美国经典演讲麦克阿瑟：《老兵不死》（英文原版及翻译）President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the
weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate
represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that
which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues
are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector,
oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While
Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can
think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat
is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction
of every other sector. Y ou can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism
in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe. Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and
the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve
any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life
such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of
Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt
dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the
earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are
rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise
the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to
their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the
whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies
in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples
covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity
of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.
World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.
What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over
their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of
the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States
lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient
extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack. The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this
was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to
embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas
and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of
Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific. Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.
With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would
be doomed to failure. Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can
be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is
entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of
that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack
every other major segment. This is a military estimate as to which I have yet
to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have
strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon
and Washington. To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over
the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the
Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the
regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start
of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under
the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of
a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies. Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its
own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism. There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese
make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been
so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to
follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies. I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the
aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and
Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same
lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror
since the beginning of time. The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated
to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to
the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it
may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course
of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese
people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding
them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our
occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as
to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully
justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious,
nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in
the advance of the human race. Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a
strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as
in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines
stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for
high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited. On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the
malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the
Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound
and constructive lines. With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I
now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the
President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that
decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming. While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground
forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new
situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our
political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old. Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection
given the enemy north of the Y alu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct
of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;
three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and
of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of
China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective
operations against the common enemy. For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless
American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles,
principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military
leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff. I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were
not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up
bases north of the Y alu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force
of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to
be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the
military standpoint forbade victory. We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at
best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition
upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have
constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect,
that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as
few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have
long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both
friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international
disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and
forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the
Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: "Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. V arious methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far
as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality
of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system,
Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that
will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh." But once war
is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available
means to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision. In war there is no substitute for victory. There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear
lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but
begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as
in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative. "Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could
not answer. Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems
valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and
the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra,
any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in
military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis. The tragedy
of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined
to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to
save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while
the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude
of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!" I have
just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can
report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way. It was
my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and
with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing
bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always. I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world
has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and
the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain
of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away." And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an
old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.
Good Bye.
中文翻译：总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们：我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。
我谦卑，是因为在我之前，许多美国历史上伟大的建设者们都曾经在这里发过言；我骄傲，是因为今天我们的立法辩论代表了经深思的人类解放最纯粹形式。这是整个人类进程中的希望、热情和信仰的集中体现。我并不是作为任何一个党派的拥护者站在这里讲话的，因为这些问题太重要，以至都超越了党派的界线。如果要证实我们的动机是是正确的，如果要保障
我们的将来，制定关于国家利益的最高纲领时就必须考虑到它们。我相信，当我说完我仅仅是为了陈述经深思熟虑而得出的一个普通美国公民的观点之后，你们会公平地接受它。在我生命将逝之年做这个告别演说，无仇无怨。在我心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国服务。
这些问题是全球性的，而且环环相扣，任何的顾此失彼做法都会使整体造成灾难。亚洲被普遍认为是通往欧洲的门户，同样的，欧洲也是通往亚洲的大门，二者是息息相关的。有人认为我们的力量不足以同时保住两个阵地，因为我们不能分散我们的力量。我想，这是我听到的最悲观的失败主义论调了。如果我们潜在的敌人能够把他的力量分在两条线上，那我们就必须与之抗衡……
除了指出这些一般常识外，我将把讨论集中在亚洲地区。在客观地估计那里的现状之前，我们必须了解亚洲的过去，了解导致她上升到今天这种局势的革命性的变化。长期遭受殖民主义势力的剥削而使亚洲人民没有机会获取任何程度的社会平等、个人尊严，也无法提高生活水平，就像被我们的菲律宾贵族政府所统治的那样。亚洲人民在战争中找到了机会，得以摆脱殖民主义的枷锁，而且现在有更多的新的契机摆在他们面前：政治独立带来的以前从未感受过的尊严和自重。亚洲有占世界一半的人口和百分之六十的自然资源，她的人民正迅速地加强一个新兴的力量，包括精神和物质两方面，藉此提高他们的生活水平，协调现代化的进步和他们特有的文化环境。不管你是不是坚持殖民主义的观点，这是亚洲前进的方向，她不会停步。这一点是世界经济防线转移、国际事务中心回归原点的必然结果。在这种情况下，我们国家在政治上必须与基本的革命形势一致，而不能无视殖民时代已经过时，且亚洲人民渴望开创自己的自由生活的现实，这一点十分重要。他们现在需要的是友好的指引、理解和支持，而不是专制的指挥。
我坚持保全他们，并希望能用最少的时间、最小的牺牲体面地结束这场野蛮的冲突。越来越多的流血让我感到深深的痛苦和焦虑。那些勇敢的人的形象在我的脑海中挥之不去，我将永远为他们祈祷。
我将结束我五十二年的军旅生涯。我在世纪之交之前就已加入军队，它满足了我孩童时所有的希望和梦想。自从我在西点的草坪上宣读誓言以来，这个世界已经经历了多次转变，童年的希望和梦想早已消失得无影无踪。但我依然记得当年那首流行的军歌中骄傲的叠句：一个老兵永不死亡，他只是淡出舞台。就像歌中的老兵一样，我结束我的军旅生涯，只是淡出了人生舞台。一个力图像上帝指引的那样完成他的责任的老兵。再见
Anna Howard Shaw: The Fundamental Principle of a Republic delivered 1915, New York State Referendum, Albany, New York When I came into your hall tonight, I thought of the last time I was in your city. Twenty-one years ago I came here with Susan B. Anthony, and we came for exactly the same purpose as that for which we are here tonight. Boys have been born since that time and have become voters, and the women are still trying to persuade American men to believe in the fundamental principles of democracy, and I never quite feel as if it was a fair field to argue this question with men, because in doing it you have to assume that a man who professes to believe in a Republican form of government does not believe in a Republican form of government, for the only thing that woman's enfranchisement means at all is that a government which claims to be a Republic should be a Republic, and not an aristocracy. The difficulty with discussing this question with those who oppose us is that they make any number of arguments but none of them have anything to do with Woman's Suffrage; they always have something to do with something else, therefore the arguments which we have to make rarely ever have anything to do with the subject, because we have to answer our opponents who always escape the subject as far as possible in order to have any sort of reason in connection with what they say. Now one of two things is true: either a Republic is a desirable form of government, or else it is not. If it is, then we should have it, if it is not then we ought not to pretend that we have it. We ought at least be true to our ideals, and the men of New York have for the first time in their lives, the rare opportunity on the second day of next November, of making the state truly a part of the Republic. It is the greatest opportunity which has ever come to the men of the state. They have never had so serious a problem to solve before, they will never have a more serious problem to solve in any future of our nation's life, and the thing that disturbs me more than anything else in connection with it is that so few people realize what a profound problem they have to solve on November 2. It is not merely a trifling matter; it is not a little thing that does not concern the state, it is the most vital problem we could have, and any man who goes to the polls on the second day of next November without thoroughly informing himself in regard to this subject is unworthy to be a citizen of this state, and unfit to cast a ballot. If woman's suffrage is wrong, it is a great wrong; if it is right, it is a profound and fundamental principle, and we all know, if we know what a Republic is, that it is the fundamental principle upon which a Republic must rise. Let us see where we are as a people; how we act here and what we think we are. The difficulty with the men of this country is that they are so consistent in their inconsistency that they are not aware of having been inconsistent; because their consistency has been so continuous and their inconsistency so consecutive that it has never been broken, from the beginning of our Nation's life to the present time. If we trace our history back we will find that from the very dawn of our existence as a people, men have
MacArthur: Farewell Address to Congress Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
英语演讲稿开场白【三篇】 篇一 经典英语演讲开场白范文： 1.We are drowning in news. Reuters alone puts out three-and-a-half million news stories a year. That’s just one source. My question is: How many of those stories are actually going to matter in the long run? That’s the idea behind The Long News. It’s a project by The Long Now Foundation, which was founded by TED stars including Kevin Kelly and Stewart Brand. And what we’re looking for is news stories that might still matter 50 or 100 or 10,000 years from now. And when you look at the news through that filter, a lot falls by the wayside. 2.Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you, General Caslen, for that introduction. General Trainor, General Clarke, faculty and staff at West Point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army.
经典演讲稿中英文对照 在中国英语作为一门外语拥有最多的外语学习者，英语演讲已成为我们生活中必不可少的一部分,并且能有效地帮助我们发展语言应用及交际能力。下面是第一范文网为你整理的几篇经典演讲稿中英文对照，希望能帮到你哟。 good morning ,boys and girl,i`m jenny peng ,today my topic is :talk about a meaningful way we can use time.at first , let me ask you a question : what do you do in your spare time ,especially in your holiday ? do you just stay at home ,watching tv,eating,and sleeping?maybe you`ll feel relax at the first time ,but if we always do like this,you`ll feel much boring . so ,the meaningful way i`m going to introduce to you is taking part-time-job in your vacation. yes ,you are right , the meaningful way of using time i`m going to introduce to you is taking part-time-job in your vacation.besides,the location we going to work is not in your hometown,in another words,it`s a after the part-time-job , we`ll more cherish our time , and find out that how happy and freedom to being a student . we`ll work hard on our study , finish our homework efficiently and struggle for our dream . as the saying going that ：yesterday is history , tomorrow is mystery , but today is a gift . let`s cherish and make full use of every minutes of our life , and believe that what we did will make sense . thank you. 早上好，男孩和女孩，我` m珍妮鹏，今天我演讲的题目是：谈论有意义的方法，我们可以利用的时间。首先，让我问你一个问题：你在业余时间做什么，尤其是在你的假期?你只是呆在家里，看电视，吃，睡?也许你会觉得`放松在第一时间，但如果我们一直这样做，你会感到很无聊`。所以，最有意义的方式我`要介绍给你的是以part-time-job在你的假期。
经典英文广告语20条 经典英文广告语20条 1． Good to the last drop． 滴滴香浓，意犹未尽。（麦斯威尔咖啡) 2． Obey your thirst． 服从你的渴望。（雪碧） 3． The new digital era． 数码新时代。（索尼影碟机） 4． We lead． Others copy． 我们领先，他人仿效。（理光复印机） 5． Impossible made possible． 使不可能变为可能。（佳能打印机） 6． Take time to indulge． 尽情享受吧！（雀巢冰激凌） 7． The relentless pursuit of perfection． 不懈追求完美。（凌志轿车） 8． Poetry in motion， dancing close to me． 动态的诗，向我舞近。（丰田汽车） 9． Come to where the flavor is． Marlboro Country． 光临风韵之境——万宝路世界。（万宝路香烟） 10．To me， the past is black and white， but the future is always color．对我而言，过去平淡无奇；而未来，却是绚烂缤纷。（轩尼诗酒） 11. Just do it. 只管去做。（耐克运动鞋） 12. Ask for more. 渴望无限。（百事流行鞋） 13. The taste is great. 味道好极了。（雀巢咖啡） 14. Feel the new space. 感受新境界。（三星电子） 15. Intelligence everywhere. 智慧演绎，无处不在。（摩托罗拉手机） 16. The choice of a new generation. 新一代的选择。（百事可乐） 17. We integrate, you communicate. 我们集大成，您超越自我。（三菱电工） 18. Take TOSHIBA, take the world. 拥有东芝，拥有世界。（东芝电子） 19. Let’s make things better. 让我们做得更好。（飞利浦电子） 20. No business too small, no problem too big.
关于经典名人英语演讲稿 目前我国高校英语演讲教学效果差强人意,学生英语演讲水平整体不高。学习外国 名人演讲有助于提高我们的英语水平。下面小编为你整理经典名人英语演讲稿，希望 能帮到你。 经典名人英语演讲稿范文 asking the devotees of civil rights, "when will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousnelike a mighty stream. 出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁， 也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the proceof gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterneand hatred. 但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们 争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。 we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗- 议沦为暴-力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced
Duty Honor Country "Duty""honor""country"---those three hallowed words reverently dict ate what you want to be ,what you can be ,what you will be。They are you rallying point to build courage when courage seems to fail,to regain faith when there seems to be little cause for faith,to create hope when hope becomes forlor n.Unhappily,I possess neither that eloquence of diction ,that poetry of imagination,nor that brilliance of metaphor to tell you all that t hey mean, These are some of the things they build, They build your basic character ,They mold you for your future roles as the custodians of the nation's defense, They make you strong enough to know when you are weak,and brave enough to face yourself when you are afraid, They teach you to be proud and unbending in honest failure,but humble and gentle in success ;not too substitute words for action;not to seek the the path of comfort ,but to face the stress and spur of difficulty challenge;to learn to stand up in the storm,but to have compassion on those who fall;to master yourself before you seek to master others;to have a heart that is clean,a goal that is high ;to learn to laugh,yet never forget how to weep;to reach in to the future ,yet never neglect the past ;to be serious,yet never take yourself too seriously ;to be modest so that you will remember the simplicity of true greatness,the open mind of true wisdom,the meekness of true strength.They teach you in this way to be an officer and an gentleman. 责任荣誉国家 责任、荣誉、国家---这三个神圣的词语，虔敬的告诉你们想成为什么，你们能成为什么，你们会成为什么。他们是你们重振旗鼓的据点，在勇气似乎消逝之时寻回勇气，在信心渺茫是重拾信心，在希望沦为绝望时创造希望。不幸的是我没有雄辩的口才，没有充满想象的诗篇，也没有富含技巧的隐喻去说明它们的全部含义。 它们构建了一些东西，它们构建了你的基本人格。它们把你们塑造成未来的国防守护人。它们让你坚强的知道自己何时软弱，让你勇敢到在畏惧时敢于面对自己。 它们教导你：在失败是保持自尊和坚定，在成功时保持谦卑和温和，不以空言代替行动；不寻坦途，而是面对困境的压力，以及挑战的鞭策；学习在暴风雨中屹立，但是对跌倒的人寄予同情；在你想控制别人之前先控制自己；有纯洁的心又高尚的目标；学会欢笑，但永不忘记何时哭泣；走向未来，永不忽视过去，严肃，但永远不要把自己看的太过认真；谦虚，以便你能记得真伟大的单纯，真智慧的开明，真力量的温驯。就这样，他们教导你即是军士又是绅士。
美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address John F. Kennedy Civil Rights Address Good evening, my fellow citizens: This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way. I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.
经典广告词中英文翻译2．Obey your thirst．服从你的渴望。（雪碧） 3．The new digital era．数码新时代。（索尼影碟机） 4．We lead．Others copy．我们领先，他人仿效。（理光复印机）5．Impossible made possible．使不可能变为可能。（佳能打印机） 6．Take time to indulge．尽情享受吧！（雀巢冰激凌） 7．The relentless pursuit of perfection．不懈追求完美。（凌志轿车）8．Poetry in motion，dancing close to me．动态的诗，向我舞近。（丰田汽车）9．Come to where the flavor is．Marlboro Country． 光临风韵之境——万宝路世界。（万宝路香烟） 10．To me，the past is black and white，but the future is always color．对我而言，过去平淡无奇；而未来，却是绚烂缤纷。（轩尼诗酒） 11. Just do it.只管去做。（耐克运动鞋） 12. Ask for more.渴望无限。（百事流行鞋） 13. The taste is great.味道好极了。（雀巢咖啡） 14. Feel the new space.感受新境界。（三星电子） 15. Intelligence everywhere.智慧演绎，无处不在。（摩托罗拉手机） 16. The choice of a new generation. 新一代的选择。（百事可乐） 17. We integrate, you communicate. 我们集大成，您超越自我。（三菱电工） 18. Take TOSHIBA, take the world. 拥有东芝，拥有世界。（东芝电子） 19. Let’s make things better.让我们做得更好。（飞利浦电子） 20. No business too small, no problem too big. 没有不做的小生意，没有解决不了的大问题。（IBM公司） 1 Good to the last drop 滴滴香浓，意犹未尽麦式咖啡Maxwell 2 Time is what you make of it 天长地久斯沃奇手表Swatch 3Make yourself heard 理解就是沟通爱立信Ericsson 4Start ahead 成功之路从头开始飘柔rejoice 5Diamond lasts forever 钻石恒久远，一颗永流传第比尔斯De Bieeres 6Things go better with Coca-cola 饮可口可乐万事如意 7Connecting people Nokia 科技以人为本诺基亚Nokia 9A Kodak moment 就在柯达一刻柯达Kodak 10Mosquito Bye Bye Bye，蚊子杀杀杀雷达牌驱蚊虫剂RADAR
经典英语演讲稿带翻译范文(2) Someone said we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite . I don t know who wrote these words, but I ve always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to be. We are all in the position of the farmers. If we plant a good seed ,we reap a good harvest. If we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all. We are young. How to spend the youth? It is a meaningful question. To answer it, first I have to ask what do you understand by the word youth? Youth is not a time of life, it s a state of mind. It s not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips or supple knees. It s the matter of the will. It s the freshneof the deep spring of life. A poet said To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wild flower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. Several days ago, I had a chance to listen to a lecture. I learnt a lot there. I d like to share it with all of you. Let s show our right palms. We can see three lines that show how our love.career and life is. I have a short line of life. What about yours? I wondered whether we could see our future in this way. Well, let s make a fist. Where is our future? Where is our love, career, and life? Tell me.Yeah, it is in our hands. It is held in ourselves. We all want the future to be better than the past. But the future can go better itself. Don t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. From the past, we ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. We ve learnt that we can t choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. Failure doesn t mean you don t have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way. Failure doesn t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder. As what I said at the beginning, we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite . The past has gone. Nothing we do will change it. But the future is in front of us. Believe that what we give to the world, the world will give to us.
Andy Xie: Good Tidings in 2011 The global economy may be coming up for a breach of fresh air in 2011. Fiscal and monetary policies around the world have been highly stimulated for three years. The additional monetary and fiscal stimulus measures by the U.S. could generate an upside surprise to its 2011 growth rate. Most emerging economies continue to grow rapidly. By the middle of 2011, most analysts may declare that the world has finally put the financial crisis behind. The reality is quite different. The global economy is kept afloat by massive monetary and fiscal stimulus around the world. The main problem in the global economy – high costs and declining competitiveness in the developed world, and inflation plus asset bubbles in the developing world continue unabated. Either inflation in the developing world or unsustainable sovereign debt in the developed world will spark the next crisis. China has an opportunity to gain immunity against the next crisis. The last crisis started in the U.S. If China hadn't reformed a decade ago, it could have started in China. An economic crisis in China would have prolonged the U.S.'s economic cycle by bringing down oil and other commodity prices, which would have improved the U.S.'s cash flow. The most likely candidates to trigger the next global crisis are the U.S.'s sovereign debt or China's inflation. When one goes down first, the other can prolong its economic cycle. China may have won the last race. To win the next one, China must tackle its inflation problem, which is ultimately a political and structural issue, in 2011. If China does, the U.S. will again be the cause for the next global crisis. China will suffer from declining exports but benefit from lower oil prices. On the other hand, if China has a hard landing, the U.S.'s trade deficit can drop dramatically, maybe by 50 percent, due to lower import prices. It would boost the dollar's value and bring down the U.S.'s treasury yield. The U.S. can have lower financing costs and lower expenditures. The combination allows the U.S. to enjoy a period of good growth. One could describe the global economy as a race between the U.S. and China, to see who goes down first. This coming year is China's opportunity. The Obama administration just passed a big tax reduction bill. This is happening even as the U.S. already has a massive fiscal deficit and the national indebtedness is the highest since the World War II. The Fed just reemphasized its commitment to QE 2. It has made its intention crystal clear: As long as the unemployment rate is high and inflation rate is low, it will continue with QE. I have argued several times before why the U.S.'s stimulus won't bring lasting growth. I'm not sure that the stimulus advocates in the U.S. believe what they say. The real intention for the new Obama tax cut is to get him re-elected in 2012. The mid-term election this year shows that, unless the U.S.'s unemployment rate drops significantly, he will lose his re-election bid then. The Fed's intention, I think, is to inflate away the U.S.'s debts. The U.S.'s household sector needs to cut its leverage by half to become normal again. If it is done through saving more, the U.S. economy will be weak for a long time, which would keep the fiscal