小布什就职演讲
Authority权力humble 使谦卑President George W. Bush's Inaugural Address
January 20, 2001
President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare
in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many
will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the
story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that
became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to
defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and
enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves
a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes
halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it
is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we
carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet
to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.
The ambitions
of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And
sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens
in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by
a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or
soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds,
lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles.
Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each
of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates
appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.
If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their
idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of
trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common
dangers defined our common
good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage
in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And
we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and
by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show
purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we
will speak for the valuesss that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is
unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are
not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems,
but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.
Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church
and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in
our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not
pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valuessd and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires
sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.
And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are
called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the valuesss of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything
government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;
to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you
to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of
service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs
beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this
spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: ``We
know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to
the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind
and directs this storm?''
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the
themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in
our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and
generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
2017小布什就职演讲稿【中英版】 presidentclinton,distinguishedguestsandmyfellowcitize ns: thepeacefultransferofauthorityisrareinhistory,yetcomm oninourcountry.withasimpleoath,weaffirmoldtraditionsa ndmakenewbeginnings. asibegin,ithankpresidentclintonforhisservicetoournati on;andithankvicepresidentgoreforacontestconductedwith spiritandendedwithgrace. iamhonoredandhumbledtostandhere,wheresomanyofamerica ’sleadershavecomebeforeme,andsomanywillfollow. wehaveaplace,allofus,inalongstory.astorywecontinue,bu twhoseendwewillnotsee.itisthestoryofanewworldthatbeca meafriendandliberatoroftheold,astoryofaslave-holdingsocietythatbecameaservantoffreedom,thestoryofa powerthatwentintotheworldtoprotectbutnotpossess,todef endbutnottoconquer.itistheamericanstory.astoryofflawe dandfalliblepeople,unitedacrossthegenerationsbygranda ndenduringideals.thegrandestoftheseidealsisanunfoldin gamericanpromisethateveryonebelongs,thateveryonedeser vesachance,thatnoinsignificantpersonwaseverborn.ameri cansarecalledupontoenactthispromiseinourlivesandinour laws;andthoughournationhassometimeshalted,andsometime sdelayed,wemustfollownoothercourse.
A Rhetorical Analysis of Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address Abstract: Abraham Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address on March 4, 1865, during his second inauguration as president of the United States. This address is planned; it is adapted to his audience; it is shaped by Lincoln’s motives; it seeks persuasion. Lincoln made full use of argument, appeals, arrangement, and aesthetics which are four resources of symbols assisting the goal of persuasion. Thus it is categorized as rhetoric. This thesis makes a rhetorical analysis of Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address. Key words:Abraham Lincoln’s second inaugural address, rhetoric, analysis 1. Introduction The custom of delivering an address on Inauguration Day started with the very first Inauguration—George Washington's—on April 30, 1789. After taking his oath of office on the balcony of Federal Hall in New York City, Washington proceeded to the Senate chamber where he read a speech before members of Congress and other dignitaries. Every President since Washington has delivered an Inaugural address. While many of the early Presidents read their addresses before taking the oath, current custom dictates that the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court administer the oath first, followed by the President's speech. Today, Presidents deliver their Inaugural address on the west front of the Capitol, but this has not always been the case. Until Andrew Jackson's first Inauguration in 1829, most Presidents spoke in either the House or Senate chambers. Jackson became the first President to take his oath of office and deliver his address on the east front portico of the U.S. Capitol in 1829. With few exceptions, the next 37 Inaugurations took place there, until 1981, when Ronald Reagan's swearing-in ceremony and Inaugural address occurred on the west front terrace of the Capitol. The west front has been used ever since. Abraham Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address on March 4, 1865, during his second inauguration as president of the United States. At a time when victory over the secessionists in the American Civil War was within days and slavery was near an end, Lincoln did not speak of happiness, but of sadness. Some see this speech as a defense of his pragmatic approach to Reconstruction, in which he sought to avoid harsh treatment of the defeated South by reminding his listeners of how wrong both sides had been in imagining what lay before them when the war began four years earlier. Lincoln balanced that rejection of triumphalism, however, with
Hello, Chicago. If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is aplace where all things ar e possible, who still wonders if the dreamof our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is youranswer. 美国是一个一切皆有可能的地方，如果还有人对这一点心存怀疑，如果还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们时代是否还有活力，还有人怀疑我们民主制度的力量，那么，你们今晚正是对那些疑问作出了回答。 It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers thi s nation hasnever seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for th e first time in their lives,because they believed that this time must be different, that th eir voices could be that difference. 在学校和教堂周围所出现的前所未有的长队是答案，这个国家从未见过这么多的人前来投票，人们排三个、四个小时的队来进行有生以来的第一次投票，因为他们相信这一次将会不同，他们发出的声音可能就是那个差别。 It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, bl ack, white,Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. Americans who sent amessage to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of redstates and blue states. 这是一个年轻人和年老人、富人和穷人、民主党人和共和党人、黑人、白人、西班牙裔人、亚裔、印第安人、同性恋和异性恋、残障人士和健全人士所作出的回答。美国人向世界发出一个信息：我们从不只是一些个人的累加或者“红色州”和“蓝色州”的累加。 We are, and always will be, the United States of America. 我们是，并且永远是美利坚合众国。 It’s the answer that led those who’ve been told for so long by so many to be cynical a nd fearful anddoubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of hist ory and bend it once moretoward the hope of a better day. 这是一个引导人们的答案，太多的人在很长的时间内给他们说这个答案，以至于他们对此持愤世疾俗的态度，对我们是否可以再一次把握历史的希望感到担心和怀疑。 It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this e lection at thisdefining moment change has come to America. 已经过去了很长时间，但是今晚，由于我们今天在这场选举所采取的行动，在这个决定性的时候，变革来到了美国。 A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen. M cCain. 今晚早些时候，我接到来自参议员麦凯恩的一个极具风度的电话。
布什连任就职演讲全文 2005年1月20日 今天，按照宪法规定我们举行这个仪式。我们在此欢庆我国宪法常青的智慧，追寻我们团结全国的深切责任感。我感佩这个时刻带来的荣耀，意识到我们时代的期盼并期待着完成我的誓言，请你们做证。 这是我们第二次聚会，我们的责任并非由我的讲演来确定，它源于我们当前历史时期的要求。半个世纪以来，美国在遥远的边界上捍卫着我们的自由。共产主义破产后我们有相对平静、懒散的岁月，而后是火光四射的那一天。 我们已明了自身的弱点，我们也深知其根源。只要世界某些区域酝酿着不满、滋生着暴君，就会产生宣扬仇恨和为屠杀寻找借口的意识形态，就会聚集暴力和毁灭的能量，它们会越过严密把守的边界带来毁灭的威胁。这个世界只存在一种力量可以冲决仇恨、揭露暴君的虚伪、扶植容忍、培育尊严，那就是人类的自由。 我们受常识的指引和历史的教诲，得出如下结论：自由是否能在我们的土地上存在，正日益依赖于自由在别国的胜利。对和平的热切期望只能源于自由在世界上的扩展。 关系到美国生死存亡的利益和我们基本的信念合而为一。自立国始，我们就宣示：生于世间的每个男女都拥有他们的权力、尊严和无可比拟的价值，因为他们拥有创造天地之神的形象。每一世代，我们重申着民有政权的重要性，没有什么人应该是主人而另一些人应该做奴隶。实现这一理念的使命是我们的立国之本。我们的先父荣耀地完成了这一使命。进一步扩展这一理念是国家安全的要求，是我们的当务之急。 有鉴于此，美国的政策是寻求并支持世界各国和各种文化背景下成长的民主运动，寻求并支持民主的制度化。最终的目标是终结世间的任何极权制度。 这个目标最终不应由暴力达成，尽管在必要时，我们将以武力自卫，并保卫我们的朋友。自由的性质要求公民去自觉地选择它，捍卫它，并通过立法加以维护，同时保障劣势者。当一个国家的魂魄最终选择自由时，它的制度将反映着不同于我们的文化和传统。美国将不会强迫任何国家接受我们的国家体制。我们的目的，是帮助其他国家找到自己的声音，获得自身的自由，发现自己的自由之路。 终结专制统治的巨大使命是几代人努力的目标。其难度不是无所作为的借口。美国的影响有限，但值得庆幸的是，美国的影响也是有力的，我们将充满信
林肯第二次就职演说 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not
2020 奥巴马就职成功演讲稿文档 SPEECH DRAFT
奥巴马就职成功演讲稿文档 前言语料：温馨提醒，演讲又叫讲演或演说，是指在公众场合，以有声语言为主要 手段，以体态语言为辅助手段，针对某个具体问题，鲜明、完整地发表自己的见解 和主张，阐明事理或抒发情感，进行宣传鼓动的一种语言交际活动。魅力演讲可以 让演说者能够更好的抓住核心，把握本质，从根本上解决问题！把演讲的效果，发 挥到极致，充分展现演讲魅力，释放能量，从而产生最大影响力！ 本文内容如下：【下载该文档后使用Word打开】 奥巴马就职成功演讲稿 这是设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队给出的答案;是等了三四个小时的选民所给出的答案，其中许多人都是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们认定这一次肯定会不一样，认为自己的声音会是这次大选有别于以往之所在。 这是所有美国人民共同给出的答案--无论老少贫富，无论是民-主党还是共和党，无论是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亚裔、原住民，是同性恋者还是异性恋者、残疾人还是健全人--我们从来不是“红州”和“蓝州”的对立阵营，我们是美利坚合众国这个整体，永远都是。 奥巴马就职成功演讲 长久以来，很多人一再受到告诫，要对我们所能取得的成绩极尽讽刺、担忧和怀疑之能事，但这个答案让这些人伸出手来把握历史，再次让它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。
已经过去了这么长时间，但今晚，由于我们在今天、在这场大选中、在这个具有决定性的时刻所做的，美国已经迎来了变革。 我刚刚接到了麦凯恩参议员极具风度的致电。他在这场大选中经过了长时间的努力奋斗，而他为自己所深爱的这个国家奋斗的时间更长、过程更艰辛。他为美国做出了我们大多数人难以想像的牺牲，我们的生活也因这位勇敢无私的领袖所做出的贡献而变得更美好。我向他和佩林州长所取得的成绩表示祝贺，我也期待着与他们一起在未来的岁月中为复兴这个国家的希望而共同努力。 我要感谢我在这次旅程中的伙伴--已当选美国副总统的拜登。他全心参与竞选活动，为普通民众代言，他们是他在斯克兰顿从小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉华的火车上遇到的男男女女。 如果没有一个人的坚决支持，我今晚就不会站在这里，她是我过去20xx年来最好的朋友、是我们一家人的中坚和我一生的挚爱，更是我们国家的下一位第一夫人：米歇尔?奥巴马(MichelleObama)。萨莎(Sasha)和玛丽亚(Malia)，我太爱你们两个了，你们已经得到了一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入驻白宫。虽然我的外祖母已经不在了，但我知道她与我的亲人肯定都在看着我，因为他们，我才能拥有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他们，我知道自己欠他们的无可计量。 我的竞选经理大卫?普劳夫(DavidPlouffe)、首席策略师大卫?艾克斯罗德(DavidAxelrod)以及政治史上最好的竞选团队--是你们成就了今天，我永远感激你们为实现今天的成就所做出的牺
特朗普就职演讲稿中文 导语：XX年11月9日，美国大选终于尘埃落定，一开始一直不被看好的唐纳德?特朗普击败民主党候选人希拉里?克林顿，当选美国第45任总统。他获选后的这篇演讲，不管是从内容还是风格形式上都非常有特色。以下是品才网小编整理的特朗普就职演讲稿中文，欢迎阅读参考。 特朗普就职演讲稿中文首席大法官罗伯茨先生，卡特前总统，克林顿前总统，布什前总统，奥巴马前总统，各位美国同胞，世界人民，感谢你们。 各位美国公民们，我们正参与到一项伟大的全国性事业当中：重建我们的国家，重塑对全体人民的承诺。我们将一起决定未来很多年内美国乃至全世界的道路。 我们将遭遇挑战。我们会遇到困难。但是我们能将这项事业完成。每过四年，我们都相聚在这里进行有序和平的权力交接。 我们应该感谢总统奥巴马和第一夫人米歇尔·奥巴马，他们在权力交接中，慷慨地给予我以帮助。他们真的很棒。谢谢你们。 今天的就职典礼有着特殊的意义。因为，今天我们不只是将权力由一任总统交接到下一任总统，由一个政党交接给另一政党。
今天，我们是将权力由华盛顿交接到了人民的手中，即你们的手中。 长久以来，华盛顿的一小群人攫取了利益果实，代价却要由人民来承受。华盛顿欣欣向荣，人民却没有分享到财富。政客们塞满了腰包，工作机会却越来越少，无数工厂关门。 建制派保护的是他们自己，而不是我们国家的公民。他们的成功和胜利不属于你们。当他们在我们的首都欢呼庆祝时，这片土地上无数在挣扎奋斗的家庭却没有什么可以庆祝的。但这些都会改变，在此地改变，在此时改变。因为你们的时刻来临了，这一刻属于你们。 这次胜利，属于今天聚集在这里的所有人，以及全国正在观看这次典礼的所有美国人。这是属于你们的一天。这是你们的庆祝日。我们所在的美利坚合众国，是你们的国家。 真正重要的，并不是政府由哪个政党来掌控，而是政府能不能被人民掌控。XX年1月20日，这一天将会被铭记，美国人民重新成为了国家的主宰者。 曾经被忽视的美国人不会继续被忽视。 现在，所有人都在倾听你们。你们数以千万计地投入到这场历史运动中，这样的事情世界上从来没有过。 这一就职典礼的核心是一种信念——我们坚信国家是为服务人民而存在的。我们国家想要为孩子们提供优良的学校教育，为家庭提供安全的生活环境，为每个人提供好的就
林肯第一次就职演讲稿 林肯第一次就职演讲稿 的安全，我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令，而不 要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法，便可以逃脱罪责，而对它们公然违反。自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来，七十二年已经过去了。在这期间，十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。 他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功。然而，尽管有这么多可供参考的先例，我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期 中来担任这同一任务，却.面临着巨大的非同一般的困难。在此以前，分裂联邦只是受到了威胁，而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了。从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑，我坚信，我们各州组成的 联邦是永久性的。在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点，虽不 一定写明，却是不言而喻的。我们完全可以肯定说，没有一个名副其 实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条，规定自己完结的期限。继续 执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文，联邦便将永远存在下去——除 了采取并未见之于宪法的行动，谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦。还有，就算 合众国并不是个名副其实的政府，而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的 联合体，那既有契约的约束，若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意，我 们能说取消就把它取消吗?参加订立契约的一方可以违约，或者说毁约;但如果合法地取消这一契约，岂能不需要大家一致同意吗?从这些总原则出发，我们发现，从法学观点来看，联邦具有永久性质的提法，是 为联邦自身的历史所证实的。联邦本身比宪法更为早得多。事实上， 它是由1774年，签订的《联合条款》建立的。到1776年的《独立宣
言》才使它进一步成熟和延续下来。然后，通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟，当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去。最后，到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一，便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”。但是，如果任何一个州，或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉，加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了，因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性。从这些观点我们可以认定，任何一个州，都不可能仅凭自己动议，便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的;至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当局的暴力行为，都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为。因此我认为,从宪法和法律的角度来看，联邦是不容分裂的;我也将竭尽全力，按照宪法明确赋于我的责任，坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行。这样做，我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责;只要是可行的，我就一定要履行它，除非我的合法的主人美国人民，收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具，或行使他们的权威，命令我采取相反的行动。我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓，而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的，它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在。要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力，除非有人把它强。加于国家当局，否则便决不会发生那种情况。赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地。征收各种税款和关税;但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外，决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民，或在人民之间使用武力。任何内地，即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍，以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候，政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务。尽管按严格的法律规定，政府
My fellow citizens: 各位同胞： I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. 今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。 Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. 四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠于创建我国的法统。 So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. 因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人必须承继下去。 That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. 现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正处于对抗深远暴力和憎恨的战争。我们的经济元气大伤，是某些人贪婪且不负责任的后果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，为国家进入新时代做淮备所致。许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意垮了。我们的医疗照护太昂贵，学校教育辜负了许多人。每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。 These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. 这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失—持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。 Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met. 今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。 On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
美国东部时间1月20日中午12时左右，美国第44任总统贝拉克-奥巴马发表就职演说，全文如下：各位同胞： 今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。 四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠於创建我国的法统。 因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人也必须承继下去。 现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意萧条。我们的医疗太昂贵，学校教育让人失望。每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。 这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。 今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。 在这一天，我们聚在一起，因为我们选择希望而非恐惧，有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。
在这一天，我们来此宣示，那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结，那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。 我们仍是个年轻的国家，但借用圣经的话，摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了，重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了，选择我们更好的历史，实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利，那种高贵的理念：就是上帝的应许，我们每个人都是平等的，每个人都是自由的，每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。 再次肯定我们国家的伟大，我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来，必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸乐胜过工作，或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反，走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人，做事的人，成事的人，其中有些人很出名，但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄，在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们，迈向繁荣与自由。 为了我们，他们携带很少的家当，远渡重洋，追寻新生活。 为了我们，他们胼手胝足，在西部安顿下来；忍受风吹雨打，筚路蓝缕。 为了我们，他们奋斗不懈，在康科特和盖茨堡，诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。 前人不断的奋斗与牺牲，直到双手皮开肉绽，我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体，超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。 这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时，我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新，我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比，一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定，这段时期肯定已经过去。从今天起，我们必须重新出发、再次展开再造美国的工程。
Bush's Inaugural Address I thank you all. Chief Justicer Renquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings. As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace. I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow. We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course. Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel. While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity. I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image. And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward. America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it
At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. Their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass