Chapter20Dick Whittington and His Cat
第20章惠廷顿和他的猫
Nowell：This Sir Richard Whittington,three times mayor
Sonne to a knight and prentice to a mercer
Began the Library of Grey-Friars in London,
And his executors after him did build
Whittington Colledge,thirteen almshouses for poore men,
Repaired S.Bartholomewes in Smithfield,
Glased the Guildhall,and built Newgate.
Hobson：Bones of men,then I have heard lies；
For I heard he was a scullion,
And rais’d himself by venture of a cat.
Nowell：They did the more wrong to the gentleman.
Thomas Heywood,‘If you don’t know me
you know nobody’,1606诺尔：理查德·惠廷顿爵士三任市长
是骑士之光，布商模范
伦敦方济各会的图书馆由他开创
遗嘱嘱咐
为穷人建立惠廷顿学院，救济院十三所
修缮史密斯菲尔德的圣巴塞洛缪医院
翻新了市政厅，重建了新门
霍布森：尸骨中我听到谎言
他曾是个卑鄙小人
靠着猫带来的财富养活自己
诺尔:他们对这位绅士误解颇深
“知己方知彼。”——1606年托马斯·海伍德如是说
Thomas Heywood appears to be making two points quite clearly:Richard Whittington was a real historical character but the story of his cat,although well-known in1606,is fiction.In the400years since then,the historical Richard Whittington has been almost entirely forgotten but the legend of Dick Whittington and his cat has become a part of English folklore rivalled in popularity only by Robin Hood and Maid Marian.The innate appeal of the story had made it a popular favourite as early as1668when Samuel Pepys went to Southwark Fair and‘saw the puppet show of Whittington’,reflecting in his Diary afterwards,How that idle thing do work upon people,and even myself too.
托马斯·海伍德想要表明两件事：理查德·惠廷顿是一位真实存在的历史人物，但在1606年，他的猫的故事，尽管十分出名，却是虚构的。后来的400年间，这位历史人物理查德·惠廷顿几乎要被完全遗忘了，但是迪克·惠廷顿和他的猫的故事却逐渐在英国的民间传说中流传，甚至和《罗宾汉和梅德·玛丽安》比肩。这个故事内在的吸引力，让它在早在1668年就深受人们喜爱。那时，萨缪尔·佩皮斯去到南沃克集市，“我看了惠廷顿故事的木偶表演”，后来他在日记里写道，“这种无聊的事情是怎么影响人们，甚至影响我的。”
Richard Whittington was born probably sometime in the late1350s,the third son of Sir William Whittington,who,according to Samuel Lysons,held lands in Pauntley,Gloucestershire,and in Sollers Hope,Herefordshire,manors which had been family estates since the thirteenth century.We know nothing of his childhood,but he was clearly no‘poor,orphan boy’compelled to beg a lift from a passing waggoner to help him get to London to seek his fortune.Nor did he starve there until he managed to find work as a scullion in the home of a rich merchant.He made his way to London，certainly，but he quickly established himself as a mercer prosperous enough by1379 to contribute to a loan to the City and with such influential connections that by the 1380s,when he was not yet thirty,he is recorded as supplying velvets and damasks to Henry Bolingbroke,Earl of Derby(later King Henry IV).In the1390s,he became successively Councillor,Alderman,Sheriff and finally Mayor of London,an office he held in1397/8,1406/7and1419/21.
理查德·惠廷顿大约出生在13世纪50年代晚期，是威廉·惠廷顿爵士的第三个孩子，据萨缪尔·莱桑斯称，理查德·惠廷顿在庞特里，格洛斯特郡持有地产，在索罗斯霍普和赫里福郡拥有13世纪的家族庄园。对于他的童年，我们一无所知，但他显然不是一个需要寻求路过的车夫搭车载他去伦敦寻找财富的“穷苦的孤儿”；他也不需要去富商家里做仆人以免被饿死。他去到了伦敦，很快成为了一个布商。1379年，惠廷顿飞黄腾达，开始向伦敦提供贷款。到了13世纪80年代，此时的他还没到30岁，凭借如此的影响力，成为了德比伯爵亨利·柏林布鲁克（后来的国王亨利四世）天鹅绒和锦缎的供应商。13世纪90年代，他先后成为了议员，市议员，警长，最后是伦敦市长，分别在在1397/8,1406/ 7和1419/21。
His importance in the life of the City is reflected in his presence at a meeting
of Henry IV’s Privy Council in1400,probably in relation to the new king’s request for substantial loans.For Whittington was by this time one of the richest men in London,and between1400and1421he was prominent among those who had made a number of substantial loans to both Henry IV and Henry V.E.F.Jacob
in the Oxford History of England notes that in1402he contributed two-thirds of the entire City loan to Henry IV,and states unequivocally that‘with the possible exception of John Hende(another mercer)he was the wealthiest citizen in London’.Only one estimate has ever been put on the amount of Whittington’s fortune;a letter to The Tatler in1709(No.78)claimed that‘he who began the world with a cat died worth three hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling.These loans were not primarily agreed to out of personal loyalty to the monarch nor were they inspired by philanthropic patriotism;they were calculated capitalist ventures with tough contracts and severe penalties for non-payment;lenders expected to double their capital from such financial arrangements.Whittington’s dramatic burning of the bonds to cancel the king’s debts to him is pure fantasy.Nor did these kings show gratitude to their financial saviours:Whittington never received a knighthood-Sir Richard belongs only in the folktale.
理查德·惠廷顿出席了1400年亨利四世枢密院会议，很有可能与新国王
的巨额贷款有关，可见他对伦敦这座城市的重要性。理查德作为伦敦最富有
的人之一，1400年到1421年间，在那些向亨利四世和亨利五世提供巨额贷
款的人当中，他门庭赫奕。1402年，E.F.雅各布在《英格兰牛津历史》中指出，惠廷顿向亨利四世提供了整座城市三分之二的贷款。并明确表示，除了
约翰·亨德（另一位布商），他是全伦敦最富有的公民。有一项估计是关于惠
廷顿的财富的，一封1709年写给英国邮报的投稿写道：“他以一只猫从这个
世界出发，死时身价达到了350万英镑”。这些贷款既不是出于对君主的个人
忠诚，也不是出于慈善的爱国主义；他们用严格的合同对资本主义合资企业
进行计划，并规定对于拒付的处罚；借贷人希望通过这样的财政安排把他们
的资产翻倍。惠廷顿通过大量燃烧债券以掩盖国王的债务纯粹只是幻想。然
而这些国王对他们的救星从不感激——惠廷顿从未被授予过骑士爵位——惠
廷顿爵士只是个民间故事罢了。
Whittington did marry Alice,the daughter of Sir Ivo Fitzwaryn,also a wealthy merchant who owned extensive estates in the south-western counties.They had no children and Whittington’s will records a number of generous benefactions to several institutions in London.These are,perhaps,his chief claim to a place in history:the Dictionary of National Biography considers him to have been‘the last of the great medieval mayors’.
惠廷顿娶了艾莉丝，伊沃·菲兹沃伦爵士的女儿。爵士也是一位富商，在西南城市有着大量地产。惠廷顿夫妇没有孩子，惠廷顿的遗嘱中，慷慨捐款给了伦敦的几家机构。这可能就是惠廷顿在历史上占有一席之地的原因——《英国名人传记辞典》称他为“中世纪最后一位最伟大的市长”。
Whittington’s principal benefactions included the new library at Grey friars(now the north side of Christ’s Hospital);the extension，glazing,and paving with Purbeck stone of the Guildhall;the foundation of Whittington College with almshouses for thirteen poor men and an endowment for divinity lectures to be read there in
perpetuity;the rebuilding of Newgate；the renovation of St Bartholomew’s Hospital;the foundation of St Mary’s College for the education of young clerks and scholars;the establishment of a fish and meat market;the engineering of a water conduit and the building of the church of St Michael de Paternoster,where he was buried.
惠廷顿的主要捐款用于方济各会（现基督医院的南边）新图书馆的建造；（方济各会是天主教托钵修会之一，一译法兰西斯派，拉丁文名Ordo Fratrum Minorum,是拉丁语小兄弟会的意思，因其会士着灰色会服，故又称方济各会。）整修市政厅；在惠廷顿学院的基础上，与救济院一起，给13个穷人施舍，并捐助神学讲座能够永久延续下去；新门的重建；（指新门监狱，位于伦敦市新门街(Newgate Street)和老贝利街(Old Bailey)的拐角处。原址坐落于伦敦罗马墙上的一个门——新门。）圣巴塞洛缪医院的翻新；在圣玛丽学院的基础上为年轻的职工提供教育机会；建造生鲜市场；建造排水管道以及埋葬惠廷顿的圣迈克尔帕特诺斯特教堂。
Whittington died in1423,and according to Stow’s Survey of London the Latin epitaph on his tomb referred to him as‘flos mercatorum’(the flower of all the company of merchants).The tomb was rifled for treasure during the Wars of the Roses and entirely destroyed in the Great Fire of London in1666.
1423年，惠廷顿去世。根据惠廷顿墓志铭上的拉丁文，他被称为“flosmercatorum”（意思是万商之花）。玫瑰战争期间，墓里的金银财宝被盗走。1666年的伦敦大火又将墓付之一炬。
There are various sites in London that claim to be the spot on which Whittington’s house stood.J.T.Smiths Topography of London of the1790s featured a large house in Sweedon’s Passage,Grub Street;and a house in Crutched Friars was popularly known as Whittington’s Palace;but there is no evidence to show that Whittington lived in either.Both were destroyed early in the nineteenth century.Whittington’s will states that his house was close to his church of St Michael and this may be taken as a more reliable guide.
伦敦有许多被认为是惠廷顿故居的地方。《18世纪90年代J.T.史密斯伦敦地形》描绘了一座在葛拉布街的大房子，以及一栋在弗赖尔斯的房子。它们被普遍认为是惠廷顿的故居,但是并没有证据能够证明惠廷顿居住过。并且，两栋房子早在19世纪被摧毁了。惠廷顿的遗嘱里说过他的房子和圣迈克尔教堂离得很近，这一点可能会被当作更可靠的指南。
An illumination in a copy of the ordinances for Whittington’s Hospital is the only probable likeness of Whittington to have survived.The portrait by Renold Elstracke cannot be regarfded as authentic since it was painted in the early seventeenth century and shows its subject in a costume characteristic of the reign of Henry VⅢ.It is of interest only for an alteration made after the painting was finished.James Granger,the eighteenth-century biographer and print collector,points out that the original print had been changed in response to popular demand.In the original version,Whittington's hand rested on a skull but in the popular print this had been replaced by a cat because‘the cat has been inserted as the common people did not care to buy the print without it’.
惠廷顿医院的条例影印本，可能是惠廷顿唯一留下来的照片。这幅由雷诺·埃尔斯特拉克描绘的肖像，直到十七世纪被上色，显示出了亨利八世统治时期的主要服饰特征，才被认为是真的。由此可见，画作完成后再做出改变，才会引起人们的兴趣。詹姆斯·格兰杰，一位十八世纪的传记作家兼印刷物收藏家。他曾说过，为了迎合大众需求，原版作品是会变的。在原始版本的肖像中，惠廷顿的手是放在头上的，但是在流行的版本中，手却放在了一只猫上，猫已经成为了大众会买账的画作中的主要元素。
As Thomas Heywood appeared to suggest in his play,the legend of the cat was apparently well-known by the early years of the seventeenth century,and some years later he wrote The Famous and Remarkable History of Sir Richard Whittington,which included the details of the folk tale as it has been told to every generation since in storybooks,puppet shows and pantomimes.In1885this was edited by Henry Wheatley,who began his introduction with the words,‘The popular story of
Whittington and his Cat is one in which a version of a widespread folk tale has been grafted upon the history of the life of a historical character,and in the later versions the historical incidents have been more and more eliminated.
托马斯·海伍德在他的戏剧中提到，这个关于猫的传说显然在十七世纪早期就众所周知。几年后，他将理查德·惠廷顿爵士写入《伟大历史》，并增添了每个年代流传版本的细节。后来，他又将其写入了故事书，木偶戏以及歌舞剧中。1885年，故事被亨利·惠特利编辑。他在介绍的开头这么说道：“《惠廷顿和猫的故事》是一个嫁接在历史人物的历史生活上的流传甚广的民间故事，这是其中一个版本，后来那些版本在历史事件中都失传了。”
Cats were important throughout medieval and early modern times and were found in every household,not usually as domestic pets but as the most effective form of protection against the ubiquitous population of rats and mice.Rarely were they regarded as objects of affection or companionship,but by the reign of Elizabeth I attitudes were slowly changing and within the next hundred years the cat had become a domestic pet‘cosseted and cherished for its companionship’.Samuel Lysons noted that it was in the late sixteenth century that Richard Whittington first acquired his cat and it was in1605that it first appeared in literature.This was in the play Eastward Ho by Ben Jonson,George Chapman and John Marston,when one character assures another he will be remembered‘when the famous fable of Whittington and his puss shall be forgotten’.A few years later in1612the first full version of the story was in the form of a ballad by Richard Johnson,on which many subsequent accounts were based,although each may have added its own embroidery to the detail.
在中世纪和早期现代时期的家庭都能发现猫的身影，可见其重要性。它们不仅是家里的宠物，更是能够有效对抗无处不在的老鼠的存在。但是它们很少被视为感情和友情的对象。不过，在伊丽莎白一世的统治时期，我们的态度在慢慢改变。在接下来的一个世纪里，猫逐渐成为家里的一员，并因为它的陪伴而受到宠爱。萨缪尔·莱桑斯说到，那是十六世纪末期，理查德·惠廷顿第一次拥有了一只猫，后来，它在1605年首次出现在文学作品里。本·约翰逊、乔治·查普曼
和约翰·马斯顿联合撰写的戏剧《一路向东呀》中，一位演员确信，“著名寓言故事中的惠廷顿和他的猫被遗忘”的时候，另一位“惠廷顿”——也就是他自己，将会被铭记。几年之后，也就是1612年，理查德·约翰逊头一次用民谣的形式，以许多后续的故事版本作为基础，完整记录了故事，尽管在细节部分做了修饰。
By the early eighteenth century,Whittington and his cat were as firmly entrenched in English folklore as the companionable cat was in the English household(Daniel Defoe noted that few families were without a domestic cat‘some having several,sometimes five or six in a house’).In1711it was even proposed to produce an opera of Whittington and his cat,but the idea came to nothing because the proprietor refused to allow such‘a great quantity of mice’to be let loose in his theatre.Between1841and1881there were at least ten publications presenting this now immensely popular folk tale,three of which reflect the evolution of the legend:in 1841there appeared The Life and Times of Dick Whittington：A Historical Romance and in1881Whittington and His Cat：An Entertainment for Young People which was soon followed by The Remarkable History of Richard Whittington and His Cat by Aunt Busy Bee.
到了十八世纪早期，惠廷顿和他的猫在英国的民间传说里的地位就像那些可爱的猫在英国家庭中的地位一样，不容动摇（丹尼尔·笛福曾说过，一些家庭没有宠物猫，“一些家庭却有许多，有时家里会有五六只猫”）1711年，甚至有提议要创作一部关于惠廷顿和他的猫的歌剧，但是这个提议很快就落空了，剧院老板绝不允许那么多老鼠在他的剧院四处横行。1841年到1881年间，至少出现了十部出版物，展现了这个民间故事在当时是多么地受欢迎。其中三部作品反映了这个故事的演变过程——由1841年的《惠廷顿的生平——一本历史浪漫小说》到1881年的《惠廷顿和他的猫——孩子们的娱乐》，再到后来的续集《听勤劳蜜蜂阿姨讲故事：非凡的历史之理查德·惠廷顿和他的猫》。
The legend of Whittington and the cat did not spring from the inspired imagination of some unknown Elizabethan,although it was perhaps a touch of genius that brought them together.Folk tales very similar to this were told in many parts of
Europe in the Middle Ages.Thomas Keightley in his Tales Popular Fictions(1828)refers especially to the many features that the Whittington story has in common with folk tales from other countries,and especially with an Italian story—Novella delle Gatte—first printed in1483,concerning a merchant from Genoa whose alleged experiences were similar to those attributed to Whittington.Similar stories were also well-known in Portugal,Germany and the Scandinavian countries.All may owe their origin to a tenth-century tale from Persia,which relates how‘one Keis,the son of a poor widow in Siraf,embarked for India with a cat,his only property.There he fortunately arrived at a time when the palace was so infested by mice and rats that they invaded the king’s food,and persons were employed to drive them from the royal banquet.Keis produced his cat;the noxious animals soon disappeared,and magnificent rewards were bestowed on the adventurer from Siraf.’Keis returned to Persia a rich man and had an island in the Persian Gulf named after him.Alfonso,the merchant from Portugal,became the third-most-important man in the kingdom;German,Italian and Danish cats brought their owners similar fame and fortune；the cat foisted on to Dick Whittington joined an honourable line of European folk-tale felines.Not least among these was the puss that came to England via France in the later period of Elizabeth’s reign,just a few years before the appearance of Johnson’s ballad,which gave literary form to the tale of Whittington and his cat.Le Chat Botte tells the story of the young penniless son of a miller,whose cat secures him a fortune and the hand of a rich heiress,a felicitous nursery tale soon adopted by the English as Puss in Boots.
惠廷顿和他的猫的故事并非来源于伊丽莎白时代不知名的灵感。不过它可能是天才智慧的结晶。在中世纪的欧洲，许多地方也有这样的民间故事。托马斯·凯特利在他的著作《通俗小说故事》（1828）中特别指出，惠廷顿的故事中有许多其他国家流传的民间故事相同的特征，尤其是和意大利的民间故事《德拉·加特》相比较。在1483年初版中，《德拉·加特》讲述了一个来自热那亚（意大利西北部港市）的富商，他所谓的经历和惠廷顿的相差无几。在葡萄牙、德国以及斯堪的纳维亚也有类似众所周知的故事。这些都源于一个10世纪的波斯故事，讲述
了这样一个故事——一个居住在西拉夫的穷苦孀妇的儿子名叫基斯，带着他唯一的财产-一只猫，从印度起家。故事里，基斯偶然到了一座宫殿。当时宫殿闹鼠患，老鼠糟蹋了国王的食物，因此皇家宴会上雇人来驱逐它们。基斯献上了他的猫，这些讨厌的小动物马上就消失得无影无踪。这个来自西拉夫的冒险者也因此的到了丰厚的赏赐。基斯回到波斯，成为了一个富人，买下了波斯湾的一座小岛，并以他的名字命名。阿方索，一位来自葡萄牙的富商，成为了这个王国“第三位重要的人”；德国人，意大利亚人以及丹麦人的猫也带给了他们的主人同样的名声和财富；那只被强加给迪克·惠廷顿的猫，也加入到了欧洲民间故事猫科动物名誉榜中。其中最重要的，是那只从英格兰去到法兰西的猫，在伊丽莎白统治后期，也就是约翰逊写的民谣出现的前些年，为惠廷顿和他的猫的故事提供了文学素材。《猫靴》讲述了这样一个故事——一个磨坊主的儿子，身无分文，他的猫却给他带来了一笔财富和一位富有的女继承人。这个幸福的童话故事后来被写成了英国故事《穿靴子的猫》。
Richard Whittington,thrice Lord Mayor and distinguished public benefactor,achieved temporary fame in the London of his day;Dick Whittington,legendary owner of a legendary cat,achieved lasting fame in the nursery and in pantomime.
理查德·惠廷顿，在伦敦的生涯中，连任三次市长，获得三次杰出公民称号。种种声誉如此短暂；迪克·惠廷顿，一只传奇的猫的传奇主人，却在童话故事和歌舞剧中永垂青史。
Acknowledgement
H.B.Wheatley’s edition of T.H.’s Life of Sir Richard Whittington was printed for the Villon Society in1885and is the most useful guide to the literature of the Whittington story.
致谢
H.B.惠特利写的《理查德·惠廷顿爵士的生平》，1885年给维庸社团印刷的版本，使惠廷顿的故事得以有所借鉴。
Chapter21The Wars of the Roses
第21章玫瑰战争——名字的起源
Richard Plantagenet(later Duke of York):
Let him that is a true-born gentleman
And stands upon the honour of his birth,
If he supposes that I have pleaded truth,
From off this briar pluck a white rose with me.
Duke of Somerset(House of Lancaster):
Let him that is no coward or flatterer
But dare maintain the party of the truth,
Pluck a red rose from off this thorn with me.
Shakespeare,Henry VI,Part7,Act2,Scene IV
理查德·金雀花(后为约克公爵)：
他是真正的绅士
比出生时还要荣耀
假使他认同我所说
与我一同就从这荆棘上摘下一朵白玫瑰
萨默塞特公爵(兰开斯特宫)：
他非懦夫，亦非奉承者
但他站在真理的一方
与我一同从这荆棘上摘下一朵红玫瑰
莎士比亚—《亨利六世》第七章，第二幕，第四场
Shakespeare's dramatic scene in the Temple Garden is a literary invention but such a powerful one that for generations it was accepted as the true origin of the term‘The Wars of the Roses’.It is true that the red rose had been chosen as his emblem by Edmund Crouchback,1st Earl of Lancaster,in the thirteenth century,and also by John
of Gaunt,1st Duke of Lancaster,in the following century;it is also true that Edward III’s son,Edmund Langley,1st Duke of York,had adopted the white rose at about the same time and that,in the initial stages of the wars,the protagonists were John of Gaunt’s descendant,Henry VI，and Edmund Langley’s descendant,Richard Plantagenet.However,Henry VI never used the red rose as his badge;and the white rose was just one of the many badges of Edward IV,while Richard III was always known by his badge of the white boar.It was only when the wars had ended that,for obvious political reasons,the Tudors put deliberate emphasis on the identification of the two rival houses with the two roses,and on the union that the accession of Henry Tudor,heir to Lancaster,and Elizabeth of York had achieved as husband and wife—and on the strength that this had brought to the monarchy and the stability it promised to the countryside after thirty years of warring factions and sporadic lawlessness.
莎士比亚的戏剧《神殿花园》本是文学创作，但是世世代代却坚信“玫瑰战争”这一名称来源于这部戏剧。确实如此，在十七世纪，兰开斯特伯爵一世，埃德蒙·克罗奇贝克选用了红玫瑰作为徽章图案；在十八世纪，兰开斯特公爵一世冈特的约翰，也将红玫瑰作为了徽章的图案。同一时期，爱德华三世的儿子，约克公爵一世埃蒙德·兰利则选用了白玫瑰作为徽章图案。但是，战争初期的主角们，是冈特的约翰的后代亨利六世和埃德蒙·兰利的后代理查德·金雀花。然而，亨利六世从来没有将红玫瑰作为他的徽章图案，白玫瑰也只是爱德华四世徽章图案中的其中之一而已。而众所周知，理查德三世使用白野猪作为徽章图案。战争结束后，因为一些不言而明的政治原因，都铎王朝故意将重点放在了两个装饰着不同玫瑰的对立家族上。而在联合王国，兰开斯特的继承人亨利·都铎和约克的伊丽莎白已经结合——经过30年的交战和不时发生的违法行为之后，在这一力量的作用下，为联合王国带来了君主政体和边境的稳定。
The united roses first appeared in a pageant held to receive Henry and Elizabeth as they entered the city of York in I486,but it was the birth of Prince Arthur on19 September a few months later that the chroniclers hailed as the final reconciliation of the white rose with the red.1The device of the Tudor Rose soon began to appear as an emblem in art and architecture and as a theme in music and literature.Stephen Hawes,
court poet to Henry VII,assisted the propaganda in an address to the king:
Two tytles in one thou didest unyfye
When the red rose toke the white rose in maryage
and Henry Villas poet laureate,John Skelton,used the occasion of Henry’s Coronation to continue the theme:
The rose both white and rede
In one rose now doth growe.
1486年，联合玫瑰在迎接亨利和伊丽莎白进驻约克城的庆典上首次亮相。几个月后的9月19日，阿瑟王子诞生，编年史家们欢呼，红白玫瑰最终达成了和解。都铎玫瑰的图案随后出现在艺术和建筑中，也成为了音乐和文学歌颂的主题。亨利八世统治时期的宫廷诗人斯蒂芬·霍斯，对国王的讲话润色修饰：
红白玫瑰的结合象征着合二为一
亨利·维拉斯荣誉诗人约翰·斯凯尔顿，借着亨利加冕的机会，延续了这一主题：
玫瑰不论红白
如今一同盛开
By1592,when Shakespeare devised the scene in the Temple Garden,the concept of the conflict between Lancaster and York as a war between the red and the white rose had become a familiar part of the Tudor interpretation of history.In his important study of the Tudor Constitution(1583),Sir Thomas Smith wrote of‘the striving of the two roses’a phrase which was echoed by Sir John Oglander who,in the1640s,during another civil conflict,wrote a tract entitled The Quarrel of the Two Roses.
到了1592年，当莎士比亚在《神殿花园》中设计这一场景时，兰开斯特和
约克之间的斗争同红白玫瑰之间的战争，在都铎历史中一同为人所熟知。在托马斯·史密斯对《都铎宪法（1583）》的重要研究中，他写到“两朵玫瑰的斗争”这句话时，引起了约翰·奥格兰德的共鸣，在17世纪40年代另一场内战期间，他写了一本名为《两朵玫瑰的斗争》的小册子。
The dramatic constitutional upheavals of the seventeenth century overshadowed these earlier dynastic rivalries and it was not until David Hume wrote his immensely popular History of England in the mid-eighteenth century(with two volumes on the events leading to the accession of the Tudors)that these earlier years of the country’s history became more widely known.Hume used the term‘The Wars of the Two Roses’as a formal description of the conflict between Lancaster and York,and when in1880 J.S.Brewer made Hume‘s five tomes more accessible to the general reader with the publication of his abbreviated version known as The Student's Humey generations of readers learned that the supporters of the house of Lancaster chose a red rose as a party distinction,the Yorkists chose a white one；and the civil wars were thus known as the“Wars of the Roses”’.
17世纪戏剧性的宪政剧变掩盖了早期王朝间的斗争，直到大卫·休谟在十八世纪中期记录了极受欢迎的英国历史（两卷关于都铎王朝入盟的事件）英国早期的历史变得更加广为人知。谟用“两朵玫瑰的战争”来描述兰开斯特和约克之间的斗争。1880年，J.S.布鲁尔简洁的版本使休谟的五部小说更为大众所接受。读者了解到，兰开斯特家族一党选择了一朵红玫瑰作为党的标志，约克人选择了白色的玫瑰，内战因此被称为“玫瑰战争”。
For those hundreds of thousands of voracious readers in Victorian England, whose choice of reading was likely to be the latest novel rather than the latest history book,the concept of a‘war of the roses’became familiar with the publication,in1829, of Sir Walter Scott’s twenty-third Waverley novel,Anne of Geierstein'in which Scott refers to‘the civil discords so dreadfully prosecuted in the wars of the White and Red Roses’.This phrase was to appear again a few years later in Charles Dickens’s A Child's History of England'where his readers learned of‘those terrible civil wars long
known as the Wars of the Red and White Roses because the red rose was the badge of the House of Lancaster and the white rose was the badge of the House of York’.
对于维多利亚时代英格兰成千上万贪婪的读者来说，他们的选择很可能是最新的小说，而不是最新的历史书，“玫瑰战争”的概念开始在出版物中流行起来。1829年，沃特斯科特爵士的第二十三部小说“盖尔斯坦的安妮”中，斯科特提到“内战在玫瑰战争中出现频繁”。这句话几年后又出现在查尔斯·狄更斯的“英格兰儿童史”中，他的读者在书中了解到“那些可怕的战争长期被认为是红白玫瑰战争，是因为红玫瑰是兰开斯特宫的徽章，白色的玫瑰是约克宫的徽章。”
Maria Callcott appears to have derived her anecdote on this subject directly from Shakespeare.Having given Little Arthur a simplified version of the scene in the Temple Garden she then concludes‘and for thirty years afterwards the civil wars in England were called the Wars of the Roses.’
有趣的是，玛丽·考尔科特似乎直接在莎士比亚的戏剧中找到了问题的答案。看了有关小阿瑟在《神殿花园》中的简化版本的情景后，玛丽·考尔科特总结道，“30年后，英国的内战被称为玫瑰战争。”
It would seem then that the concept of the strife between Lancaster and York as a ‘War of the Roses'owes its origin to astute political propaganda on the part of Henry VII,who wished urgently to convince the populace that the Tudors would bring an end to the conflict by uniting the two rival houses by his marriage with Elizabeth of York and by the birth of an heir who promised a secure future for the dynasty.But if we seek the origin of the term'The Wars of the Roses’as a formal title for these thirty years of civil carnage,then either Sir John Oglander or David Hume may claim the honour of the first impress,even if,like Scott and Dickens,they did not use the precise five words of the conventional name by which this episode of our history is now known.Chronology must award that achievement to Lady Maria Callcott,thus offering a neat symmetry of a child called Arthur at each end of the story.。Modern historians show no marked enthusiasm for this description of the conflict between the supporters of Lancaster and York but have provided no better alternative.Referring to
the clash of armed men in the streets of St Albans in1455,Bertram Wolffe in his biographical stxidy of Henry VI makes the comment‘This marked the beginning of the longest period of intermittent civil war in English history,which for want of a better title and by long-established convention,we call the Wars of the Roses.’当时，兰开斯特和约克之间的斗争被称作“玫瑰战争”，似乎源于亨利七世精打细算的政治宣传，亨利七世急需让民众相信，都铎家族将结束这场斗争。通过两大家族的约克和伊丽莎白的联姻，和一位能够保证王朝有一个稳定未来的继承人的诞生。但是，如果我们把“玫瑰之战”一词的起源作为这三十年的内部斗争的正式称谓，那么约翰·奥格兰德爵士或大卫·休谟第一反应一定觉得无比荣耀。但尽管是斯科特和狄更斯，也没有使用我们如今所了解的这一段历史惯用的“那五个字”。编年史应该感谢玛利亚·考尔科特女士，让每一个故事的结尾都整齐划一地有一个名叫阿瑟的小孩。现代历史学家并没有那么热衷于研究兰开斯特和约克之间的斗争，只是苦于没有更好的其他选择。伯特伦·沃尔夫在他的传记《亨利六世》中提到，在1455年，圣奥尔本斯大街上武装分子的冲突，他评论道“这标志着英国历史上最长的间歇性的内战的开始”。这场战争由于缺乏一个更好的名称，根据早已确立的惯例，我们称之为玫瑰战争。
Chapter22Queen Margaret of Anjou:
The Robbers in the Forest,1462
第22章安茹的玛格丽特女王与森林强盗，1462
Queen Margaret and the young prince escaped into a wild forest,where they were met by some robbers,who took away the Queen’s necklace and her rings,and then began to quarrel about who should have the most.Queen Margaret took the opportunity of their quarrelling,and,holding her little son by the hand,she began running through the forest,in hopes of meeting some of her friends;but she only met with another robber.She was afraid he would kill her and the little prince,because they had nothing to give him.Margaret then fell upon her knees,and owned she was the queen，and begged the robber to protect the king’s son.The robber was surprised,indeed,to see the queen and prince by themselves,half-starved and weary with running in that wild place.But he was a good-natured man,and took them under his care;he got them some food,and took them to a cottage to rest;after which he contrived to take them safely to the seaside,where they got on board ship and went to Flanders.
Maria Callcott,Little Arthurs History of England 玛格丽特女王和年幼的王子逃到了一片野外的森林里。在那里他们遇到了一群强盗，他们抢走了女王的项链和戒指，然后开始争夺所有权。玛格丽特女王趁着他们吵架，牵着小儿子的手，开始穿越森林，希望能够遇到她的朋友们；但她遇到了另一个强盗。她害怕他会杀了她和小王子，因为他们已经没有东西可以给他了。玛格丽特只好跪在地上，表明她女王的身份，乞求强盗可以保护小王子。强盗很惊讶，因为女王和王子独自在那个荒野跑来跑去，饿得半死，疲惫不堪。这个强盗是个善良的人，他保护了女王和王子；给他们买了些食物，把他们带到一间小屋里休息；然后他设法把他们安全地带到海边，他们上了船，去了弗兰德斯。(中世纪欧洲一伯爵领地，包括现比利时的东佛兰德省和西佛兰德省以及法国北部部分地区）.
（玛丽亚·考尔科特，小阿瑟的英格兰史）
Margaret,daughter of Rene of Anjou,arrived in England in1443as tlie newly-wedded queen of King Henry VI She was aged fifteen.Her childhood years had been spent largely in the company of two remarkable and resolute women:her mother,Isabelle of Lorraine,and her grandmother,Yolande of Aragon.Both had been deeply involved in defending the rights and domains of their families in the complex dynastic feuding of the time when their husbands had been unable to do so.‘Politics, war and administration seemed to be the natural vocations of women in her family’，and so when she arrived in England she found the preliminary sparrings,which were to lead to the Wars of the Roses,a familiar political scene,and one in which she,like her mother and grandmother,would naturally play an active role.Before many years had passed,she also had to defend the rights of a husband who could no longer take that responsibility himself.In1453,the birth of her son and heir to the throne of England,Edward,gave her a dedicated mission in life—to protect his safety and to uphold his right to succeed to his father's throne against all those who would deny him amid all the devious conspiracies and treacherous alliances of the conflict between Lancaster and York.
玛格丽特是安茹的雷内的女儿，15岁的她于1443年作为亨利六世的新皇后来到英格兰。她的童年大部分时间是在两个杰出而坚定的女人的陪伴下度过的。她的母亲，洛林的伊莎贝尔，和她的祖母，阿拉贡的约兰德。在她们的丈夫们无能为力的情况下，她们为了维护权利和保护家庭，而被卷入了复杂的王朝战争。参与政治，战争还有管理似乎是女人们在家庭中的天职。”当玛格丽特来到英格兰的时候，第一次得到了的实战练习。为了引发玫瑰战争，这一众所周知的政治局面，她将会像她的母亲和祖母一样，自然地扮演一个积极的角色。在许多年前，她还必须捍卫丈夫的权利，因为丈夫已经无能为力了。1453年，她的儿子，英国王位的继承人爱德华的出生，赋予她一个毕生的使命——那就是保护他的安全以及维护他继承父亲王位的权利，对抗那些不承认他，并且在兰开斯特和约克斗争中搞阴谋诡计和背信弃义的联盟。
Margaret of Anjou has been criticised for meddling in the politics of her time and she certainly became an unpopular figure in England following some of her actions. She had been schooled in the pragmatic arena of Continental feudalism,where diplomatic agreements were between sovereigns supported by a few powerful noble retainers.Margaret failed to understand that England was a national entity,not a mere family domain where bits and pieces of territory were bargaining counters and where towns and countryside could be pillaged by hired armies with impunity.In defence of her mentally ill husbands right to the English throne and of her young son’s right to succeed him,she saw nothing wrong in surrendering Berwick to the Scots in return for Scottish armed assistance,or,in her secret treaty with Louis of France,in handing over Calais in return for similar aid,or in presenting Jersey and Guernsey to her faithful and invaluable retainer,Pierre de Breze,Grand Seneschal of Normandy.Nor, in the traditions she had inherited,was there anything to warn her that,in England,for the Crown to ally itself with any particular faction of warring nobles was ultimately to invite disaster.That disaster came in1461at Towton and again ten years later at Tewkesbury,battles in which thousands of Lancastrian supporters were slaughtered, the power of the great northern barons was shattered and almost all the most eminent Lancastrian nobility were either killed or subsequently executed.Prince Edward himself was found dead on the field of battle,and Margaret was taken prisoner.
安茹的玛格丽特因为干预她那个时代的政治而受到批判。她的一些行为让她在英国成为了一个不受欢迎的人物。她在现实的大陆封建主义中得到了经验。在一些强大的贵族侍从的支持下，主权国家之间达成了外交协议。玛格丽特不明白，英格兰的本质是一个国家，而不是一个家庭。在那里，一些领土只是谈判的筹码，城镇和农村可以被雇佣的军队掠夺，而不会受到惩罚。为了捍卫她患有精神病的丈夫登上英国王位的权利和她小儿子能够继承他王位的权利，她认为把柏威克交给苏格兰人以换取苏格兰武装是没有错的。或者，与法国路易秘密协约，交出加莱以换取类似的援助，或者把泽西和格恩西岛赠与她忠实的家臣——诺曼底的大总管皮埃尔·德·布雷兹。在她继承的传统中，也没有任何人警告她，在英格兰，对王室来说，与交战贵族的任何特定派别结盟，最终都会招致灾难。1461
年，灾难降临在陶顿，十年后又降临在特克斯伯里，成千上万的兰开斯特盟军在战斗中被屠杀，伟大的北方男爵的力量被粉碎了，几乎所有最杰出的兰开斯特贵族，要么被杀害，要么随后被处决。爱德华王子在交战中死亡，玛格丽特被俘。
Whatever her failings as a politician and military strategist,Margaret of Anjou deserves a certain admiration for the courage and dedication with which,for almost twenty years,she strove to uphold what she believed to be the lawful inheritance of her only son,Edward,Prince of Wales,whom she sought to protect throughout these turbulent years from capture by his ruthless Yorkist enemies.He accompanied her on all her endless campaigns of war and diplomacy,even,among the hazards of military engagement.It was the culminating tragedy of her life that Edward was killed in the final disaster at the Battle of Tewkesbury in1471and Henry，her pusillanimous husband，for whose rights she had fought,was murdered less than three weeks later. This was truly the end for the House of Lancaster；Margaret was paraded through the streets of London,the humiliated captive of her Yorkist enemy.She was eventually ransomed by the King of France for50,000crowns and compelled to give up all claim to the throne of England and also to all the domains of her father,Rene of Anjou,and of her mother,Isabelle of Lorraine.She lived out the rest of her life in regal poverty in her native province of Anjou.
不论她作为政治家和军事战略家有多么失败，但她的20年来的勇气与奉献值得赞赏。她努力维护着唯一的儿子爱德华王子——威尔士亲王的合法继承权。她也试图在被无情的约克敌人俘获的动荡的岁月中去保护他。他和她参与了无尽的战争和外交运动，甚至陷入军事交战的危险之中。这是她一生中最大的悲剧，1471年，爱德华在最后一场战争特克斯伯里战役中被杀，而她那懦弱的丈夫亨利，她曾经为他的权利所奋斗，不到三周后就被谋杀了。这是兰开斯特宫的终结——玛格丽特成为敌人约克宫屈辱的俘虏，在伦敦大街上示众。后来，她被法国国王以50，000克朗的价格赎下，被迫放弃了对英国王位的所有主权，也放弃了她的父亲安茹的雷内和她的母亲洛林的伊莎贝尔的所有领地。她在她的家乡安茹度过了她的余生。