注重保障和改善民生,加快经济结构战略性调整,加快科技进步和创新,加快建设资源节约型、环境友好型社会,促进社会公平正义,促进经济长期平稳较快发展与社会和谐稳定,为全面建成小康社会、实现中华民族伟大复兴打下更为坚实的基础。

英译汉

题目很杂,复习的内容也只是其中一大部分吧。

选择+ 名词解释+回答:

唐宋八大家

互文

乞力马扎罗山在哪里

汤显祖写的什么书?(《牡丹亭》)

济慈的作品

四书、竹简、金砖四国、EU、德班、黄金分割、三言两拍、科举考试、洋务运动、维新变法

请君入瓮

“走自己的路,让别人说去吧”是谁说的?

子曰:“三十而立,四十而不惑,五十而知天命,六十而耳顺。”,出自哪里?

“但愿人长久、千里共婵娟“中”婵娟“的意思、

两宋时期的综艺场所叫什么?

小作文:

说某高校要承办一个为出国留学的老师举办的英语培训班,毕业后可通过XX 考试,作为高校的一名老师,你写信申请加入培训班,成为其中一员。注意写作格式等等。

大作文:以“细节决定成败”为题,写800字文章一篇。

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