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2016年上外MTI最全真题汇总首发(三科全有!!)

2016年上外MTI最全真题汇总首发(三科全有!!)
2016年上外MTI最全真题汇总首发(三科全有!!)

2016 上外翻硕英语基础真题

I. Cloze Here's

why the 'American century' will survive rise of China

In 1941, Time editor Henry Luce proclaimed ―the American century‖. Some now see this coming to an end 1.as a result of the nation’s economic and political decline. Many point to the example of US failure to convince its allies to stay out of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, Beijing’s rival to the World Bank; but this was 2.more of an example of a faulty decision than evidence of decline, which raises the question of what is the natural life cycle of a nation.

A century is generally the limit for a human organism, but countries are social constructs. Rome did not collapse until more than three centuries after it reached its apogee of power in 117AD. After American independence in 1776, Horace Walpole, the British politician, lamented that his nation had been reduced to the level of Sardinia, just as Britain was about to enter the industrial revolution that 3.powered its second century as a global power.

Any effort at assessing American power in the coming decades should 4.take into account how many earlier efforts had been wide of the mark. It is chastening to remember how wildly 5.exaggerated US estimates of Soviet power in the 1970s and of Japanese power in the 1980s were. Today, some see the Chinese as 10 feet tall and proclaim this ―the Chinese century‖.

China’s size and relatively rapid economic growth will bring it closer to the US in terms of its power resources in the next few decades. But this does not necessarily mean it will surpass the US in military, economic and soft power.

6.Even if China suffers no big domestic political setback, many projections are simple linear extrapolations of growth rates that are likely to slow in the future.

7.Moreover, economic projections are one dimensional. They ignore US military and soft power advantages, such as the desire of students around the world to attend US universities. They also overlook China’s geopolitical

8.disadvantages in the Asian balance of power, compared with America’s relations with Europe, Japan and India, which are likely to remain more favourable.

It is not impossible that a challenger such as China, Europe, Russia, India or Brazil will surpass the US in the first half of this century, but it is not likely.

On the question of absolute rather than 9.relative American decline, the US faces serious problems in areas such as debt, secondary education, income in equality and political gridlock, but these are only part of the picture. On the positive side of the ledger are favourable trends in demography, technology and energy as well as abiding factors such as geography and entrepreneurial culture.

The scenarios that could 10.precipitate decline include ones in which the US overreacts to terrorist attacks by turning inwards and thus cuts itself off from the strength it obtains from openness. Alternatively, it could react by overcommitting itself and wasting blood and treasure as it did in Vietnam and Iraq.

As an overall assessment, describing the 21st century as one of American decline is inaccurate and misleading. Though the US has problems it is not in absolute decline, unlike ancient Rome, and it is likely to remain more powerful than any single state in coming decades.

The real problem is not that it will be overtaken by China or another contender, but rather that it faces a rise in the power resources of many others — both states and non-state actors such as transnational corporations, terrorist groups and cyber criminals. And it will face an increasing number of global problems that will 11.call on our ability to organise alliances and networks.

12.Contrary to the views of those who proclaim that this is the Chinese century, we have not entered a post-American world. But the American century of the future will not look the same as in previous decades. The US 13.share of the world economy will be smaller than it was in the middle of the past century.

Furthermore, the complexity created by the rise of other countries, as well as the increased role of non-state actors, will make it harder for even America, the biggest power, to 14.wield influence and organise action. Entropy is a greater challenge than China.

At the same time, even when the US had its greatest preponderance of power resources, it often failed t o secure what it wanted. Those who argue that the disorder of today’s world is much worse than in the past should remember a year such as 1956, when the US was unable to prevent Soviet 15.repression of a revolt in Hungary; or the Suez invasion by America’s allies Britain, France and Israel.We must not view the past through rose-tinted glasses. Now, with slightly less preponderance and a much more complex world, the American century will continue for at least a few decades, but it will look very different from when Luce first articulated it.

II.please answer the following questions 1.what aspects are ingored by many when it comes to accessing American power?

2.Did Britain decline after American independence?

3.Cite an example of American decline?

4.What are the real problems faced by the U.S.?

5.What will the future of the American century be like?

III. Write a composition in no less than 400 words.

Is damage to the environment the inevitable consequence of improving the living standard?

2016年上外MTI汉语写作与百科知识

一、百科知识

1.新文化运动的主要刊物是()

2.中国由女真族建立的政权是()和()。

3.唐朝诗人杜牧在()中描述了秦朝大兴土木的状况。

4.编钟是一种()

5.中国的汉字造形方法是()

6.元曲四大家()

7.五岳有()

二、成语解释

1.满腹经纶

2.卧薪尝胆

3.首当其冲

4.白驹过隙

5.暴殄天物

三、请阅读下列文章,写一篇读后感,不少于1000字

人民日报评薄熙来案:法理昭彰,有腐必惩

中评社北京9月22日电/人民日报9月23日评论员文章:坚持法治反腐,建设廉洁政治

法理昭彰,有腐必惩。9月22日,济南市中级人民法院对薄熙来受贿、贪污、滥用职权案做出一审判决,判处无期徒刑,剥夺政治权利终身,并处没收个人全部财产。综观整个薄熙来案,从立案侦查、审查起诉、提起公诉到开庭审理,再到法院宣判,整个过程以事实为根据,以法律为准绳,彰显了法治精神和司法正义,表明瞭我们党和国家依法惩治腐败的坚决态度和坚定决心。

用法治思维和法治方式反对腐败,是我们党坚持倡导的反腐思路。薄熙来案的查处过程,始终都贯穿着依法反腐的基本理念。无论是依党纪国法的查办过程,还是对案件的依法指定管辖;无论是控辩双方充分质证、法院公开透明审理,还是依法作出一审判决,都始终运行在法治的轨道上,始终以法治精神为依归。正因如此,对薄熙来案的依法查处,得到广大干部群众的支持拥护。这同时也有力表明,坚持依法反腐,既体现一种政治文明,也凝聚着普遍的社会共识。

律己廉为首,治国法为先。坚定不移惩治腐败,是我们党有力量的表现,也是全党同志和广大群众的共同愿望。对薄熙来的坚决依法惩处充分表明,党纪国法面前没有例外,不管涉及到谁,都要一查到底,都要依法严惩。实践证明,反腐败越坚决,坚持“老虎”“苍蝇”一起打,就越能发挥震慑力。当前,腐败现象依然多发,滋生腐败的土壤依然存在,反腐败斗争的形势依然严峻复杂,只有始终保持惩治腐败高压态势,坚持依纪依法严惩腐败,才能正党风、顺民意,才能聚党心、得民心。

党的十八大提出建设廉洁政治的重要任务,要求做到干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明。全党同志尤其是各级领导干部务必牢记,任何人都没有法律之外的绝对权力,任何人行使权力都必须为人民服务、对人民负责并自觉接受人民监督;务必坚定理想信念,强化宗旨意识,时刻警醒拒腐防变,带头遵纪守法,不断增强自我凈化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高能

力;务必坚持廉洁自律,把反腐倡廉当做政治必修课来认真对待,守住做人、处事、用权、交友的底线,永葆共产党人清正廉洁的政治本色。

2016年上外MTI英语翻译基础

一、请将下列文章翻译成中文

Why the term Sharing Economy need to die?

The ―sharing economy‖ is a meaningless term that was only coined in the first place because of the tech industry’s desi re to pretend everything it does is new and groundbreaking.

Now, almost a decade after it started seeing use, it’s worse than simply being meaningless: it’s actively obfuscatory, lumping together a hugely disparate bunch of companies, many of which push the definition to its limits, and the biggest examples of which have nothing to do with ―sharing‖ at all.

The term grew out of the open-source community, where coders contribute to programs released to the world free-of-charge. The push for a similar model to be applied to the real world dates back to the early 2000s, but it took the financial crisis for it to grow from a niche idea to one taken seriously.

By the 2010s, the focus had narrowed from a nebulous attempt to bring the open source ethos out of the coding world to a more specific look at how to use technology to enable more efficient use of scarce resources. At the same time, the buzzwords had also stabilised, with a number of academic-sounding terms such as ―commons-based peer production‖ (as coined by NYU law professor Yochai Benkler) to two main contenders: ―the sharing economy‖, and ―collaborative consumption‖.

The time was ripe for both ideas to take off. With unemployment in the west still high, and ideas of ―post-growth capitalism‖ floating in t he ether, groups that could articulate an alternative view of the world were popular. And the archetypal collaborative consumption models were seemingly win-win. A typical analogy for the sort of model people wanted to build was focused on household tools: if you own a drill, you likely don’t use it 364 days of the year; why not let others use it in the meantime?

In its purest sense, that is the sharing economy. But it very quickly ran into an issue: while some people act out of altruism, most don’t. My dri ll is mine. Why should I share it with you?

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Some sites, such as Freecycle, still focus on acting out of the goodness of one’s heart, but the success stories of the sharing economy solved the problem by looking to the old economy. And so ―sharing‖ became ―renting‖. Even today, one report finds 20 companies in the sharing economy whose offering can be summed up as ―you can borrow stuff you don’t want to buy‖. Nine of them have a name beginning with ―rent‖.

Once money started changing hands in earnest, business really started booming. In 2011, the same year Time magazine named the ―sharing society‖ one of theTen Ideas That Will Change The World, AirBnB raised $120m in VC funding. The company was mentioned in Time’s piece, which still emphasised th e feel-good backdrop to the story: ―There’s a green element here, of course: sharing and renting more stuff means producing and wasting less stuff, which is good for the planet and even better for one’s self-image.‖

While renting out a spare room in a flat (or even renting out a flat) may be close enough to ―sharing‖ to be hair-splitting, it’s a different case for hiring a driver to take you across a city. And yet Uber is one of the most famous examples of the sharing economy in the world –and certainly the highest capitalised, worth well north of $50bn.

The company’s defenders argue that it justifies that label because of the similarity to AirBnB: Uber drivers have an asset lying unused, which they want to monetise with the power of the internet. The diffe rence, of course, is that an Uberdriver’s labour is an integral part of the whole shebang. You aren’t renting their car: you’re renting their car and them.

If that’s still not clear-cut enough, consider TaskRabbit, the last member of the holy trinity of the Sharing Economy. The company allows customers to hire temporary labour to cook, clean, assemble furniture or queue for the latest iPhone. It’s a far cry from ―collaborative consumption‖.

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Instead, the companies lumped together as examples of the sharing economy have come to be typified by something altogether different: a dependence on tenuous labour, particularly that provided by individuals working as third-party contractors rather than full employees.

For that reason, I’ve been using another term to describe these companies: ―gig economy‖. It’s not as well-known as ―sharing economy‖, which means it sounds weird to some ears (―do you mean Uber only hires musicians?‖). But it emphasises the unifying aspect is short-term, tenuous ―gigs‖ – often more than one juggled at the same time.

But there are other popular alternatives as well. In the US, ―1099 economy‖ is often used, referring to the American tax code for independent contractors, while in the UK, similar emphasis is placed on ―zero-hour c ontracts‖: terms of employment which provide no fixed hours and don’t even guarantee work will be provided at all.

Are those terms better term than ―gig economy‖? Is there a better phrase still? Let me know in the comments below.

二、请将下列文章翻译成英文

恐怖主义是现代人类社会之癌

巴黎连环恐怖袭击事件震惊全球,相信全人类有基本正义感的力量都会予以谴责。

发生在当地时间13日晚的恐怖袭击显然经过了认真策划和组织,巴黎有剧院、足球场和一些餐馆同时成为袭击目标。这是西方世界近年遭遇的最严重恐怖袭击,在全球范围内,它也是一段时间以来发生在大城市最具组织性和颇具杀伤力规模的恐袭事件。

“9·11”事件以来,恐怖主义消耗了人类的大量精力,发达社会包括很多发展中社会的反恐成本急剧增加。然而恐怖主义像癌细胞一样继续扩散,“基地”组织被重创,更凶残的极端组织IS却“应运而生”。西方世界陷入了隔一段时间就发生一起轰动性恐袭的节奏,在一些动荡的发展中国家,恐怖袭击成为极端反政府力量的日常斗争手段。中国新疆也有极少数年轻人受极端主义蛊惑,走上暴力恐怖主义道路,使得新疆成为世界反恐的前沿之一。

大中东的动荡和贫困国家仍是恐怖主义最活跃地区,也是它的最大扩散源。中东向外输送的难民以及经济移民把一些深层问题带进欧美社会,欧美一方面需要新移民,它们的社会结构已不可能回到较为单一的过去。但同时发达社会又对来自第三世界的新移民产生一些抵触情绪,甚至有反移民的激进表现上演。

欧美国家不断有激进分子跑到中东参加“圣战”,他们有些后来又回到欧美,成为危险的恐怖主义“病毒携带者”。欧美的恐袭活动很多时候已不像十几年前那样全都由中东恐怖组织策划并实施,恐袭者和恐袭组织的身份、性质趋于复杂化,防范起来更加困难。

由于全球化不可逆,社会的开放、自由也很难收紧,现代社会的运行方式与反恐机制天然地南辕北辙。一个安全部门认定的“高危”分子可以是完全自由的,时代保护了他们的权利,也意味着社会为防范恐袭发生不断增加巨额成本。

各国政府都在反恐问题上严防死守,但各国的态度加在一起却构成了对恐怖主义模糊且充满争议的认识。地缘政治和意识形态在这当中扮演了离间各国的角色,有些国家只反对针对本国及盟国的恐怖主义,却对在竞争国家发生的恐怖主义态度暧昧,对恐怖分子的经济或社会处境公开表示同情。

IS能在中东快速崛起,这当中被普遍认为有美欧想利用它打击阿萨德政权的因素,美国在是否剿灭IS或投入多大力量打击它的问题上三心二意。

不难看出,恐怖主义只要善于利用大国的分歧,就不难找到有利于自己存活的事实上的国际空间。而现代社会的广泛自由又为它们间歇性实施突袭创造了条件。此外,恐怖主义会在一些国家里得到反社会极端主义的呼应,一些仇视社会的“独狼”也会造成类似恐袭的严重损失。

人类需要把恐怖主义作为现代社会的“癌症”进行长期、坚决的打击。随着战争爆发的几率越来越小,恐怖分子造成的爆炸声和枪声很可能将是现代社会最具挑战的暴力回响。

2018上外英语mti回忆版真题

上外考研2018翻译硕士英语真题(回忆版) 一、阅读,回答问题(哲学类,3页5面,四个问题,40分) 标题: Barney's case Study of philosophy knowledge Barney’s case of the study of history of philosophy? (Barney's case for the history of philosophy)……(正文不明) 问题: 1.What are the reasons Barney cite for the study of history by thre e goroups o f people? 2.According to the passage, what are Martin Lin's interpretation about philosphers? 3.How does the author comment on the men's innate thirst for kn owledge? 4.Sum up how the author writes about Barney and Martin Li n’s discussion on philosophical progress 二、Writing. 800words,60分 Digital Humanities in the New Era

上外考研2018英语翻译基础(真题)(回忆版) 一、汉译英,翻译划线部分,70分 对中国90后,00后深入骨髓的剖析 现如今的家庭教育之难,难在什么地方?难在我们的教育有太多的悖论和问题需要面对。各位父母,我先问你们一个问题,你了解现在的孩子吗?我在这个问题上很有发言权,因为近20年来,我大概接触了8000个家庭案例。当今的孩子是怎么回事?当今的孩子是什么人?我们要从本质上来把握。假如我们不能从本质上来把握,学校教育也好,家庭教育也好,都不会在点子上。 从1993年以后孩子们就开始不一样了。为什么这么说呢?理由是1993年中 国取缔了粮票,这件事情年纪大的是不是还记得?在中国这样一个国家里面,取缔了粮票意味着什么?我们吃饭不愁了。当一个民族吃饭不愁,尤其是到我们这样的民族吃饭不愁的时候,我们会愁什么呢?我们的需要开始变得不一样了,人对人的需要不一样了,家长对孩子的需要不一样了,社会对人的需要不一样,人对社会的需要不一样了。 我们来看1993年以后的人的基本特征,首先,他们都是独套公寓里的独子。独 套公寓里的独子有什么样的人生感受呢?你可以去试试,到春天的时候,买一只刚刚生出来的小鸡,养着它,给它好吃好喝,你看看是不是两个礼拜以后小鸡就死掉了,因为小鸡也会孤独。现在的孩子带着天生的孤独感来到这个世界。那么孤独会有哪些麻烦?一,人一孤独,无端伤感,莫名其妙流眼泪;二,人一孤独,思考力就变得非常强,所以麻烦就来了,既不思考吃,又不思考穿,他就过早地思考了一个终极问题,最高哲学问题,“我存在有什么意义?”我们现在的孩子,连四岁的孩子就会在那里发呆了,你不知道他小脑袋里想什么。一旦人有这种问题,痛苦就伴随着他了。所以我们教育面对的问题是我们得知道自己的子女是什么人,才可以有方向。 第一,当今的孩子背负着沉重的情感负担

2016年西北师范大学333教育综合真题及答案

西北师范大学 2016年招收攻读硕士研究生入学考试业务课试题 适用专业名称:学科教学、教育管理、小学教育、学前教育、现代教育技术、科学与技术教育、心理健康教育 考试科目名称:教育综合科目代码:333 注意: 1、请将答案直接做到答题纸上,做在试题纸上或草稿纸上无效。 2、除答题纸上规定的位置外,不得在卷面上出现姓名、考生编号或其他标志,否则按违纪处理。 一,名词解释(每题5分,共40分) 1、义务教育 2、快乐之家 3、素丝说 4、公学 5、六等黜陟法 6、班级授课制 7、最近发展区 8、自我效能感 二,简答题(每题10分,共70分) 1、简述洛克的体育教育思想。 2、简述斯宾塞的科学教育思想。 3、简述1922年学制的特点。 4、简述现代教育的特点。 5、简述资源管理策略的类型。 6、简述熙宁兴学的内容和特点。 7、简述影响知识理解的因素。 三,论述题(每题20分,共40分) 1、中小学班主任工作的主要内容以及如何建设班集体? 2、教学过程中为什么既要发挥教师的主导作用又要发挥学生的主动性?并说明应该怎么处理这对关系?

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