赖斯的演讲 keynote speech

keynote演讲稿篇一：《keynote演讲稿》嘿，各位朋友！今天我站在这里，要和你们唠唠关于keynote演讲稿这档子事儿。

你们知道吗？写keynote演讲稿就像是在搭建一座桥梁，一座连接演讲者和听众心灵的桥梁。

我还记得我第一次写keynote演讲稿的时候，那真的是一头雾水，就像走进了一个迷宫，完全不知道出口在哪里。

当时，我接到了一个任务，要给一个小型的创业团队做一个关于项目发展前景的keynote演讲。

我坐在我的小书桌前，面对着空白的文档，感觉那屏幕都在嘲笑我，好像在说：“嘿，小子，看你能写出个啥！”我可能想了无数个开头，又都被我自己否定了。

比如说，我一开始想很正式地说：“尊敬的各位来宾，今天我们聚集在这里探讨一个伟大的项目。

”但是我又觉得这太老套了，就像一块放了很久的面包，干巴巴的，没有一点吸引力。

然后我就想啊，我得整点不一样的。

我就开始回忆我自己的创业经历，虽然不是什么惊天动地的大事，但也充满了酸甜苦辣。

我就想把这些真实的感受融入到演讲稿里。

我可能这样写：“朋友们，创业啊，就像是在黑暗中摸索着找宝藏。

有时候你觉得你离那个宝藏就差一步了，可一脚踩下去，却是个陷阱。

我曾经就有这么一次，我满心欢喜地觉得我的一个创意能让我一夜暴富，结果呢？赔得我差点连裤衩都不剩。

”我觉得这样说，就像是在和听众们围坐在篝火旁聊天一样，很亲近。

在写keynote演讲稿的时候，我们还得考虑听众是谁。

就像你给一群小朋友讲故事和给一群企业家谈商业计划，那能一样吗？如果是给小朋友讲，那得像童话一样，充满了奇幻的色彩。

比如说：“我们的项目就像是一艘神奇的飞船，要带着大家飞到充满无限可能的星球。

”可要是面对企业家，就得拿出数据和实际的案例，像这样：“根据我们的市场调研，这个项目在未来三年内的市场份额可能会增长百分之三十，就像一颗茁壮成长的大树。

”而且啊，我们不能只是干巴巴地陈述事实。

得有点修辞手法，让演讲稿活起来。

我有一次在演讲稿里把我们的团队比喻成一群超级英雄，每个人都有自己独特的超能力。

keynote案例
以下是一些著名的 Keynote 演讲案例：
1. 史蒂夫·乔布斯（Steve Jobs）的斯坦福大学毕业典礼演讲：乔布斯在2005年的毕业典礼上发表了一场著名的演讲，他分享了自己的人生经历和观点，并强调了追随内心的重要性。

2. 比尔·盖茨（Bill Gates）的TED演讲：盖茨在TED大会上
发表了多次演讲，其中一次最著名的是他在2010年介绍了如何将疟疾消灭在全球范围内的计划。

3. 斯特兰·库普法尔（Sheryl Sandberg）的哈佛大学演讲：库普法尔在2014年的哈佛大学毕业典礼上分享了她对于女性事业发展和性别平等的观点，这场演讲引起了广泛的关注和讨论。

4. 西蒙·西奥尼（Simon Sinek）的金圈演讲：西奥尼在他的著名演讲《为什么》中提出了一种关于人类行为和成功的模型，他通过解释人们行动的原因和动机，探讨了相关的领导和营销策略。

5. 纳撒尼尔·菲克尔（Nathaniel Fick）的纽约时报“知道的力量”峰会演讲：菲克尔是一名前海军陆战队员，他在这个演讲中分享了他在伊拉克战争期间的经历，并探讨了领导力和决策的重要性。

这些案例不仅仅展示了演讲者的技巧和能力，同时也给听众带
来了启发和深思。

无论是在商业领域、教育领域还是社会议题中，Keynote 演讲都扮演着重要的角色。

赖斯：重回斯坦福大学作者：龚灿来源：《领导文萃》2013年第19期在美国，政界名人和大学学者之间的职位转换非常普遍。

像中国人民的老朋友基辛格任国务卿之前，曾是哈佛大学教授，不过他卸任后想返回哈佛继续任教却遭到哈佛校长的拒绝。

美国前国防部副部长、前世界银行行长沃尔福威茨进入政界前曾在耶鲁大学、霍普金斯大学任职。

当然最受关注的转战大学的政要非康多莉扎·赖斯莫属了。

这位“白宫黑玫瑰”进驻白宫前曾是斯坦福大学最年轻的教务长，2008年卸任国务卿之后，她又回到了学术界，并加入美国外交关系委员会。

赖斯1954年出生于种族隔离最严重的城市伯明翰，但她的父母竭尽全力给她提供最好的教育，她从小就开始学习弹钢琴、滑冰、吹长笛、跳芭蕾、法语等，15岁时成为丹佛大学钢琴演奏专业的学生。

在聆听了约瑟夫·科贝尔教授的国际政治课之后，她毅然转到了国际政治专业。

27岁时她成为了丹佛大学最优秀的博士生，而后受聘于斯坦福大学，从助教一步步升到副教授再到教授。

38岁时她成为斯坦福大学教务长，职位仅次于校长，是该校历史上最年轻的教务长，也是该校第一位黑人教务长。

2001年，赖斯被小布什总统任命为美国历史上最年轻的国家安全顾问，2005年1月出任国务卿，是美国历史上第二位女国务卿。

2009年1月16日，赖斯正式离开华盛顿国务院大楼。

1月29日，斯坦福大学确认，赖斯将在未来数月内重返校园，在斯坦福大学担任政治学教授，并在胡佛研究所任高级研究员，里根总统时期的前国务卿舒尔茨也在胡佛研究所。

到斯坦福大学任职前，赖斯先集中精力写书、演讲及从事商业活动。

因为她已与好莱坞的威廉·莫里斯经纪公司签约，安排进军商界的事宜。

不过，赖斯的工作重心仍然放在教学研究上面。

在斯坦福大学的官方网站上，可以看到赖斯的个人主页，与学校其他教职人员不同的是，她的主页上没有附上个人邮箱。

8年后重返斯坦福大学，赖斯表示感觉就是回家了，“我熟悉教书，也熟悉斯坦福，还熟悉斯坦福的体育运动，所以再转回以前的角色，对我来说没什么困难。

联合国代表莱斯在斯坦福大学毕业典礼的演讲接着我要谈谈失败。

没有人会一生风平浪静。

每一次危机、每一个困境、每一度失意，我都会问自己：“你从中学到了什么?”只要你从摔跤中吸取教训，就能站起来，拍拍灰尘，继续走下去。

否则，失败总是会换一种样式，继续出现在你面前。

莱斯(Susan Rice),生于美国华盛顿，是奥巴马外交团队中最重要的关键人物。

毕业于斯坦福大学的她，不仅是一位长期致力于关注全球政治、经济、安全和人道问题的国际事务专家，也是美国历史上首位担任常驻联合国代表的非裔女性。

我在Reed大学读了六个月之后就退学了，但是又在校园里旁听了十八个月左右，然后才真正离开。

我为什么要退学呢?斯坦福大学莱斯：生活中还有比钱更重要的东西我拿着那个诊断书过了一整天。

那天晚上，我又作了一个活切片检查，医生把一个内窥镜从我的喉咙伸进去，穿过我的胃，进入我的肠道，在我的胰腺上的肿瘤上，用一根针取了一些细胞。

我当时打了麻醉/药，不醒人事，但是我的妻子一直在那里。

她后来告诉我，当医生在显微镜下观察这些细胞，最后他们发现这些细胞竟然是一种非常罕见的可以用手术治愈的胰腺癌症细胞，于是他们都大叫起来。

我做了这个手术，现在我痊愈了。

During the next five years, I started a company named NeXT, another company named Pixar, and fell in love with an amazing woman who would become my wife. Pixar went on to create the worlds first computer animated feature film, Toy Story, and is now the most successful animation studio in the world. In a remarkable turn of events, Apple bought NeXT, I returned to Apple, and the technology we developed at NeXT is at the heart of Apple's current renaissance. And Laurene and I have a wonderful family together.Stewart和他的伙伴出版了几期的“整个地球的目录”,当它完成了自己使命的时候, 他们做出了最后一期的目录。

美国国务卿赖斯在中国大饭店记者会上的讲话Remarks To The Press By Secretary of State Condoleezza RiceMarch 21, 2005China World HotelBeijing, China赖斯7天内旋风式访问印度、巴基斯坦、阿富汗、日本、韩国、中国6国。

2005年3月21日下午，美国国务卿赖斯在结束她就任国务卿以来对中国的首次访问之后，在北京中国大饭店会议室多功能厅举行了新闻发布会。

除赖斯的随行记者外，200多名中外记者参加了简短的新闻发布会。

SECRETARY RICE:Good afternoon. It's been great to be back in Beijing and I have appreciated the opportunity to meet with China's leaders, but also to attend a very moving church service yesterday evening and to spend some very nice quality time with a group of students out at Beijing University, several of whom noted that the universities have had a very good relationship with Stanford University, and so that was a very pleasant experience.U.S.-China relations have developed remarkably and in ways that would have been thought unthinkable a few years ago. Today we are cooperating in tangible ways on issues ranging from aid to Afghanistan and Iraq to actions in the global war on terror to concerns in fighting HIV-AIDS.During our meetings here my Chinese hosts and I agreed that expanded cooperation between the United States and China is essential to the interests of both countries, particularly as China is in a stage of major transformation. I extended the President's greetings to President Hu and noted that the President is looking forward to welcoming him to the United States later this year.We discussed North Korea and the six-party talks and reiterated our joint commitment to a diplomatic resolution of this nuclear issue. We talked about the important role of all of the members of the six-party talks, but China, in particular, has an important role to play in convincing North Korea that the best way for it to seek improved relations with the rest of the world is to return to the negotiating table and end its nuclear ambitions.I raised with my interlocutors the issues of human rights and religious freedom, talked about the possibilities for increased participation in the political process and the extension of personal freedoms for Chinese citizens and how essential that is to the success of countries in the 21st century.Of course we talked about Taiwan and Cross-Strait differences and the importance of neither side doing anything to -- unilaterally that would increase tensions across the Cross-Strait.I reiterated that the United States does, in fact, have a "One China" policy that has been clear and consistent, a policy that is based on three communiqués but that also recognizes American obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act.As for the anti-secession legislation, I said to my Chinese hosts that we would hope that this would be something that having, we believe, made dialogue across the Cross-Straits perhaps more difficult, that they would take steps to reduce tensions now with Taiwan.As the United States works with a rapidly developing China we want to do so honestly and on the basis of global standards. These standards are important in areas like human rights and nonproliferation and of course they are important in trade and economic affairs. On that basis and on the basis of shared interests we look forward to an expanding and deepening relationship with China.And now Richard will point out questions.记者会问答部份记录：国务卿赖斯：下午好。

赖斯:聪明绝顶的“黑牡丹”——“谁说女子不如男”杰出女性系列之三华中科技大学公共管理学院教授、现代领导科学与艺术研究中心主任陈海春赖斯博士不仅是一个聪明的人,而且富有经验。

她是一个优秀管理者。

我相信她的判断力。

美国人民将发现她是一个充满智慧的人。

——布什总统康多莉扎·赖斯,1954年11月14日生,黑色人种,未婚。

1981年,获得丹佛大学政治学博士学位。

1989年,任老布什总统的国家安全事务特别助理。

1993年,任斯坦福大学教务长。

2000年,任小布什总统的国家安全事务助理。

2004年,任小布什政府国务卿。

赖斯是俄罗斯(苏联)武器控制问题的专家。

她思路清晰,抓问题准确,阐述能力极强,博学勤奋。

她兴趣广泛,喜欢看体育比赛,能弹一手好钢琴。

她是一个性格坚强的人,善于在男人主宰的世界里保持自己的性格。

她经常笑容满面,很少高声讲话,但她骨子里充满了坚定的力量和决心,知道如何让别人重视自己。

她因意志坚强、立场强硬而得别号“天鹅绒做的榔头”,职业生涯极为成功,是当今世界上位高权重至顶级的女性。

——不管谁疼谁亲,爹妈认可就是爱。

赖斯的母亲擅长演奏钢琴和管风琴,在取康多莉扎这个名字时借鉴了意大利语中的 C on dolcezza,在音乐术语中,这个词用来指示演奏者“要弹得甜美”。

他们在殷切鼓励女儿追求优秀的同时,还一直教育她要心地善良。

重视教育,是这个家族中最重要的传统,一家的三代人都受到过高等教育,而且她们总是把目标定的很高。

赖斯是家里唯一的孩子,出生后,父母把所有的家庭支持、力量、荣耀和对生活的信念,以及塑造他们生活的责任感,全都倾注到了他们的孩子身上。

他们希望女儿能够摆脱任何枷锁的束缚,不管是精神上的还是身体上的束缚。

他们希望她拥有整个世界。

“要想给一个孩子那样的权利,你必须无限热爱她,并相信她可以飞翔。

”在刚刚三岁的时候,她的母亲就开始教她古典钢琴课。

她的父母给她尽可能好的教育,培养她对音乐、芭蕾、文学、艺术和体育运动的兴趣。

赖斯的演讲keynote speech former U.S.Secretary of State Condol eezza Rice at the World Economic Forum 主旨演讲在世界经济论坛年会提示：人名：Klaus，President of the World Economic ForumPresident Couchepin 瑞士总统Pascal CouchepinBismarck 俾斯麦（政治家，学过历史的都知道吧^^）Hank Paulson 美国财长，曾经的高盛公司一把手Thank you very much. Thank you, Klaus, for that terrific introduction. I’m tem pted to ask if you are the conductor and to say that it is a very good thing if no one misses any notes, the piano or the orchestra.I want to applaud you for everything that you’ve done to put this World Econom ic Forum together and to make it a place where people come to share ideas, and idea s that can indeed lead to a better world. It is a wonderful gathering of civil soci ety, of business, of great leaders from around the world. And also, I note that yo u’ve also gone out of your way to include young people, and I thank you very much for your effort.Let me thank also President Couchepin for the work that the government and peop le of Switzerland have done in generously welcoming us to this beautiful country.President Karzai, Dr. Pachauri: Thank you very much for your wonderful work and I’m really just delighted to share the dais with you tonight.Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:It is an honor to join you here, and as Klaus has said, I have tried to get her e several times before. I was determined to make it as Secretary of State and I gue ss I can say better late than never, Klaus. I spoke at the Forum by video in 2006, and I had the pleasure last year of receiving a group of Young Global Leaders at a first-ever U.S. Policy Summit. And so I understand that some of them are here today. It’s a wonderful legacy that you’re leaving, Klaus, in bringing these young peop le in.I was thinking about what I was going to say tonight, and I’ve been watching th e news and I’ve been looking at the images on television and I’ve reflected on th e events of the day. And of course, what comes front and center for all of us is th e turbulence – political and economic – in our world:The violence in Kenya. The tragic assassination of Mrs. Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan. The ongoing and at times halting efforts of Iraqis and Afghans to build peaceful, functioning governments. The looming danger of climate change. The forecasts of mar ket woes and economic troubles. Even a growing concern about globalization itself – a sense that increasingly it is something that is happening to us, not controlle d by us.As I took a look at all of this, I decided to do something risky: I want to talk about the importance of ideals and I want to talk about the need for optimism in thei r power.Now, I know that whenever Americans start talking about idealism and optimism, inte rnational audiences groan. Pe rhaps there is a little concern that you’re going to hear a long, moralizing lecture. Well, I promise not to do that.And another common concern when Americans talk of idealism and optimism is, “Well, there they go again,” the innocents abroad. Indeed, th ere is a long internationaltradition of viewing America as kind of young and naïve.Well, in our defense, I would just say we’re not that young.And if you are tempted to think that we are naïve, then you should hope that Bismarck was right when he said, “God has a special providence for fools, drunks, and th e United States of America.”Seriously though, I recognize that there is a climate of anxiety in our world today. And it is tempting for many people to turn inward, to secure what they have, and t o shut others out. Some want to go it alone. And there is certainly cynicism about the salience of our ideals when it seems that it’s just hard enough to protect our interests.I know that many are worried by the recent fluctuations in U.S. financial markets, and by concerns about the U.S. economy. President Bush has announced an outline of a meaningful fiscal growth package that will boost consumer spending and support bu siness investment this year. My colleague, Hank Paulson, who had hoped to be with y ou, is leading our Administration’s efforts and working closely with the leaders o f both parties in Congress to agree on a stimulus package that is swift, robust, br oad-based, and temporary.The U.S. economy is resilient, its structure is sound, and its long-term economic f undamentals are healthy. The United States continues to welcome foreign investment and free trade. And the economy, our economy, will remain a leading engine of globa l economic growth. So we should have confidence in the underlying strength of the g lobal economy – and act with confidence on the basis of principles that lead to su ccess in this world.And on that note, I would submit to you this evening that there is not one challeng e in the world today that will get better if we approach it without confidence in t he appeal and effectiveness of our ideals – political and economic freedom, open m arkets and free trade, human dignity and human rights, equal opportunity and the rule of law. Without these principles, backed by all forms of national power, we may be able to manage global problems for awhile, but we will not lay a foundation to s olve them.This is the core of America’s approach to the world. We do not accept a firm disti nction between our national interests and our universal ideals, and we seek to marr y our power and our principles together to achieve great and enduring progress. Thi s American approach to the world did not begin with President Bush. Indeed, it is a s old as America itself. I have referred to this tradition as American Realism.It was American Realism that enabled the United States to come into being in the fi rst place. It was American Realism that led us to rally our allies to build a balan ce of power that favored freedom in the last century. And in this century, it is th is American Realism that shapes our global leadership in three critical areas that I’d like to talk about tonight: the promotion of a just economic model of developm ent; the promotion of a freer, more democratic world; and the role of diplomacy in overcoming differences between nations.First, let us take development. Amidst the extraordinary opportunities of the global economy, which we will talk about here, the amount ofdeprivation in our world still remains unacceptable. Half of our fellow human bein gs live on less than $2 a day. That’s simply not acceptable in a civilized world. But as we approach the challenges of development, let us remember that we know what works: We know that when states embrace free markets and free trade, govern justly and invest in their people, they can create prosperity and then translate it into social justice for all their citizens.Yes, some states are growing economically through a kind of “authoritarian capitalism.” But it is at least an open question whether it is sus tainable for a government to respect people’s talents but not their rights. In the long run, democracy, development, and social justice mustgo hand in hand.We must treat developing nations not as objects of our policy, but as equal partners in a shared endeavor of dignity. We must support leadersand citizens in developing nations who are transforming the character of their countries – through good governance and economic reform, investment in health and education, the rule of law and a fight against corruption. And we must transform our foreign assistance into an incentivefor developing nations to embrace political and economic liberty, to build just and effective states and to take ownership of their own development.In recent years, the United States has been trying to put these princip les into practice in our core development policies. Indeed, under Presi dent Bush, and with the full support of our Congress, the United States has launched the largest international development effort since the Ma rshall Plan.We have met or are clearly on course to meet all of our international c ommitments to increase official development assistance: Since 2001, we have doubled our assistance to Latin America, we’ve quadrupled it for Africa, and we’ve tripled it worldwi de, all while reforming it to bett er support responsible policies of developing states.We have put $7.5 billion into our Millennium Challenge Account initiati ve, which is rooted in the ideals of the Monterrey Consensus. We have a lso launched historic efforts to combat malaria and HIV/AIDS. In fact, President Bush’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief is the largest effort ever by one nation to combat a single disease.But more and better aid has to be accompanied by the global expansion o f free and fair trade. It isn’t easy – I will tell you, it is not eas y -- for the American president to advocate free and fair trade at a ti me of growing economic populism. Yet President Bush remains committed t o completing a successful Doha Round, and my colleague Susan Schwab, wh o is here tonight in Davos, is working hard to do just that.The President has pledged that the United States will eliminate all tar iffs, subsidies, and barriers to free flow of goods ands – including a griculture – as other nations do the same. We expect our partners to j oin us in finding a way to make Doha a success.If we are to continue expanding global economic growth, we also need to find a new approach to energy and the environment. If we proceed on ou r current course, we have an unacceptable choice: Either sacrifice glob al economic growth for the health of our planet – or sacrifice the hea lth of our planet for fossil fuel-led growth. We cannot do that. We hav e to reject this course – and work instead to cut the Gordian Knot of fossil fuels, carbon emissions, and economic activity.I want to assure you that we Americans realize how central a solution t o climate change is to the future health and success of the internation al system. And we will be tireless in helping to lead the search for th at solution: through the UN Framework Convention and through the Major Economies Meetings that President Bush proposed, the first of which we hosted this past September.As we work for a more just economic order, we must also work to promote a freer and more democratic world – a world that will one day include a democratic Cuba, a democratic Burma, and a fully democratic Middle E ast.Now, this emphasis on democracy in the Middle East is controversial, I admit, and some would say, “Well, we’ve actually made th e situation w orse.”I would ask: Worse compared to what?Worse than when the Syrian army occupied Lebanon for nearly 30 years? W orse than when the Palestinian people could not hold their leaders acco untable, and watched as a chance for peace was squandered and evaporate d into the second intifada?Worse than the tyranny of Saddam Hussein at the heart of the Middle Eas t, who terrified his neighbors and whose legacy is the bodies of 300,00 0 innocent people that he left in unmarked mass graves?Or worse perhaps than the false stability which masked a freedom gap, s pawned hopelessness, and fed hatreds so deep that 19 men found cause to fly airplanes into American cities on a fine September morning?No, ladies and gentlemen, the past order in the Middle East is nothing to extol, but it does not make the challenges of the present less diffi cult. Even when you cherish democratic ideals, it is never easy to turn them into effective democratic institutions. This process will take de cades, and it will be driven, as it should be, and as it only can be, b y courageous leaders and citizens in the region.Different nations will find ways to express democratic values that refl ect their own cultures and their own ways of life. And yet the basics a re universal and we know them – that men and women have the right to c hoose those who will govern them, to speak their minds, to worship free ly, and to find protection from the arbitrary power of the state.The main problem for democracy in the Middle East has not been that peo ple are not ready for it. The problem is that there are violent forces of reaction that cannot be allowed to triumph.The problem is that too many Lebanese journalists and parliamentarians are being assassinated in a campaign of intimidation, and that the Lebanese have not been permitted to elect their president freely.The problem is that too many peaceful human rights activists, and journ alists, and bloggers are sitting in prison for actions that should not be considered crimes in any country.The problem is not that a group like Hamas won one free election; it is that the leaders of Hamas still refuse to make the fundamental choice that is required for any democracy to function: You can be a political party, or you can be a terrorist group, you cannot be both.We should be under no illusions that the challenges in the Middle East will get any better if we approach them in a less principled fashion. I n fact, the only truly effective solutions to many of these challenges will emerge not in spite of democracy, but because of it.Democracy is the most realistic way for diverse peoples to resolve thei r differences, and share power, and heal social divisions without viole nce or repression.Democracy is the most likely way to ensure that women have an equal pla ce in society and an equal right to make the basic choices that define their lives.And democracy is the most realistic path to lasting peace among nation s. In the short run, there will surely be struggles and setbacks. There will be stumble and even falls. But delaying the start of the democrat ic enterprise will only mask tensions and breed frustrations that will not be suppressed forever.Now this brings us, finally, to the matter of diplomacy. Do optimism and idealism play a role in this endeavor, which is by its very nature the art of the possible? Is it as Lord Palmerston said –that “nations have no permanent enemies and no permanent allies, only permanent inter ests?”Well, I can assure you that America has no permanent enemies, because we harbor no permanent hatreds. The United States is sometimes thought of as a nation that perhaps does not dwell enough on its own history. To that, I say: Good for us. Because too much focus on history can become a prison for nations.Diplomacy, if properly practiced, is not just talking for the sake of t alking. It requires incentives and disincentives to make the choice clear to those with whom you are dealing that you will change your behavio r if they are willing to change theirs. Diplomacy can make possible a w orld in which old enemies can become, if not friends, then no longer ad versaries.Consider the case of Libya. Just a few years ago, the United States and Libya were locked in a state of hostility. But as Libya has chosen to reject terrorism, to renounce its pursuit of weapons of mass destructio n, and to rejoin the international community, the United States has rea ched out, and today, though we still have our differences, we have noth ing to fear from one another.The United States is building a similarly positive relationship with Vi etnam, which would have been unthinkable 30 years ago – and of course with China, we have built a productive relationship that redounds to th e benefits of both our peoples.But perhaps nowhere is it clearer that we have no permanent enemies tha n in our relationship with Russia. Ladies and gentlemen, the recent tal k about a new Cold War is hyperbolic nonsense. Our relations today are fundamentally different than they were when all we shared was the desir e to avoid mutual annihilation.The fact is that the United States and Russia are working constructivel y today on many issues of mutual interest – from counter-proliferatio n, to counter-terrorism, to the pursuit of peace in the Middle East. An d we are determined to remember this, even when we hear unwise and irre sponsible rhetoric from Russia itself that harkens back to an earlier t ime.To be sure, there have been disappointments. Though we recognize that R ussians today enjoy considerable personal and economic freedom, we beli eve t hat Russia’s greatness will ultimately be secured best through gr eater political freedom for its people – and through the establishment of strong institutions that check the power of the state, rather than serve the interests of a few.We also believe that Russia should contribute to a transparent and open global energy economy, not a monopolistic one. But whatever the diffic ulties, no one can imagine a world in which the absence of U.S.-Russian cooperation will make any of our challenges easier to solve.It is because America desires no permanent enemies that we can imagine a better relationship with North Korea, and we are working to build itthrough the Six Party Talks. North Korea is disabling its Yongbyon nucl ear facility, but there are other obligations that have yet to be met a nd must be, including the provision of a complete and accurate declarat ion of all nuclear programs and activities.Still, we continue to believe that we can use the Six Party Talks for e ven larger purposes: to finally end the conflict on the Korean Peninsul a; to forge a mechanism for security cooperation in Northeast Asia; to make peninsular issues a source of regional cooperation, not conflict; and to improve relations between North Korea and the international comm unity, which would benefit no one more than the North Korean people the mselves.Let me assure you that the United States also has no desire to have a p ermanent enemy in Iran, even after 29 years of difficult history. Irani ans are a proud people with a great culture, and we respect the contrib utions that they have made to world civilization. We have no conflict w ith Iran’s people, but we have real differences with Iran’s governmen t – from its support for terrorism, to its destabilizing policies in I raq, to its pursuit of technologies that could lead to a nuclear weapo n.With our agreement yesterday to pass a third Chapter 7 sanctions resolu tion, the permanent members of the Security Council plus Germany showed that we remain united, that we do not want Iran to become a nuclear we apons power, and that we will continue to hold Iran to its internationa l obligations.Ultimately, though, this problem can and should be resolved through dip lomacy. Should Iran suspend its uranium enrichment and reprocessing act ivities – which is an international demand, not an American one – we could begin negotiations, and we could work over time to build a new, m ore normal relationship – one defined not by fear and mistrust, but gr owing cooperation, expanding trade and exchange, and the peaceful manag ement of our differences.Our confidence that there are no permanent enemies also gives us hope t hat two states, Israel and Palestine, will one day live side by side in peace and security. The Annapolis process will support the bilateral e fforts of Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas to end the conflict between their peoples. But we must not lose sight of what that peace w ill really mean.Peace will mean that Palestinians will never again suffer the humiliations of occupation and wasted hours spent in checkpoints – and will ins tead be free to work and prosper in a state of their own. Peace will me an that Israelis who have so justly and proudly defended the Jewish sta te for the past 60 years will finally see their right to exist affirmed and accepted by their neighbors. And peace will mean that the hatreds borne of this now 60 year-old conflict will pass away with this current generation, not be passed on to infect new ones.All conflicts must end, and nations need not have permanent enemies. Bu t Lord Palmerston was wrong on the other part of his quote – that nati ons have no permanent allies. The United States has permanent allies: T hey are the allies with whom we share values – allies like Japan, and South Korea, and Australia, the allies we have in our own hemisphere, a nd of course, the allies we have across this continent – within NATO a nd the European Union.Let me speak for a moment about this extraordinary alliance called the transatlantic alliance. The United States expects a lot of our allies. And our allies expect a lot of us. And the alliance has endured recent frictions, but it has never fractured. And the transatlantic alliance i s defined today not by the differences between us, but by the work we d o together to support the global success of our shared ideas – most im portantly in Afghanistan.I recognize that this is not easy work. We have all struggled to master the challenge of counterinsurgency– of marrying our civilian reconstr uction and development efforts with our military operations. NATO is no t performing perfectly. Neither is America. And our publics need to be told honestly that we are engaged in a real war in Afghanistan, that th ere will be sacrifices, that this is not just a peacekeeping operation, and that the stakes could not be higher for the Afghan people, for our alliance, and for international security.But for all of the challenges NATO is facing, let us remember how far w e have come. I remember when NATO saw the world in two parts: There was Europe, and then there was “out of area” – which was pretty much ev erything else. So who could have imagined seven years ago that our alli ance today would be training troops in Iraq, providing air lift in Darf ur, and rooting out terrorists in places like Kandahar? These are incre asingly the challenges of the 21st century, and I am optimistic that NA TO will meet them, just as it met the challenges of last century.It is true, ladies and gentlemen, that optimism and confidence in our i deals are perhaps a part of the American character, and I admit that this can make us a somewhat impatient nation. Though we realize that our ideals and our interests may be in tension in the short term, and that they are surely tested by the complexities of the real world, we know t hat they tend to be in harmony when we take the long view.Like any nation, we have made mistakes throughout our history, and we a re going to make them again. But our confidence in our principles, and our impatience with the pace of change, is also a source of our greates t successes – and this will ensure that the United States remains a st rong, confident, and capable global leader in the 21st century.Yes, our ideals and our optimism make Americans impatient, but our hist ory, our experience, should make us patient at the same time. We, of al l people, realize how long and difficult the path of democracy really i s. After all, when our Founding Fathers said “We the People,” they di d not mean me. It took the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln, to overc ome the compromise in our Constitution that made the founding of the Un ited States of America possible, but that made my ancestors three-fifth s of a man.So we Americans have no reason for false pride and every reason for hum ility. And we believe that human imperfection makes democracy more impo rtant, and all who are striving for it more deserving of patience and s upport. History provides so many affirming examples of this.After all, who would have thought that Japan would be a pillar of democ ratic stability in Asia? Once, that seemed impossible. Now, it seems in evitable.Who would have thought that Germany and France would never go to war ag ain and would instead join in union? Once, that too seemed impossible. Now, it too seems inevitable.And who would have thought that NATO and the European Union would erase old divisions of East and West, that they would unite democratic natio ns across Europe, and that the Alliance would hold its 2006 Summit in L atvia? Once, that seemed impossible. Now, it too seems inevitable.And even today, from time to time, we catch the occasional glimpse of w hat a better world could look like. I have seen it while sitting in a p rovincial council in Kirkuk, and watching as Iraqis search in peace for ways to resolve their differences. I have seen it when I watched the S audi Foreign Minster applaud the Israeli Prime Minister’s speech about a new opportunity for peace.And I have seen what a better future could look like when, improbably, I have watched the American president stand with elected leaders under the flags of a democratic Iraq, a democratic Afghanistan, and the demo cratic future state of Palestine.That ultimately is the role of confidence in the eventual triumph of ou r ideals: to face the world everyday as it is, but to know that it does not have to be that way – and to keep in sight the better, not perfec t, but better world that it can be.Thank you very much.4楼。

希拉里演讲稿（通用3篇）希拉里篇1I promise you tonight that I will reach across partylines to bring progress for all of New York's families.今晚我发誓，我将跨越两党的界线为全纽约州的所有家庭创造繁荣与进步。

Today we voted as Democrats and Republicans.Tomorrow we begin again as New Yorkers.今天，我们以民主党人和共和党人的身份投票;明天，我们将作为纽约人重新开始。

And how fortunate we are indeed to live in the mostdiverse, dynamic and beautiful state in the entireunion.能生活在我国多元文化最丰富多彩、最生气勃勃、最美丽的一个州，我们是多么的幸运。

You know, from the South Bronx to the Southern Tier, from Brooklyn to Buffalo, from Montaukto Massena, from the world's tallest skyscrapers to breathtaking mountain ranges大家知道，从南布朗克斯到纽约最南端，从布鲁克林到布法罗，从蒙特哥到马塞纳，从世界上最高的摩天大楼到令人叹为观止的绵延山脉I've met people whose faces and stories I will never forget.我认识了不少人，我永远也不会忘记他们的容貌和故事。

Thousands of New Yorkers from all 62 counties welcomed me into your schools, your localdiners, your factory floors, your living rooms and front porches.纽约六十二个县成千上万的纽约人把我迎进了你们的学校、你们的风味小餐馆、你们的车间、你们的起居室和前廊。

肯尼迪在莱斯大学演讲范文第一篇：肯尼迪在莱斯大学演讲范文President Pitzer, Mr.Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr.Webb, Mr.Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a State noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance.The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation’s own scientific manpower is doubli ng every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip [aut'strip] v.[T] 追过，胜过，凌驾our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense [kən'dens] v.[T] 1.压缩；浓缩 2.聚集（光线）3.缩短，减缩（文章等）4.使冷凝，使凝结v.[I] 1.（气体）冷却成液体（或固体）2.浓缩；凝结, if you will, the 50,000 years of man¹s recorded history in a time span n.[C] 1.（桥墩间的）墩距；孔；跨距；支点距2.一段时间（尤指人的一生）；短促的时间 3.指距 4.全长 5.小范围；短距离 6.持续时间，时间阶段v.[T] 1.（桥、拱等）横跨，跨越 2.（建筑工人等）在...上架桥（或建造拱门等）3.以指距量；测量 4.用手环绕（或围绕）（腰、腕等）5.持续；包括6.【数】生成，张成7.缚住，扎牢8.拉紧，张紧9.套上（马等）of but a half a century.Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them.Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from自...出现摆脱出来，走出阴影his caves to construct other kinds of shelter.Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels.Christianity 1.基督教began less than two years ago.The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power.Newton explored the meaning of st month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available.Only last week did we develop penicillin n.盘尼西林,青霉素and television and nuclear power, and now if America¹s new spacecraft succeeds in reachi ng Venus n.1.金星；太白星 2.维纳斯, we will have literally ad.1.逐字地；照着原文 2.确实地，真正地，不加夸张地3.【口】（用于夸张）简直reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking 1.非常激动人心的，壮观的 2.惊人的；惊险的 3.使人透不过气来的pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels v.[T] 驱散，驱逐old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers.Surely the opening vistas n.1.（农村、城市等的）景色，景观2.（未来可能发生的）一系列情景，一连串事情 3.美国微软的新视窗操作系统Vista)of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.But this city of Houston, this State of Texas, this country of the United States was not built bythose who waited and rested and wished to look behind them.This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred.The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolutions, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space.We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it.For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace.We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first.In short, our leadership in science and in industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained,and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people.For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own.Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war.I do not say the we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet.Its hazards are hostile to us all.Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again.But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?We choose to go to the moon.We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history.We have felt the groundshake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor.We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth.Some 40 of them w ere “made in the United States of America” and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science.The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course.Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them.And they may be less public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight.But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school.Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effortitself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs.Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this State, and this region, will share greatly in this growth.What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.Houston, your City of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community.During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year;to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities;and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this Center in this City.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money.This year¹s space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined.That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year.Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United Stated, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us.But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standingheat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.[laughter]However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid.I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job.And this will be done in the decade of the sixties.It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university.It will be done during the term of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform.But it will be done.And it will be done before the end of this decade.I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it.He sa id, “Because it is there.”Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there.And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.Thank you.第二篇：莱斯大学校园生活莱斯大学（Rice University），1891年由德克萨斯州棉花巨富威廉·马歇尔·莱斯William Marshall Rice创建的莱斯大学（Rice University），位于美国南方宁静的得克萨斯州休斯敦市郊，为美国南方最高学府，离市中心仅三英里车程。

赖斯被提名为国务卿的演讲Thank you. Thank you, Mr. President. It has been an honor and a privilege to work for you thesepast four years, in times of crisis, decision and opportunity for our nation. Under your leadership,America is fighting and winning the war on terror. And you have worked to widen the circle ofprosperity and progress in every corner of the world. I look forward, with the consent of the Senate,to pursuing your hopeful and ambitious agenda as Secretary of State. Mr. President, it is an honor tobe asked to serve your administration and my country once again. And it is humbling to imaginesucceeding my dear friend and mentor, Colin Powell. He is one of the finest public servants ournation has ever produced. Colin Powell has been a great and inspirational Secretary of State. It wasmy honor to serve alongside him, and he will be missed. It will, of course, be hard to leave theWhite House, and especially to leave behind the terrific NSC staff who have served their Presidentand their country so ably in this most challenging of times. Y et, I can leave confident in theknowledge that they will be led by the consummate professional, a man I know and admire, mycolleague and friend, Steve Hadley. Finally, let me say that in my 25 years of experience in foreignaffairs, both in and out of government, I have come to know the men and women of the Departmentof State. I have the utmost admiration and respect for their skill, their professionalism and theirdedication. If I am confirmed by the Senate, I look forward to working with the great people of theForeign Service and the Civil Service. And one of my highest priorities as Secretary will be toensure that they have all the tools necessary to carry American diplomacy forward in the 21stcentury. Mr. President, thank you again for this great opportunity, and for your continuedconfidence in me.。