副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员：
昨天，1941年12月7日——我们必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子——美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的进攻。美国和日本是和平相处的，在日本的哀求下我们仍在同它的政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋和平。实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻美国大使和他的同僚还向我们的国务卿提交了一份对美国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。
历史将会证明，夏威夷距日本这么遥远，表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在斡旋期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。
昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁（檀香山）之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。
昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。
昨夜，日本军队进攻了香港。
昨夜，日本军队进攻了关岛。
昨夜，日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。
昨夜，日本人进攻了威克岛。
今晨，日本人进攻了中途岛。
因此，日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。
作为陆海军，总司令，我已指示，为了我们的防务采取一切措施。
但是，我们整个国家都将永远记住这次对我们进攻的性质。不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次预谋的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。
我们现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。
敌对行动已经存在。无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。
相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心－－我们将取得必然的胜利，愿上帝帮助我们！我要求国会宣布：自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。
FDR & a New Deal for America
“It is hard, today, to imagine the level of expectation that greeted Franklin Delano Roosevelt when he ascended to take the reins from the much-maligned Hoover‖ (Jennings 155).―People are looking to you almost as they look to God‖ (qtd. in Jennings 157). By the end of his twelve years as president, ―people would find it hard to remember a day when he was not their leader, when they could not expect, at a time of need, to hear his soothing voice‖ (Jennings 157).
Roosevelt Takes Office March 4, 1933
1933: A Nation in Crisis ?1933: The Great Depression was almost 4 years old. ?Hoover was seen as ineffective ?Roosevelt was a symbol of hope ?The economy including the stock market, banks and general unemployment was reeling.
克服自卑的励志演讲稿【五篇】 【篇一】克服自卑的励志演讲稿 老师们、同学们： 大家会好： 自卑，就是自己轻视自己，自己看不起自己。自卑，是缺乏魅力的根源，也是衰老的催化剂。许多心理问题来自于自卑情结。“通往成功的道路上，完全不必为自卑而彷徨，只要把握好自己，成功的路就在脚下。”这是《榜样的力量》所写到的，读了《榜样的力量》后，我受益匪浅。我懂得了如何排除自卑心理，战胜自我、超越自我。文章中举了几个例子：拿破仑、美国总统罗斯福和菲律宾外长的罗慕洛，这些人都是人们耳熟能详的伟人，他们也有着与众不同的人生历程。我想他们也是通过不断排除自卑心理，战胜自我、超越自我，从而走向成功的。 美国总统罗斯福是一个有缺陷的人，小时候是一个脆弱且胆小的学生。他在学校课堂上动不动就显露出一种惊惧的表情。他呼吸就好像喘大气一样。如果被喊起来背诵，他的嘴唇立即会颤动不已，双腿发抖，回答问题含含糊糊，吞吞吐吐，然后会颓然地坐下来。由于牙齿的暴露，难堪的境地使他更没有一个好的姿态。 可见，自卑的心理就是促使一个人在人生道路上常走下坡路，加速自身衰老的催化剂。因此，希望健康的人如果想要防止早衰，就应摒弃自卑心理，客观地分析自我，认识自我，热爱自我，树立起生活的勇气。
虽然罗斯福有这方面的缺陷，但他却有一种积极奋斗的精神。他没有因为同伴对他的嘲笑而气馁。他咬紧自己的牙床，用坚强的意志，使嘴唇不颤动而克服心里的惧怕。他从来不欺骗自己，也从不认为自己是勇敢、强壮的。但是他能用自己的行动来证明自己是可以克服先天的障碍而得到成功的。凡是他能够克服的缺点他便克服，不能克服的他便加以利用。通过演讲，他学会了如何利用一种假声，掩饰他不被人喜欢的姿态，以及他那无人不知的暴牙。虽然他的演讲中并不具有任何惊人之处，但他不因自己的姿态和声音而认为自己是失败的。他没有洪亮的声音或是威严的姿态，他也不像有些人那样具有惊人的辞令，然而在当时，他却是最有震撼力的演说家之一。 可见，自卑的心理就是促使一个人在人生道路上常走下坡路，加速自身衰老的催化剂。因此，希望健康的人如果想要防止早衰，就应象拿破仑那样，摒弃自卑心理，客观地分析自我，认识自我，热爱自我，树立起生活的勇气。 犹太人认为，自卑心理严重的人，并不一定就是他本人具有某种缺陷或短处，而是常把自己放在一个低人一等的位置，不能容纳自己，自惭形秽，不被别人喜欢，进而演绎成被别人看不起的位置，并由此陷人不可自拔的境地。 由于罗斯福没有在自己的缺陷面前消沉和退缩，而是全面、充分地认识自己。在意识到自我缺陷的同时，能做到不气馁，能正确地评价自己，在顽强之中抗争，甚至将它加以利用，将这些缺憾变为资本，变为扶梯而登上名誉巅峰。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文,中文版） 美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文版） President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation
罗斯福首次就职演说 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。 罗斯福首次就职演说President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is
Address to the United Nations General Assembly: On the Adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 埃利诺·罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话：关于《世界人权宣言》 Eleanor Roosevelt Mr. President, fellow delegates, The long and meticulous study and debate of which this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation. Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind. There are of course particular provisions in the Declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied. I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years. Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this is a good document -- even a great document -- and we propose to give it our full support. The position of the United States on the various parts of the Declaration is a matter of record in the Third Committee. I shall not burden the Assembly, and particularly my colleagues of the Third Committee, with a restatement of that position here. I should like to comment briefly on the amendments proposed by the Soviet delegation. The language of these amendments has been dressed up somewhat, but the substance is the same as the amendments which were offered by the Soviet delegation in committee and rejected after exhaustive discussion. Substantially the same amendments have been previously considered and rejected in the Human Rights Commission. We in the United States admire those who fight for their convictions, and the Soviet delegation has fought for their convictions. But in the older democracies we have learned that sometimes we bow to the will of the majority. In doing that, we do not give up our convictions. We continue sometimes to persuade, and eventually we may be successful. But we know that we have to work together and we have to progress. So, we believe that when we have made a good fight, and the majority is against us, it is perhaps better tactics to try to cooperate. I feel bound to say that I think perhaps it is somewhat of an imposition on this Assembly to have these amendments offered again here, and I am confident that they will be rejected without debate. The first two paragraphs of the amendment to article 3 deal with the question of minorities, which committee 3 decided required further study, and has recommended, in a separate resolution, their reference to the Economic and Social Council and the Human Rights Commission. As set out in the Soviet amendment, this provision clearly states "group," and not "individual," rights. The Soviet amendment to article 20 is obviously a very restrictive statement of the right to freedom of opinion and expression. It sets up standards which would enable any state practically to deny all freedom of opinion and expression without violating the article. It introduces the terms "democratic view," "democratic systems," "democratic state," and "fascism," which we know all too well from debates in this Assembly over the past two years on warmongering and related subjects are liable to the most flagrant abuse and diverse interpretations. The statement of the Soviet delegate here tonight is a very good case in point on this. The Soviet amendment of article 22 introduces new elements into the article without improving the committed text and again introduces specific reference to "discrimination." As was repeatedly pointed out in committee 3, the question of discrimination is comprehensively covered in article 2
First Inaugural Address Franklin D. Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福 1933.3.4. 演讲者简介： 罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。 President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted
罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿 【--就职演讲稿】 就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了，下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！ 胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们： President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends: 值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. 我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们支付能力下降了；各级政府都遇到严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易贸易过程中遭到了冻结，工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄付之东流。
二战珍珠港观后感范文5篇 偷袭珍珠港，确实是二战期间最令人不齿的事件之一。然而作为受害者的美国人 在演绎这一场事件时，却没有因报复心或仇恨心故意丑化日本人，反而还原了日本军 队本来具有的强大战斗力和作战精神。下面是学习啦的小编为你们整理的文章，希望 你们能够喜欢 珍珠港电影的观后感 昨天晚上中央六台放《珍珠港》，三个小时的大片23：00才开始，中间还插了 30分钟的广告，害我一看看到凌晨两点。 这不是我第一次看《珍珠港》。几年前刚刚播映时，我就借过D版看，还一看就 是好几遍。 但是那时候还小，看这部电影就是冲着里面的大场面去看的，可以说无论影片叙 述的感情故事还是战争背景，都没有引起我的注意，因为我的时间都花在期待和欣赏 那些爆炸场面上了。 昨天晚上再看，我却第一次发现了这部片子的一大特点美国与中国一样，都曾经 与日本为敌、与日本交战，但是在这部片子中反映出来的日本军人，并非如同中国的 抗日战争影片中那般狰狞可怕、丑陋不堪，相反地，看片的人会不由地赞赏他们精妙 的战略部署，以及面对战争时忘我的牺牲精神。 反观中国的抗日战争影片，我们都是从小看到大的了。片中的反角日本人的典型 形象，就是留着两撇八字小胡须，嘴里叫着“八格牙鲁”，动作粗鲁、形象猥琐，最后 被我们神勇的八路军战士打得屁滚尿流，仓皇逃窜。 小时候的我愚昧无知，还真以为日本人都这副德行。现在想想，先不说抗战八年 有几场像摸象样的仗是八路军新四军打出来的(他们不就是在那儿游击么?)，就说日本 军人要真是那么一副猥琐像，真是那么没有纪律随意散漫，这么大一片东亚、东南亚，凭他一小小日本岛，能打得下来吗? 二站期间的欧洲战场，德国是最强，要不是盟军诺曼底登陆成功外加希特勒令人 难以置信的瞎指挥，最后鹿死谁手还指不定呢。 同样的道理在亚洲，要不是最后美国丢的那两颗原子弹，还有苏联出兵东北，这 东亚、东南亚地区能够靠自己的力量战胜日本吗?难道还真以为那小米加步枪能打得过大炮铁骑了?这又不是魔幻故事!
First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure