President Pitzer, Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:
I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.
I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.
We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.
Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.
No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago. The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newton explored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.
This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.
So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait. But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.
William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.
If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.
Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.
Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.
We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war. I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.
There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards are hostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation may never come again. But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?
We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.
It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.
In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history. We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor. We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48-storey structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.
Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. Some 40 of them were made in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.
The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science. The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.
Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.
We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may be less public.
To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.
The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.
And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, and this region, will share greatly in this growth. What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space. Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community. During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of
scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year; to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities; and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this center in this city.
To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. This year's space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined. That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us. But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth,
re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.
I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.
However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid. I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job. And this will be done in the decade of the Sixties. It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university. It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform. But it will be done. And it will be done before the end of this decade.
And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.
Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."
Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.
John Fitzgerald Kennedy Good morning,everyone.How much do you know about John F.Kennedy?Today I will give an introduction about him.There are five parts of the report,personal details;military service;political career;assassination and influence. The first part is his personal details. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born on May29,1917,in suburban Brookline, Massachusetts.His father is Joseph P.Kennedy S.r and mother is Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy.He had an elder brother,Joseph,two younger brothers,Robert and Edward,and five younger sisters,Rosemary,Kathleen,Eunice,Patricia,and Jean. In September1936,Kennedy enrolled at Harvard College and his application essay stated:"I feel that Harvard can give me a better background and a better liberal education than any other universities.I have always wanted to go there,as I have felt that it is not just another college,but is a university with something definite to offer." In1940,he graduated from Harvard. He got married with Jacqueline on September12,1953.Their first child was a stillborn baby.The second child Caroline is the only surviving member of JFK's immediate family.John Jr.,was born in late November1960,17days after his father was elected.Patrick was the last child and lived only two days. The second part is his military service. On September24,1941,Kennedy joined the United States Naval Reserve. In1943,he spotted a Japanese destroyer and attempted to turn to attack.But they were injured.Despite injuries,he led survivors to safety after his PT boat was rammed and sunk by Japanese destroyer. Kennedy’s courage and determination in this incident made him the headline of major newspapers and he has been awarded many medals,such as the Navy and Marine Corps Medal;Purple Heart Medal;American Defense Service Medal;American Campaign Medal;Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal with three bronze stars;and the World War II Victory Medal. Shortly after the war ended,his political career began.
[Taking the oath of Office] 1.Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: 2.We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom-- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning-- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. 修辞分析：运用了Antithesis 的修辞手法，前后结构一致，语义相反，容易吸引观众的注意，达到演讲词开篇引人入胜的目的。这里“a victory of party”和“a celebration of freedom”，“an end”和“a beginning”等等分别构成对照，强调这不是一个政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利，是结束也是开端，是更新也是变革。 3.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. 修辞分析：该段子划线部分都运用了Repetition的修辞手法。这里重复的使用主要是为了分清层次，加强演讲词的节奏感和音律美，使读起来朗朗上口。 4.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom.我们今天庆祝的并不是一 次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典。Symbolizing an end, as well a a beginning, signifying renewal, as well a change. 这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. 因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。 The world is very different now. 现今世界已大不相同了。For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. 人类的巨手掌握着既 能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. 但是我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论，这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。 We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. 今天，我们不敢忘记我们 是第一次革命的继承者。Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, 让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已传递给新 一代的美国人，这一代人在坌世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and aroun d the world. 他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国的一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。 Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. 让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。 This much we pledge--and more. 这就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证。 To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. 对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。
肯尼迪就职演讲稿 肯尼迪就职演讲稿 -约翰·肯尼迪 今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端;意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。 现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。 今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话： 火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。 让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。
对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜： 我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。 对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言： 决不让一种更为残酷的暴-政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。 对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共-产-党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。 对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进行的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。
肯尼迪：在马丁路德金遇刺后的讲演_演讲 稿 robert f. kennedy remarks on the assassination of martin luther king, jr. delivered 4 april 1968, indianapolis, in 罗伯特·肯尼迪(robert f kennedy, 1925-1968)，美国前总统约翰·肯尼迪的弟弟。1964年当选为纽约州参议员，1968年3月16日宣布自己的民主党提名总统候选人身份，1968年6月4日在重要的加利福尼亚州初选中旗开得胜，那天晚上他在洛杉矶大使饭店向他的拥护者们演说时，似乎正迈向民主党提名的目标，在穿过一间厨房的过道离开饭店时被一名心怀怨恨的巴勒斯坦移民开枪击中，两天后死去。 1968年4月4日，马丁·路德·金博士在孟菲斯遇刺。那天晚上，罗伯特·肯尼迪预定要在印地安那波利斯市一个贫穷的黑人区为他争取民主党总统候选人提名的竞选运动发表演说。警察告诫他当晚不宜去演讲，因为他们不能保证他的安全。当他到达那个地区时，他发现听众尚未听说马丁·路德·金的遇害。当晚他的即席讲话回顾了一名狙击手的子弹夺去他兄弟的生命后他个人的巨创深痛。 ladies and gentlemen, i'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because i have some -- some very sad news for all of you --
could you lower those signs, please? -- i have some very sad news for all of you, and, i think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that martin luther king was shot and was killed tonight in memphis, tennessee. martin luther king dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. he died in the cause of that effort. in this difficult day, in this difficult time for the united states, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in. for those of you who are black -- considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible -- you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge. we can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization -- black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another. or we can make an effort, as martin luther king did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion, and love. for those of you who are black and are tempted to fill with -- be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, i would only say that i can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. i had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man. but we have to make an effort in the united states. we have
肯尼迪就职演说分析 篇一：肯尼迪就职演说评析 美国第三十五任总统JohnFitzgeraldFrancisKennedy(1917-1963)约翰.弗.肯尼迪1961年元月20日在首都华盛顿国会大厦前发表“就职演说”时，我在读初中三年级，学的是俄语。直到1980年，我才在美国出版的“EnglishForToday”“今日英语”教材的第五册里阅读到了这篇演说，而且还听了这篇演说的实况录音。现在这篇演说已被一字未删地选入《advancedEnglish》“高级英语”（张汉熙主编，商务印书馆出版发行），《21centurycollegeEnglish》“二十一世纪大学英语”（复旦大学，交通大学主编;高等教育出版社，复旦大学出版社出版发行）英语教材里作为高等院校的英语学习教材。1980年，那时大学外语教学还是很原始落后的。我想得到英语版的联合国“人权宣言”，但在当时武汉的中南财经学院图书馆里没有。找到武汉大学图书馆，那里才只有一本油印的“人权宣言”小册子。我想得到英文版的“中华人民共和国刑法”这书，武汉的外文书店买不到。我托原北京地院外语老师去北京外国专家局找有关专家打听此书，专家说，《刑法》英文译文由他翻译，正在他手里，由于没有出版，他不能外借。肯尼迪“就职演说”是在演说之后十九年被我们看到。时过境迁，20XX年元月20日，全世界几乎所有的人都能从网上及各种媒体上听到，见到，读到美国第一位黑人总统奥巴马的“就职演说”。虽然有的人看
到的是被有些媒体屏掉了（RecallthatearliergenerationsfaceddownFascismandcommunismnotjust withmissilesandtanksbutwithsturdyalliancesandenduringconvictions.我们在此回忆先辈，他们战胜了法西斯主义和共产主义，靠的不仅是导弹，坦克；更是靠坚定的盟友和不移的信念。），（Tothosewhoclingtopowerthroughcorruptionanddeceitandthesilencingof dissentknowthatyouareonthewrongsideofhistorybutthatwewillextendahan difyouarewillingtounclenchyourfist.对于那些通过腐败，欺骗，压制异见来统治的人，你们应该知道你们站在了历史的对立面。但是，如果你们愿意放开紧攥的拳头，我们会向你们伸出一只手。）这些文字的演说，但是1961年那时代的人能听到，见到，读到的是完全不能与今天相比的了！ 阅读翻译注释 1、mr.chiefJustice,PresidentEisenhower,VicePresidentnixon,PresidentTruma n,Reverendclergy,Fellowcitizens,weobservetodaynotavictoryofparty,butac elebrationoffreedom–symbolizinganendaswellasabeginning–signifyingrenewal,aswellaschange.Forihaveswornbeforeyouandalmighty Godthesamesolemnoathourforebearsprescribednearlyacenturyandthreequa rtersago.Theworldisverydifferentnow.Formanholdsinhismortalhandsthepo wertoabolishallformsofhumanpovertyandallformsofhumanlife.andyetthes amerevolutionarybeliefsforwhichourforebearsfoughtarestillatissuearoundt
President Pitzer, Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen: Pitzer校长，副校长，州长，Thomas众议员，Wiley参议员，Miller众议员，Webb先生，Bell先生，科学家们，尊贵的来宾，女士们先生们： I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief. 我非常感谢你们的校长授予我名誉客座教授的头衔，我向你们保证，我的第一个演讲将会很简洁。 I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion. 我很高兴来到这里，特别是在这个时候来到这里。 We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds. 我们在这个以知识而闻名的大学中相会，在这个以进步而文明的城市相会，在这个以实力而闻名的州相会。并且我们需要它们全部三者，因为我们处于一个变化与挑战无所不在的时期、希望与失望相互交织的十年、知识与愚昧并存的时代。我们获得的知识越多，我们显露出的无知也就越多。 Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension. 尽管显著的事实是，大多数享誉世界的科学家们仍在奋斗不息，尽管我国的科研力量以每12 年翻一番的速率增长、总体上超过了人口增长速率的 3 倍——尽管这样，世上未知领域、未得到答案和未完成任务的范围之广，仍远远超出了我们所有人的理解力。 No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago. The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newton explored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in
肯尼迪就职演讲--约翰.F.肯尼迪演讲稿 今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端;意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。 现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。 今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和?平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪--他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。 让每个国家都知道--不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落--为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。 这些就是我们的保证--而且还有更多的保证。对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜;
我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成--因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。 对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由?行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的XX来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由--而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。 对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间--之所以这样做，并不是因为共?产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。 对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证--在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政?府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和?平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。 对联合国，主?权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和?平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申
肯尼迪就职演讲
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第一讲：美国总统就职演讲特质 一国总统的识见、魄力、智慧与心智成熟 在就职演说中，新任总统宣布自己的施政纲领,表明自己的政见和立场,激起听众的热情,劝说听众接受其政治主张并采取相应的行动。 Ｌiｋe oｔhｅr greaｔｃommunicａtors incｌudinｇ Wiｎstoｎ Cｈurcｈill before hｉm and Rｅaｇaｎｓince theｎaｎｄ Bａrack Oｂａm ａ now---ｈe ｗaｓｓomeone whｏｔｏok wｏｒd-craft vｅry ｓeｒiｏusly
inｄeed． １、约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲如何开启? FRIDAY, JＡＮＵARY ２０，1９6１ Ｖｉce Prｅsｉdent Jｏhnsoｎ，Mr. Speａkｅｒ,Mr.ChieｆＪｕsticｅ, Presideｎt Eiｓeｎhｏweｒ，Vice Presiden ｔNｉxon, Ｐresident Trｕman,ｒeverend clergy, fellｏｗcitiｚens: we obsｅrvｅtoday noｔa ｖictｏry of parｔy,buｔa celｅｂrａtion ｏf f ｒeeｄom，syｍbｏliziｎg an eｎｄ, aｓwell ａs a beginning,signifyinｇrenewａl，as well ａｓchaｎgｅ. FoｒIｈａv ｅswornｂefoｒe yoｕａnｄＡlmi ｇhtｙＧoｄthe sａmｅsolemn ｏaｔh ｏuｒｆorｅｂｅars prｅscribｅd neａｒly aｃentury and three qｕarteｒs aｇo.
阅读翻译注释 首席法官先生，艾森豪威尔威尔总统，尼克松副总统，杜鲁门总统，尊敬的神父，同胞 们；我们今天庆祝的不是一次政党的胜利而是庆祝自由精神的胜利 - 这不仅象征结束–这 还象征开始–意味着更新–也意味着变革。我在你们和全能的上帝面前宣读了将近一百 七十年前我们祖先拟定的同一庒严的誓言。现在，这世界已完全不同了。人类把消除各种贫 穷及毁灭各种形式的生活的力量握在巨手中。然而，在全球，我们祖先为之奋斗的相同的革 命信念仍然在争论之中–这信念:人权不是来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝之手。 1：the same solemn oath: i do solemnly swear that i will faithfully execute the office of president of the united states,and will,to the best of my ability,preserve protest and defend the constitution of the united states.同一庒严的誓词：我郑重地 宣誓我一定满怀信心地履任美国总统职务，尽我所能，维持，保护和防卫美国宪法。 2：林肯：four score and seven years ago,八十七年前；肯尼迪在此借用：nearly a century and three quarters ago接近一百七十五年前 今天，我们不会忘记我们是第一次革命的后代。在此时此地，让我们的朋友和敌人都听 到我们的讲话：火炬已传到了新一代美国人手里–生在本世纪，受过战争的考炼，经历艰 难困苦的和平磨炼，以我们古老的传统而自豪–不愿意眼看着，不容忍我们美国一直承诺 的,今天在美国及全球仍然在承诺的人权，不断地遭受践踏。 3、 let every nation know,whether it wishes us well or ill,that we shall pay any price,bear any burden,meet any hardship,support any friend,oppose any foe,in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge – and more. 让每一个希望我们好还是希望我们不好的国家知道，我们将不惜一切代价，承受一切负 担，面对各种困难，支持所有朋友，反对一切敌人，以捍卫和争取自由的胜利。我们保证这 些–而且不仅如此。 对偶：有意识地把词意相对的词语放在对称的结构中形成对照。结构匀称，整齐，词的 意义相反而互相衬托，使语言鲜明，使语义加强。 well or ill place and time friend foe united,little we can not do,divided,little we can do.(第四段) if a free society can not help the many who are poor,it can not save the few who are rich.（第六段） it was the best of times,it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom智慧,it was the age of foolishness愚蠢 it was the epoch of belief信仰，it was the epoch of incredulity怀疑 it was the season of light,it was the season of darkness, it was the spring of hope,it was the winter of despair绝望, we had everything before us,we had nothing before us, we were all going direct to heaven,we were all going direct the other way.狄 更斯：《双城记》 tom gave up the brush with reluctance in his face,but eagerness in his heart. 马克。吐温：<光荣的刷墙工> 排比：结构相同，意义并重，语气一致的词组或句子排列成串，形成一个整体。渲染， 壮文势，广文义。使文章条理清楚，论点突出。