Old soldiers never die -----------Douglas MacArthur
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who h ave stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are ce ntered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do no t stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundame ntal and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must b e resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the just ice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of li fe, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commo nly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is th e Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have it s impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequa te to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of n o greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strengt h on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communis m in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance i n Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the r evolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve a ny degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life suc h as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of A sia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of c olonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dign ity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural res ources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whethe r one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of A sian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies i n consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a cour se blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian people s covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is frie ndly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the di gnity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their st omachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their he ads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. T hese political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own nati onal security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are th e changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the cour se of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That sal ient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along whi ch the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force inte nt upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pa cific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific O cean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of th e Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islan ds extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air pow er every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power
every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any host ile movement into the Pacific.
Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphi bious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air ov er those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenue s of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly asp ect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be mai ntained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operat ions, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggress ion. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely d ependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leade r who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in t he past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must F ormosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once thre aten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well for ce our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washingt on.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainlan d, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over t he past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogeno us, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-ma king tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regi me of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruit ion under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the chara cter of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become milit arized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent sol diers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and
dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Ru ssia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively im perialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumula tion has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation o f local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recen tly displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the exp ansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beg inning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest refor mation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to le arn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in w ar's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individu al liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been cr eated a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of e vents in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese p eople have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surroundin g them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of ou r occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms a s to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully j ustified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, n or in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence t hat the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be pa
tient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in A sia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the oppo rtunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan peopl e are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representati on on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially th ey appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korea n conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to inter vene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standp oint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not co ntemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invade rs; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to per mit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground force s into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situat ion did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary prot ection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the C hina coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coa stal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their e ffective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our fo rces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possibl e delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the
past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up b ases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force o f some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coa st to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command fr om the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate ar ea where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line dis advantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive c ampaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy u tilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political d ecisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know wa r as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.
I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on b oth friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling internation al disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleshi p Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
"Men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. Various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. From the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as individual citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. Military alliances,
balances of power, Leagues of Nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. The
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. We have had our last
chance. If we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
Armageddon will be at our door. The
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to ap ply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. Th ey are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable e mphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for ne w and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an en emy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with C hina; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, an y new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in mili tary or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military ac tion is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bomb ardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack a nd devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one whi ch has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage a nd fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests ther e, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers al ways.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, ev en before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish ho pes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oat h on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since va nished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack b allads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career an d just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him t he light to see that duty.
Good Bye.
中文翻译：
总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们：
我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。我谦卑，是因为在我之前，许多美国历史上伟大的建设者们都曾经在这里发过言；我骄傲，是因为今天我们的立法辩论代表了经深思的人类解放最纯粹形式。这是整个人类进程中的希望、热情和信仰的集中体现。我并不是作为任何一个党派的拥护者站在这里讲话的，因为这些问题太重要，以至都超越了党派的界线。如果要证实我们的动机是是正确的，如果要保障我们的将来，制定关于国家利益的最高纲领时就必须考虑到它们。我相信，当我说完我仅仅是为了陈述经深思熟虑而得出的一个普通美国公民的观点之后，你们会公平地接受它。在我生命将逝之年做这个告别演说，无仇无怨。在我心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国服务。
这些问题是全球性的，而且环环相扣，任何的顾此失彼做法都会使整体造成灾难。亚洲被普遍认为是通往欧洲的门户，同样的，欧洲也是通往亚洲的大门，二者是息息相关的。有人认为我们的力量不足以同时保住两个阵地，因为我们不能分散我们的力量。我想，这是我听到的最悲观的失败主义论调了。如果我们潜在的敌人能够把他的力量分在两条线上，那我们就必须与之抗衡……
除了指出这些一般常识外，我将把讨论集中在亚洲地区。在客观地估计那里的现状之前，我们必须了解亚洲的过去，了解导致她上升到今天这种局势的革命性的变化。长期遭受殖民主义势力的剥削而使亚洲人民没有机会获取任何程度的社会平等、个人尊严，也无法提高生活水平，就像被我们的菲律宾贵族政府所统治的那样。亚洲人民在战争中找到了机会，得以摆脱殖民主义的枷锁，而且现在有更多的新的契机摆在他们面前：政治独立带来的以前从未感受过的尊严和自重。亚洲有占世界一半的人口和百分之六十的自然资源，她的人民正迅速地加强一个新兴的力量，包括精神和物质两方面，藉此提高他们的生活水平，协调现代化的进步和他们特有的文化环境。不管你是不是坚持殖民主义的观点，这是亚洲前进的方向，她不会停步。这一点是世界经济防线转移、国际事务中心回归原点的必然结果。在这种情况下，我们国家在政治上必须与基本的革命形势一致，而不能无视殖民时代已经过时，且亚洲人民渴望开创自己的自由生活的现实，这一点十分重要。他们现在需要的是友好的指引、理解和支持，而不是专制的指挥。
我坚持保全他们，并希望能用最少的时间、最小的牺牲体面地结束这场野蛮的冲突。越来越多的流血让我感到深深的痛苦和焦虑。那些勇敢的人的形象在我的脑海中挥之不去，我将永远为他们祈祷。
我将结束我五十二年的军旅生涯。我在世纪之交之前就已加入军队，它满足了我孩童时所有的希望和梦想。自从我在西点的草坪上宣读誓言以来，这个世界已经经历了多次转变，童年的希望和梦想早已消失得无影无踪。但我依然记得当年那首流行的军歌中骄傲的叠句：一个老兵永不死亡，他只是淡出舞台。就像歌中的老兵一样，我结束我的军旅生涯，只是淡出了人生舞台。一个力图像上帝指引的那样完成他的责任的老兵。再见
Ted中英对照演讲稿 大人能从小孩身上学到什么 Now, I want to start with a question: When was the last time you were called childish? For kids like me, being called childish can be a frequent occurrence. Every time we make irrational demands, exhibit irresponsible behavior, or display any other signs of being normal American citizens, we are called childish, which really bothers me. After all, take a look at these events: Imperialism and colonization, world wars, George W. Bush. Ask yourself: Who's responsible? Adults. 首先我要问大家一个问题：上一回别人说你幼稚是什么时候？像我这样的小孩，可能经常会被 人说成是幼稚。每一次我们提出不合理的要求，做出不负责任的行为，或者展现出有别于普通美 国公民的惯常行为之时，我们就被说成是幼稚。这让我很不服气。首先，让我们来回顾下这些事件：帝国主义和殖民主义，世界大战，小布什。请你们扪心自问下：这些该归咎于谁？是大人。 Now, what have kids done? Well, Anne Frank touched millions with her powerful account of the Holocaust, Ruby Bridges helped end segregation in the United States, and, most recently, Charlie Simpson helped to raise 120,000 pounds for Haiti on his little bike. So, as you can see evidenced by such examples, age has absolutely nothing to do with it. The traits the word childish addresses are seen so often in adults that we should abolish this age-discriminatory word when it comes to criticizing behavior associated with irresponsibility and irrational thinking. 而小孩呢，做了些什么？安妮·弗兰克(Anne Frank)对大屠杀强有力的叙述打动了数百万人的心。鲁比·布里奇斯为美国种族隔离的终结作出了贡献。另外，最近还有一个例子，查理·辛普 森（Charlie Simpson）骑自行车为海地募得 12万英镑。所以，这些例子证明了年龄与行为完 全没有关系。 "幼稚"这个词所对应的特点是常常可以从大人身上看到，由此我们在批评不负责 和非理性的相关行为时，应停止使用这个年龄歧视的词。 (Applause) Thank you. Then again, who's to say that certain types of irrational thinking aren't exactly what the world needs? Maybe you've had grand plans before, but stopped yourself, thinking: That's impossible or that costs too much or that won't
学生会换届竞选演讲稿范文4篇 尊敬的各位领导、老师，亲爱的同学们： 大家好! 我很荣幸的站在这里参加竞选，此刻我的心情特别激动。 我叫xxx，高一(18)班，现为伙食管理委员会及生活部负责人之一，我竞选学生会副主席。这一路走来不是鲜花满地，但也充满披荆斩棘后的快乐与喜悦。我也明白了什么是目标，什么是责任，什么是拼搏，什么是奉献。 我有自信、有责任心，有积极的态度，我希望加入主席团更好的发挥和磨炼自己。 假如我能当选，我首先会要求团委会、学生会的成员都讲普通话，语言文明，举止大方礼貌，因为别人在聆听我们，别人在关注我们。 假如我能当选，我会对某些部门进行改进。通过改组，对有问题的干部、成员进行批评、教育、清理，抓好行为习惯，树立良好形象，提高办事效率。我会落实干部责任。具体可将评优、奖励正规化、严格化，同时有一定的处分规定，实行“竞争上岗制”，把学分制纳入对成员的管理，促使其成为先进分子的代表。 假如我能当选，我会扩大各部现有职能，加强团结。我会作一场明确职责的报告，通过交谈及部门间各种活动、评比来促进竞争，促进联系，增进友谊，这样来凝聚这个集体，共同努力，切实履行应尽职责，保持先进性。
假如我能当选，我会通过不定期抽查、监督及表扬、批评来抓量化分数，我会通过开展班级先进管理，通过经验交流来加强管理，我会充分运用校刊、论坛来扩大思想、宣传教育。 我会用真诚、耐心、热情来提高学生会的威信。 我会抓住机会，严格要求，积极进行改革，不断追求新知，努力完善人格，勤奋踏实工作，积极磨炼自己。 我会思考创新、锐意进娶勤于奉献。 我会用实际行动来提高自己，服务大家。 请大家支持我，投上你宝贵的一票。 尊敬的各位领导、老师，亲爱的同学们： 大家好！我很荣幸的站在这里参加竞选，此刻我的心情特别激动。 我叫赵东晖，高一（18）班，现为伙食管理委员会及生活部负责人之一，我竞选学生会副主席。这一路走来不是鲜花满地，但也充满披荆斩棘后的快乐与喜悦。我也明白了什么是目标，什么是责任，什么是拼搏，什么是奉献。 我有自信、有责任心，有积极的态度，我希望加入主席团更好的发挥和磨炼自己。 假如我能当选，我首先会要求团委会、学生会的成员都讲普通话，语言文明，举止大方礼貌，因为别人在聆听我们，别人在关注我们。
MacArthur: Farewell Address to Congress Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
TED英语演讲稿 When you are a kid, you get asked this one particular question a lot, it really gets kind of annoying. What do you want to be when you grow up? Now, adults are hoping for answers like, I want to be an astronaut or I want to be a neurosurgeon, youre adults in your imaginations. Kids, theyre most likely to answer with pro-skateboarder, surfer or minecraft player. I asked my little brother, and he said, seriously dude, Im 10, I have no idea, probably a pro-skier, lets go get some ice cream. See, us kids are going to answer something were stoked on, what we think is cool, what we have experience with, and thats typically the opposite of what adults want to hear. But if you ask a little kid, sometimes youll get the best answer, something so simple, so obvious and really profound. When I grow up, I want to be happy. For me, when I grow up, I want to continue to be happy like I am now. Im stoked to be here at TedEx, I mean, Ive been watching Ted videos for as long as I can remember, but I never thought Id make it on the stage here so soon. I mean, I just became a teenager, and like most teenage boys, I spend most of my time wondering,
中国石油安全现状及未来战略分析 从石油安全角度浅谈如何建设综合性国际能源公司 China's Oil Safety Situation and Future Strategy ----- How to Build a Comprehensive International Energy Company from the Safety Point of View 中国石油天然气集团公司（中国石油）是世界领先的综合性国际能源公司，业务涵盖石油和天然气的上游和下游业务，油田服务，工程及建筑，石油物资装备制造和供应，资金管理，财务和保险服务，以及新能源业务。 China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) is a world-leading integrated international energy company with business covering oil and gas upstream and downstream operations, oilfield services, engineering and construction, petroleum material and equipment manufacturing and supply, capital management, finance and insurance services, and new energy operations. 目前，国外关于石油进口与石油安全的关系，存在两种说法。其一是：当一国石油进口量占国消费量的30％时就会产生安全问题；
学生会换届演讲稿（二） 尊敬的各位领导、老师，亲爱的同学们： 大家下午好! 化工与环境工程学院团总支、学生会换届选举暨第十八次学生代表大会今天在这里隆重召开，首先请允许我代表化工学院第十七届学生会全体成员向一直关心和支持我们工作的老师们，向支持和配合我们工作的同学们，表示崇高的敬意和由衷的感谢! 向乐观进取，衷于服务的学生干部们表示诚挚的问候! 过去的一年里，化工学院第十七届学生会在学院党总支的正确领 导下，沐浴着“学习和贯彻落实科学发展观”的春风，在学院团委、亲切关怀下和各兄弟院系的积极支持下，秉承“全心全意为同学服务”的宗旨，发扬“团结协作，兢兢业业，不畏艰难，勇于创新”的精神，遵循“自我教育、自我管理、自我服务”的原则，以建设“学习型、服务型”组织为目标，以“正规化、制度化”为工作发展方向，积极探索学生会工作的新方法、新途径和新载体，取得了一定的成绩并积累了宝贵的经验，谱写了我院学生会工作新的篇章。 经历了一年工作磨练我们不仅明白责任与承担，也体会到了团结 协作的力量和意志力的强大作用。为响应学校号召，丰富大学生课外活动，我们先后举办“书法绘画大赛”、“主持人大赛”、“我型我秀大赛”等各种活动，已承办周末文化广场至第十三届，特别是第十三届周末文化广场暨欢乐游园会是一次大胆创新，完全符合学校一贯“以学生为本”的要求。以游园会的形式使师生全员参与，促进和谐校园建设。得到全校师生的广泛赞誉。今天是我最后一次以化工系学生会主席的身
份站在这个台上讲话。时间过得真的快，在过去的日子里，在学生会这个组织里，不同班级，不同年龄，不同性别，不同专业，不同性格的同学为了一个共同的目标，不断成长，共同努力。 这是我大学三年中最珍贵的经历。我想，如果没有学生会的这段 时光，我的大学生活会完全不同。他让我学会了什么叫做自信，他让我懂得了有一种东西叫做责任。我相信这些东西会一直留在我的心底，并对我以后的人生道路产生重要影响! 如果我问你们什么叫做学生会，你们可能会引述字典里或是百度 文库里话学生会是学生自己的群众性组织，是学校联系学生的桥梁和纽带。但是你不会体会到当身边的朋友都去学习，都去逛街、旅游，而我们却聚在一起为了一份好的策划一个好的活动花费一上午时间却无任何怨言的温情。当那些成绩很好的同学嘲笑学生会的都是傻子将自己本该用来学习的时间花在这些活动上的时候，他们不知道当自己的知识换来的只是高分的时候，学生会的同学却已经将空闲时间转换成了能力，一种他们在书本上永远学不到的能力。 同学们，即便是现在，你们看着我面无表情的做着换届总结，在 我的内心已经泪流满面。 看到新一届学生会朝气蓬勃的举办各类活动，我心中无比欣慰， 青出于蓝更胜于蓝，在这里，我提几点希望： 第一：要戒骄戒躁，放下架子，抛弃光环，端正态度，着实为老师、同学服务。学生会每位成员一言一行都要起到表率带头作用，对于同学任何形式的批评都要先找自身原因，提高自身素养，要做事先做人。
Duty Honor Country "Duty""honor""country"---those three hallowed words reverently dict ate what you want to be ,what you can be ,what you will be。They are you rallying point to build courage when courage seems to fail,to regain faith when there seems to be little cause for faith,to create hope when hope becomes forlor n.Unhappily,I possess neither that eloquence of diction ,that poetry of imagination,nor that brilliance of metaphor to tell you all that t hey mean, These are some of the things they build, They build your basic character ,They mold you for your future roles as the custodians of the nation's defense, They make you strong enough to know when you are weak,and brave enough to face yourself when you are afraid, They teach you to be proud and unbending in honest failure,but humble and gentle in success ;not too substitute words for action;not to seek the the path of comfort ,but to face the stress and spur of difficulty challenge;to learn to stand up in the storm,but to have compassion on those who fall;to master yourself before you seek to master others;to have a heart that is clean,a goal that is high ;to learn to laugh,yet never forget how to weep;to reach in to the future ,yet never neglect the past ;to be serious,yet never take yourself too seriously ;to be modest so that you will remember the simplicity of true greatness,the open mind of true wisdom,the meekness of true strength.They teach you in this way to be an officer and an gentleman. 责任荣誉国家 责任、荣誉、国家---这三个神圣的词语，虔敬的告诉你们想成为什么，你们能成为什么，你们会成为什么。他们是你们重振旗鼓的据点，在勇气似乎消逝之时寻回勇气，在信心渺茫是重拾信心，在希望沦为绝望时创造希望。不幸的是我没有雄辩的口才，没有充满想象的诗篇，也没有富含技巧的隐喻去说明它们的全部含义。 它们构建了一些东西，它们构建了你的基本人格。它们把你们塑造成未来的国防守护人。它们让你坚强的知道自己何时软弱，让你勇敢到在畏惧时敢于面对自己。 它们教导你：在失败是保持自尊和坚定，在成功时保持谦卑和温和，不以空言代替行动；不寻坦途，而是面对困境的压力，以及挑战的鞭策；学习在暴风雨中屹立，但是对跌倒的人寄予同情；在你想控制别人之前先控制自己；有纯洁的心又高尚的目标；学会欢笑，但永不忘记何时哭泣；走向未来，永不忽视过去，严肃，但永远不要把自己看的太过认真；谦虚，以便你能记得真伟大的单纯，真智慧的开明，真力量的温驯。就这样，他们教导你即是军士又是绅士。
When I was in my 20s, I saw my very first psychotherapy client. I was a Ph.D. student in clinical psychology at Berkeley. She was a 26-year-old woman named Alex. 记得见我第一位心理咨询顾客时,我才20多岁。当时我是Berkeley临床心理学在读博士生。我的第一位顾客是名叫Alex的女性,26岁。 Now Alex walked into her first session wearing jeans and a big slouchy top, and she dropped onto the couch in my office and kicked off her flats and told me she was there to talk about guy problems. Now when I heard this, I was so relieved. My classmate got an arsonist for her first client. (Laughter) And I got a twentysomething who wanted to talk about boys. This I thought I could handle. 第一次见面Alex穿着牛仔裤和宽松上衣走进来,她一下子栽进我办公室的沙 发上,踢掉脚上的平底鞋,跟我说她想谈谈男生的问题。当时我听到这个之后松了一口气。因为我同学的第一个顾客是纵火犯,而我的顾客却是一个20出头想谈谈男生的女孩。我觉得我可以搞定。But I didn't handle it. With the funny stories that Alex would bring to session, it was easy for me just to nod my head while we kicked the can down the road. 但是我没有搞定。Alex不断地讲有趣的事情,而我只能简单地点头认同她所 说的,很自然地就陷入了附和的状态。 "Thirty's the new 20," Alex would say, and as far as I could tell, she was right. Work happened later, marriage happened later, kids happened later, even death happened later. Twentysomethings like
两分钟做个小测试，看看你的英语水平 https://www.doczj.com/doc/2d6017480.html,/test/quwen.aspx?tid=16-73675-0 美联英语提供：关于坚持的英语演讲稿（中英文对照）1 Keep Your Direction 坚持你的方向 What would you do if you failed? Many people may choose to give up. However, the surest way to success is to keep your direction and stick to your goal. On your way to success, you must keep your direction. It is just like a lamp, guiding you in darkness and helping you overcome obstacles on your way. Otherwise, you will easily get lost or hesitate to go ahead. Direction means objectives. You can get nowhere without an objective in life. You can try to write your objective on paper and make some plans to achieve it. In this way, you will know how to arrange your time and to spend your time properly. And you should also have a belief that you are sure to succeed as long as you keep your direction all the time. 翻译： 如果失败了你会怎么做?很多人可能会选择放弃。然而，要想成功，最可靠的方法就是坚持你的方向和目标。 在通往成功的路上，你必须坚持你的方向。它就像一盏灯，在黑暗中为你指路，帮助你度过难关。否则，你很容易就会迷失方向或犹豫不前。 方向意味着目标。人生如果没有目标，将一事无成。
换届竞选演讲稿合集五篇 换届竞选演讲稿合集五篇 演讲稿可以起到整理演讲者的思路、提示演讲的内容、限定演讲的速度的作用。在不断进步的社会中，演讲稿与我们的生活息息相关，那么，怎么去写演讲稿呢？下面是帮大家整理的换届竞选演讲稿5篇，希望对大家有所帮助。 换届竞选演讲稿篇1尊敬的各位领导、同志们、姐妹们： 你们好！ 首先，非常感谢大家给我这次演讲的机会，我为能参加我们三八村村委换届选举竞争上岗而自豪。我今天演讲的内容分为三个部分：一是我的个人情况；二是我的任职优势；三是我的工作设想。 一、我的个人情况 我叫黄国香，今年41岁，中共党员，93年参加工作，担任村会计一职，99年至今担任村计生专干，曾多次被评为计划生育工作先进个人。 在担任村计生专干的这六年里，我怀着对计划生育工作的满腔热情，报着维护国策、服务群众的愿望，努力向业务精通、经验丰富的领导和同志们学习，政治思想觉悟和业务水平都有了很大提高。 二、我的任职优势 第一、我担任村计生专干多年，始终工作在基层第一线，对全村的情况及所有育龄夫妇的情况都非常熟悉。我能够真诚地对待育龄群
众，把她们当作自己的兄弟姐妹，诚心诚意地为她们服务。20xx年，我和村支两委成员一起把孕检室、人口学校从阴暗潮湿的地下室搬到现在的新村部，为姐妹们提供了一个良好的生殖健康检测和学习的环境。 第二、自我担任村计生专干以来，我能够始终围绕“稳定低生育水平，提高出生人口素质，服务基层，服务群众”开展工作，在上级计生部门的指导和村支两委的领导下做了大量扎实、有效的工作，并且取得了一定的成绩。20xx年以前，我村的计生工作还寂寂无名，在同志们的支持、帮助和自己的努力下，20xx年，我村连续三年被评为市级计划生育工作红旗村，并且连续十多年无违法生育，计划生育率始终保持100％。 第三、我坚持政治学习，努力提高自己运用党的基本理论、路线方针分析和解决问题的能力；坚持计划生育业务学习，努力学习计划生育政策、法律法规，并在实践中探索，不断提高自己为育龄群众服务的能力。 三、我的工作设想 如果组织信任、同志们支持，让我当选村委委员、村计生专干，我将结合我村的实际情况，以饱满的工作热情和高度的责任感开展好以下工作： 1、协调好各方面的关系，主动向镇党委汇报工作，以提高我的业务水平，得到上级领导的理解和支持；经常走访兄弟村和先进单位，进行业务上的交流和学习；经常走访群众，征求好的意见和建议，以
Andy Xie: Good Tidings in 2011 The global economy may be coming up for a breach of fresh air in 2011. Fiscal and monetary policies around the world have been highly stimulated for three years. The additional monetary and fiscal stimulus measures by the U.S. could generate an upside surprise to its 2011 growth rate. Most emerging economies continue to grow rapidly. By the middle of 2011, most analysts may declare that the world has finally put the financial crisis behind. The reality is quite different. The global economy is kept afloat by massive monetary and fiscal stimulus around the world. The main problem in the global economy – high costs and declining competitiveness in the developed world, and inflation plus asset bubbles in the developing world continue unabated. Either inflation in the developing world or unsustainable sovereign debt in the developed world will spark the next crisis. China has an opportunity to gain immunity against the next crisis. The last crisis started in the U.S. If China hadn't reformed a decade ago, it could have started in China. An economic crisis in China would have prolonged the U.S.'s economic cycle by bringing down oil and other commodity prices, which would have improved the U.S.'s cash flow. The most likely candidates to trigger the next global crisis are the U.S.'s sovereign debt or China's inflation. When one goes down first, the other can prolong its economic cycle. China may have won the last race. To win the next one, China must tackle its inflation problem, which is ultimately a political and structural issue, in 2011. If China does, the U.S. will again be the cause for the next global crisis. China will suffer from declining exports but benefit from lower oil prices. On the other hand, if China has a hard landing, the U.S.'s trade deficit can drop dramatically, maybe by 50 percent, due to lower import prices. It would boost the dollar's value and bring down the U.S.'s treasury yield. The U.S. can have lower financing costs and lower expenditures. The combination allows the U.S. to enjoy a period of good growth. One could describe the global economy as a race between the U.S. and China, to see who goes down first. This coming year is China's opportunity. The Obama administration just passed a big tax reduction bill. This is happening even as the U.S. already has a massive fiscal deficit and the national indebtedness is the highest since the World War II. The Fed just reemphasized its commitment to QE 2. It has made its intention crystal clear: As long as the unemployment rate is high and inflation rate is low, it will continue with QE. I have argued several times before why the U.S.'s stimulus won't bring lasting growth. I'm not sure that the stimulus advocates in the U.S. believe what they say. The real intention for the new Obama tax cut is to get him re-elected in 2012. The mid-term election this year shows that, unless the U.S.'s unemployment rate drops significantly, he will lose his re-election bid then. The Fed's intention, I think, is to inflate away the U.S.'s debts. The U.S.'s household sector needs to cut its leverage by half to become normal again. If it is done through saving more, the U.S. economy will be weak for a long time, which would keep the fiscal
ted演讲稿中英文对照 小编今天推荐给大家的是 ted演讲稿中英文对照，仅供参考，希望对大家有用。关注网获得更多内容。 ted演讲稿中英文对照 Hi. I'm here to talk to you about the importance of praise, admiration and thank you, and having it be specific and genuine. 嗨。我在这里要和大家谈谈向别人表达赞美，倾佩和谢意的重要性。并使它们听来真诚，具体。 And the way I got interested in this was, I noticed in myself, when I was growing up, and until about a few years ago, that I would want to say thank you to someone, I would want to praise them, I would want to take in their praise of me and I'd just stop it. And I asked myself, why? I felt shy, I felt embarrassed. And then my question became, am I the only one who does this? So, I decided to investigate. 之所以我对此感兴趣是因为我从我自己的成长中注意到几年前，当我想要对某个人说声谢谢时，当我想要赞美他们时，当我想接受他们对我的赞扬，但我却没有说出口。我问我自己，这是为什么? 我感到害羞，我感到尴尬。接着我产生了一个问题难道我是唯一一个这么做的人吗?
竭诚为您提供优质文档/双击可除 名人演讲稿中英文 篇一：名人演讲中英文对照 释放你的创造力 比尔盖茨 IvebeenanoptimistandIsupposedthatisrootedinmybelief thatthepowerofcreativityandintelligencecanmakethewo rldabetterplace. ForaslongasIcanremember,Ivelovedlearningnewthingsan dsolvingproblems.sowhenIsatdownatacomputerforthefir sttimeinseventhgrade,Iwashooked.Itswasaclunkyandtel etypemachinethatbarelydoanythingcomparedtothecomput erwehavetoday.butitchangedmylife. whenmyfriendpaulAllenandIstaredmicrosoft30yearsago, wehadavisionof"acomputeroneverydeskandineveryhome,"
whichprobablysoundedalittletoooptimisticatatimewhen mostcomputerswerethesizeofrefrigerators.butwebeliev ethatpersonalcomputerwouldchangetheworld.Andtheyhav e. Andafter30years,IstillinspiredbycomputersasIwasback inseventhgrade. 我天生乐观，坚信人类凭创造力和聪明才智可以让世界日益美妙，这一设想一直根植于我的内心深处。 自从记事起，我就热衷于接触新事物、挑战难题。可想而知，我上七年级时第一次坐在计算机前是何等着迷，如入无我之境。那是一台锵锵作响的旧牌机器，和我们今天拥有的计算机相比，它相当逊色几乎一无所用，但正是它改变了我的生活。 30年前，我和朋友保罗·艾伦创办微软时，我们幻想实现"在每个家庭、在每张办公桌上都有一台计算机"，这在大多数的计算机体积如同冰箱的尺寸的年代，听起来有点异想天开。但是我们相信个人电脑将改变世界。今天看来果真如此。30年后，我仍然象上七年级的时候那样为计算机而狂热着迷。 Ibelievethatcomputersarethemostincredibletoolwecanu
换届大会发言稿（精选6篇） 换届大会发言稿（精选6篇） 在社会一步步向前发展的今天，在很多情况下我们需要用到发言稿，发言稿在写作上具有一定的格式要求。你知道发言稿怎样写才规范吗？以下是我整理的换届大会发言稿，欢迎大家借鉴与参考，希望对大家有所帮助。 换届大会发言稿1 尊敬的老师、亲爱的各位兄弟社团的干事们： 你们好，我是跋涉文学社新一届社长，来自广电2班的xxxx。今天，我很荣幸的代表新任社长在这里发言。 因为今天在座的没有外人，都是我们兄弟社团的成员和我们文学院的亲老师，所以，我只想说说我的心里话。 我写这篇稿子的时候，已经是零点了。我在宿舍里，对着键盘敲打着，记录着我内心深处最难忘的一抹感动。 5月3号晚上的7点半，我们跋涉文学社，终于举行了换届仪式。我觉得，这次换届，给我最大的感受就是：我们是真真正正的一家人，并不只是说说而已。 刚开始换届的时候，大家都在上面说着自己的理想与抱负，一切进行的都很顺利。随后，我们社上一届的编辑部部长园园学姐走上台去，含着眼泪说了一番话，这段话让我感触颇深。她说
自己做的不够好，有太多的想法没有实施就落空了，有太多的事情没能够做得尽善尽美。但是我很清楚，其实我们社所有的xx 级干事都是非常非常用心的，他们忙前忙后，只是想努力一点再努力一点，让跋涉能走得更远更好。我也相信，今日在座的每一位来自不同社团的干事，和不在座的那些已经退了的干事，都是深深的爱着自己的社团的，都是真心诚意的想要让我们的社团再创佳绩。所以，我能理解学姐的无奈和委屈。 在我们每一个人竞选的时候，都是带着无限的美好设想，准备大展宏图。可是等到我们自己真正处在这个位置上的时候，我们面对着太多或主观或客观的原因和问题，往往会身不由己。但是我们不能因此就气馁或放弃。我们身上是有很多压力，但是更要有责任。我们可以能力不足，但我们必须足够努力。 我作为跋涉的新社长，我知道自己的位置是什么，知道自己的责任是什么，知道我要奋斗和争取的是什么。园园学姐和我说，社长是什么？社长就是那个在沙漠里，明明清楚地知道已经没有水了，却还是用一个水壶灌满沙子，给大家以力量，引领大家走出沙漠的那个人。 的确，我们所有的干事都身负重任，尤其是我们各社的新社长。我们还有很多事不懂，很多问题不知道怎么样去解决，所以我们更要努力、更要比别人多付出一份感情、一颗真心。