外文翻译
1、外文
Public Participation in the 1990s
The increase in audience participation in the 1990s
Media products in the late twentieth century increasingly use audiences as a participating resource in programme design. For radio and television in particular, audience interaction has become a staple part of many of the programmes found in the schedules of the 1990s. And while the use of audiences has perhaps been more commonly associated with light entertainment products, such as quiz and game shows, the public is becoming a major resource in the creation of non-fiction programmes.
Broadly, three different modes of audience participation can be identi- fied in the non-fiction media. First, there has been a wide increase in the use of audience interaction 'segments' on television. For example, break- fast programmes generically have small sections given over to remedying viewers' problems: GMTV features Dr Hilary who deals with viewers' 'phone-in medical questions. Current affairs and news-based programmes have 'phone-ins that register opinions on the latest topics or controversy: in mid-1997 Breakfast News Extra encouraged viewers to 'phone-in or fax their opinions about the recently discovered condition incalculia (mathematical dyslexia). And there is a whole host of programmes in which viewer participation has become integral: the crime surveillance on Crimewatch and the consumer complaints on Watchdog are just two examples. Second, programmes that entirely consist of audience partici- pation have proliferated in the late 1990s. In the mmup to the 1997 general elecffon Radio Four and BBC1 simultaneously broadcast Election Call, where leading politicians were placed in the hot seat, giving members of the public the opportunity to ask them challenging questions about their policies and beliefs. Radio talk shows, both local and national, consist entirely of audience participation, where the host talks solely to listeners about current issues: examples of these are legion. Third, programmes centred on a live studio audience, mostly drawn from the general public, but which also feature a host, celebrity guests and/or experts gathered together to debate a particular topic. This category includes audience discussion programmes, or 'talk shows' as they are termed in the United States. Programmes of this kind, such as Kilroy, Esther, Oprah and The Time, The Place have enjoyed a good deal of popularity in the 1990s.
While audience interaction as a programming device is growing gen-erally, some critics have argued that in the United States the audience discussion programme has now overtaken the soap opera in the daytime schedule popularity stakes (Shattuc, 1997, p. 1). In Britain others argue that audience discussion programmes are already scheduled at times which 'catch' a surprisingly large percentage of the population. Sonia Livingstone and Peter Lunt claim that 40 per cent of the British viewing public are available to watch morning audience discussion programmes. Furthermore, they predict with certainty that programmes like Kilroy are sure to expand in the British programming schedules of the future (1994, p. 2).
The growth of audience participation in the media begs important questions. In this chapter we aim to ask what benefits this kind of programming offers to media
producers. Is it merely that they wish to offer genuine opportunities to audience members as citizens, to debate a wide range of moral, social and political issues in a public arena? Or are there other more commercially based reasons for the increase
in this relatively new mode of product delivery? Second, what are the ideological implications of using audiences as a central resource in programme layout? Are the media, during a time of rapid technological change in which communities are becoming increasingly dispersed, becoming the new 'public sphere', where the members of the public are given an equal stake in debating how society should be governed? Or do these new forms of participation merely offer an illusion of participation and decision- making, without proffering any 'real' political effects? The benefits for media producers
While it might be tempting to regard the increase in the use of 'real' members of the public in today's current affairs programmes as a phil-anthropic move towards creating a public forum for people to take established forms of power to task, it is undoubtedly the case that media institutions have commercial reasons closer to heart in their use of audi-ence participation. The institutional production context of the talk show in the United States offers a valuable insight into the financial factors which have made programmes like Oprah and Donahue invaluable products for a number of interconnected media industries. While British television cannot be compared to television in the United States in terms either of its institutional structure or its programme scheduling, terrestrial, satellite and cable channels in Britain offer a clutch of talk shows, either imported from the United States or discussion programmes produced in Britain, on a daily basis. One satellite channel, Granada Talk, is devoted to discus-sion format programmes. Further, the decision to reformat Manchester's local BBC radio station GMR as GMR 'Talk' demonstrates the perceived popularity of discussion-format programming for audiences. Parallels can therefore be drawn between the commercial gains talk shows have secured for the media industries in the United States and the groundswell of similar media products which are growing in popularity in Britain.
In her study of the cultural significance of talk shows in the United States, The Talking Cure: TV Talk Shows and Women (1997), Jane Shattuc investigates those who stand to benefit from the enormous popularity of the genre. Shattuc suggests that while it might be argued that talk shows represent a potentially radical forum for the voices of marginalized groups to contest established power relations, the industries which produce them are primarily interested in their profitability. Their cultural significance for groups such as women, black people or gay rights activists is only interesting to their producers in so far as they attract larger audiences.
Nicholas Garnham's assertion in Capitalism and Communication: Global Culture and the Economics of Information (1990) that distribution is the largest profit-making sector in the media and cultural industries finds backing in Shattuc's analysis of the development of the talk show industry in the 1980s. The most popular talk shows on American television, Oprah and Donahue for example, are distributed by large corporations which syndicate (sell programmes to exhibitors) the first-run of non-network- produced programmes in exchange for licensing fees and advertising. In the main, these programmes are shown at non-peak periods when women viewers dominate, which is important for garnering advertis-ing revenue. In some cases the shows are produced by syndication companies- Multimedia produces Donahue for example. Alternatively, they are made by production companies owned by the host, for example Oprah is made by HARPO Productions. Talk shows produced outside
syndication companies still need the distribution provided by syndicators, hence HARPO Productions needs the syndication company King World Productions. Significantly, the syndicators own the rights to first-runs, the most desirable and
potentially most profitable showing of the programme.
An investigation of the American company King World Productions, the leading distributor of first-run syndicated programming, demon- strates the kind of mega-profits to be gained from talk show programmes. It must be remembered that talk shows generate huge distribution profits not just within the United States, but worldwide. In 1993, for example, Oprah was distributed to sixty-four countries outside the United States. Oprah was responsible for half of King World's profits in 1994 when it grossed $180 million in revenues from the show. King World managed to reap those profits in two ways: first, through fees for licensing the programmes to stations, from which it scooped $144 million; second, for barter agreements where King World traded programmes in exchange for station time which it used for advertising. Oprah had captured an 18-49-year-old female audience, the most valuable audience for advertisers. Ultimately, the syndication company took 43 per cent of Oprah's profits, or $77 million for the show's distribution.
The most popular talk shows attract huge amounts of advertising revenue. More specifically, as we have noted, advertisers are keenly aware of the predominantly female consumer group of working-class, 18-49-year-olds, who watch talk show television. Shattuc argues that for adver-tising companies, women constitute the consumer group which many of them actually prefer to reach. First, talk shows deliver this audience to advertisers in a sphere beyond the reach of the display of goods in the shopping complex: the home. Second, they are aware that women within this bracket, even in the 1990s, still purchase the bulk of consumer goods for the home. Third, women within this bracket are, despite changes in the workplace, the largest demographic group available for daytime viewing. This group also makes up the biggest percentage of habitual viewers.
Beyond the advertisement of consumer durables which gratify imme-diate consumer needs, Shattuc suggests that talk shows also market and commodify a longer-term social practice once considered to be provided by the immediate community: advice. These shows provide an ideal forum for workers in the medical and health industries to promote their products of self-help, counselling and therapy. Publishers also stand to make gains, as guest therapists and experts market self-help publications in the process. These shows therefore exploit the short- and long-term consumer 'needs' of the female viewer.
Shattuc argues that the television industry which manufactures talk shows cares little about the social and political role such programmes might provide for their viewers - that is, until show content or program-ming style conflicts with the interests of their advertisers. Large com-panies - Proctor and Gamble and Kelloggs, for example - were afraid of being associated with Geraldo because of its liberal values, and MCA cancelled the Morton Downey Jr. Show because advertisers refused to be tainted by its populist tabloid approach. It was only when commercial' gain came under threat, Shattuc argues, that programme makers stopped to consider the anti-women sentiments of some shows: 'values became an issue only when someone objected' (1997, p. 54).
Yet while these shows yield high profits from distribution and adver-tising they are relatively cheap to produce. Conscious of their 18-49-year-old working-class market,
the producers pack their programmes with all the necessary ingredients to maximize their saleability: their topics are women-centred and they are melodramatic, a mode of production and visual style often constructed to appeal to female audiences. Yet
despite their appearance of spontaneity, shows such as The Jerry Springer
Show,where audiences and guests are known to 'lose control', are made to exact specification. Mass-produced and disposable, they are manufactured under highly rationalized systems of production. The emphasis in pro-duction is on speed and efficiency. As Shattuc argues: 'It involves an assembly-line system of codified rules of production, specialized labor, and aesthetic norms and thereby turns out one of the least expensive forms of television to produce- $25,000 to $50,000 each half hour, a fraction of the cost of a unit in network drama' (1997, p. 66). Shattuc's analysis of stringent methods of production, for example talk show pro-duction schedules and the division of labour among staff, gives a clear idea as to why talk shows are economical in comparison to drama. But one need only consider the 'cast' of these shows to recognize that 'talk is cheap'; almost all the human resources used in the show content consist of unpaid volunteers. These programme makers have at their disposal a ready-made pool of free labour: ordinary people willing to offer their experiences and views in exchange for a brief moment of fame.
This kind of example demonstrates the full weight of the idea that talk has become an invaluable resource for the media industries. Talk has two benefits for media industries operating in capitalist contexts: it is inexpensive to produce and it makes large profits. However, while the industries make commercial gains on the basis that these programmes construct their audiences as consumers, how far do these programmes offer genuine benefits to audiences as citizens?
2、中文
20世纪90年代的公众参与
Lisa Taylor/Andrew Willis著
20世纪90年代日益增加的受众参与
20世纪末期，媒体节目策划中越来越多地使用受众参与作为资源。特别是在广播和
电视领域，受众互动已经成为90年代节目表中许多节目的固定形式。另外，尽管对受众的使用的可能更使人联想到轻松的娱乐节目，比如智力竞赛和游戏节目，公众在所有非虚构性节目的生产中已经成为一种主要资源。
广义上说，在非虚构性媒介中可以划分出三种受众参与的类型。第一种，越来越多的电视节目在中间插播观众互动的“片断”。比如，早间节目中一般会安排短小的片
断为观众解决问题：GMTV的希拉里医生(Dr．Hilary)会处理观众打电话询问的医学问题。时事和新闻类节目也会开通热线电话让受众表达对最近热点事件或争论的看法：1997年中《早间附加新闻》(Breakfast NewsExtra)鼓励观众打电话或发传真就他们对
最近新发现的一种“计算能力丧失症”(incalculiaOrmathematicaldyslexia)来发表看法。在另外一系列的节目中，受众参与已经成为核心因素：其中的两个例子是《犯罪监视)(Crime—watch)中对犯罪行为的监视和《守门人》(Watchdog)中的消费者投诉。第二种，20世纪90年代末期，完全由受众参与构成的节目也越来越多。在1997年大选前夕，广播四台和BBCl同时直播《选举热线》(Election Call)，领先的候选人在演播
室中，给公众以机会向他们提出有关政策和信仰的尖锐问题。全国和地方性的广播谈
话节目从头至尾有受众参与，主持人直接与听众讨论时事新闻，这样的例子数不胜数。第三种，节目中有现场观众的参与，他们主要是从一般民众中选出来的，但同时也有
主持人和名人嘉宾和(或)专家在场，一起争论某个议题。这个类型包括受众讨论节目(audience discussion pro—grammes)，在美国称为“谈话节目”(talkshows)。这类节目，如《吉尔罗依访谈》(Kilroy)、《依斯泽尔访谈》(Esther)、《奥博拉访谈》(Oprah)和《时代》(TheTimes)、《地点》(ThePlace)等在20世纪90年代非常流行。
作为一种节目策划手段，受众参与发展很快，而一些评论家指出，在美国，受众讨
论性节目已经取代了肥皂剧成为白天最受欢迎的节目(Shattuc，1997，p．1)。在英国，也有人指出谈话类节目已经被安排在能够吸引大量受众的时段播出。索尼娅·列文斯通(Sonia Livingstone)和彼得·兰德(Peter Lunt)认为，40％的英国人都是早间观众讨论节
目的潜在观众。并且，他们进一步十分肯定地预测，像《吉尔罗依访谈》这样的节目
将占有更多的英国电视节目时段(1994，p．2)。
媒体中受众参与的增加值得我们仔细分析。在这一章中，我们要问的问题是，这种节目给媒体内容制造者带来了什么利益。难道只是因为他们希望为作为公民的受众提
供真正的机会，使他们可以在一个公共场合辩论众多伦理、社会和政治议题?有没有其他更商业化的原因使这种相对较新的节目形式受到欢迎?另外，将受众作为节目结构的核心资源，有什么意识形态的后果?在技术迅猛发展的时代，社区越来越离散化，媒体是否成为新的“公共领域”，公众在这里是否可以平等地辩论社会应该如何管理的议题?或者，这些新的参与形式只提供了参与和决策的幻觉，根本没有任何“真正的”政治效果?
媒体生产者得到的利益
尽管将当今时事节目中越来越多地使用“真正的”公众的趋势，看作是为了创造一个公众论坛来监督批评既有权力的善举非常诱人，我们还是要看到，媒体机构决定使
用受众参与，无疑有更重要的经济原因。分析美国谈话节目生产的机构背景，有助于
我们了解使《奥博拉访谈》和《多纳西欧访谈》(Don—ahue)成为一系列相互关联的
媒体工业的聚宝盆背后的经济因素。尽管英国电视在机构结构或节目安排上都不能与
美国电视直接相比，英国的无线、卫星和有线电视每天都播放许多谈话节目，有的从
美国进口，有的由英国制作。格林纳达谈话频道(GranadaTalk)专门播出讨论类型的节目。而且，将曼彻斯特BBC地方广播台GMR重新改版为GMR谈话台的决定，说明管理者认为谈话类节目很受听众的欢迎。因此，谈话节目在美国为媒体工业带来的巨大
利润，可以与英国出现的类似节目越来越受欢迎相类比。
在研究美国谈话节目的文化意义的一本书《谈话疗法：电视访谈节目和女性》(TheTalkingCure：TVTalkShowsandWomen)(1997)中，珍妮·沙图克 (JaneShattuc)
调查了那些从这种类型节目的流行中得到利益的群体。她指出，尽管有人认为谈话节
目代表了一种潜在的激进论坛，使边缘群体的声音得以挑战已有的权力关系，生产这
些节目的工业最感兴趣的还是它们带来的巨大利润。节目制造者之所以对他们为女性、黑人或同性恋权利组织带来的文化意义感兴趣，只是因为它们能够吸引大量的观众。
尼古拉斯·佳南在《资本主义和传播：全球文化和信息经济学》(Capital—ZSDIand Communication：Global Cultureand theEconomicsO／Information)(1990)一书中所指出的发行是媒体和文化工业中最大的盈利部门的论点，在沙图克对20世纪80年代谈
话节目工业发展的分析中得到了支持。以美国电视上最受欢迎的谈话节目《奥博拉访谈》和《多纳西欧访谈》为例，它们由大型节目公司发行，这些公司向放映机构出售
非电视网制作的节目的第一轮播放权，以收取出租和广告费用。这些节目主要在非高
峰时段播出，这时的主要观众是女性，这对获取广告收入十分重要。有时，这些节目
由发行公司制作——比如多媒体制作了《多纳西欧访谈)。有时，它们由主持人自己的公司来制作，比如《奥博拉访谈》是由HARPO制片公司制作的。在发行公司之外制作
的谈话节目仍旧需要发行公司为它做发行，因此HARPO制片公司需要发行商国王世界制片公司(KingWorldProductions)来发行。重要的是，发行商拥有第一轮播放的版权，而第一轮是最吸引入、最盈利的一轮播出。
如果我们研究一下第一轮节目的最大发行商——美国的国王世界制片公司，就可以发现谈话节目能够带来的巨大利润的种类。我们还应该记住的是，谈话节目不是只在
美国国内创造发行利润，而是在全世界。比如在1993年，《奥博拉访谈》在美国以外的64个国家发行。国王世界公司1994年全年的盈利是1．8亿美元，而《奥博拉访谈》占了其中的一半。国王世界通过两种方式赚得这些利润：一是通过收取授权电视
台播放的费用，这一项它们赚了1．44亿美元；二是通过交换协议，国王世界用节目
来换取广告时间，再转卖出去。《奥博拉访谈》的观众群是18至49岁的女性，这是
对广告商最有价值的群体。最终，发行公司通过发行赚取了《奥博拉访谈》所有盈利
的43％，也就是7，700万美元。
最流行的谈话节目能够带来巨额的广告收入。具体来说，正如我们前面提到的，广告商十分清楚，观看谈话节目的主要是18至49岁工人阶级的女性消费者。沙图克认为，对广告公司来说，女性是他们最愿意到达的受众。第一，谈话节目将商业中心的
货架陈列之外的这部分观众提供给广告商，也就是家庭中的观众。第二，他们意识到，在这个类别中的女性，即便是在90年代，也是家庭中最主要的消费晶购买者。第三，尽管职业人员的组成变化很大，这个类别中的女性仍旧是白天电视最大的收视群。这
个群体还占惯性收视群体的最大比例。
除了播放满足即时消费需要的耐用消费品的广告，沙图克认为谈话节目还在推销一种长期的社会行为，并将其商品化，而这种行为以往被认为是人们所在社区的责任，
即提供建议的责任。这些节目为医药工业的人士提供了完美的场所，来推销他们的各
种自助产品、咨询和诊断。出版商也可以通过作为嘉宾专家来推销自助类出版物而从
中获利。因此，这些节目充分利用了女性观众的长期和短期消费“需求”。
沙图克指出，生产谈话节目的电视工业很少关注这类节目为它们的观众提供的社会和政治意义——也就是说，只要节目内容和制作风格不与广告商的利益相冲突即可。
大公司——比如宝洁和开洛克斯(Kelloggs)——因为它们的自由主义价值观，不愿意与《杰拉德访谈》(Geraldo)产生联系。而MCA取消了《小莫顿·多内秀》(MortonDowney介．Show)的播出，因为广告商不愿因为节目的低俗风格而影响自己
的名誉。沙图克认为，只有当商业利益受到威胁，节目制作者才会停止考虑某些节目
中的反女性素材：“只有当某些人加以反对时，节目所表达的价值观才会受到重视”(1997，p．54)。
虽然这些节目通过发行和广告带来了巨大的利润，但它们的制作成本却相对便宜。由于意识到节目的18至49岁工人阶级女性市场，制作者在节目中挤进了所有能够将
其卖点最大化的元素：它们的议题是女性化的，并且有情节剧的风格。情节剧是一种
针对女性观众的制作方式和视觉风格。尽管这些节目表面看上去是自发的，但是像《杰里·斯普林德秀)(The Jerry Springer Show)这类以现场观众和嘉宾经常“失去控制”而著名的节目，其实是经过精心策划和精密组织的。这类节目可以大规模生产，产品
循环得很快，因为它们是在高度理性化的生产体系下被制造出来的。生产中强调的是
速度和效率。按沙图克的话来说：“这是一个具有既定规则、专门化劳动力和特定审
美类型的流水线系统的生产过程，因此它生产的是最便宜的电视产品之一——每半个
小时的成本是25，000到50，000美元，只是电视网电视剧单集成本的零头”(1997，p．66)。沙图克对其严格的生产方法的分析，比如谈话节目的生产时间安排和员工的
劳动分工，清楚地解释了为什么它与电视剧相比经济合算。其实，人们只需要考虑这
类节目的“演职人员”就知道“谈话是便宜的”；节目内容中使用的几乎所有人力资
源都是不发工资的志愿者。节目制作人员拥有一个随时待命的免费劳动者大军：那些
希望通过分享他们的经历和观点换得片刻知名的普通人。
这类例子表明，谈话节目已经成为媒体工业的珍贵资源这句话的真正含义是什么。
谈话节目对在资本主义环境下运作的媒体工业有两大利益：它的生产成本很低，同时
却能产生巨额利润。然而，尽管这些工业在节目将观众定位为消费者的基础上赢得了
商业利益，它们在多大程度上为作为公民的观众带来了真正的利益呢？
外文著录：Lisa Taylor/Andrew Willis，MEDIA STUDIES TEXTS,INSTITUTIONS AND AUDIENCES，北京大学出版社，2004年版，第215~219页
市场营销策略外文文献及翻译 Marketing Strategy Market Segmentation and Target Strategy A market consists of people or organizations with wants,money to spend,and the willingness to spend it.However,within most markets the buyer' needs are not identical.Therefore,a single marketing program starts with identifying the differences that exist within a market,a process called market segmentation, and deciding which segments will be pursued ads target markets. Marketing segmentation enables a company to make more efficient use of its marketing resources.Also,it allows a small company to compete effectively by concentrating on one or two segments.The apparent drawback of market segmentation is that it will result in higher production and marketing costs than a one-product,mass-market strategy.However, if the market is correctly segmented,the better fit with customers' needs will actually result in greater efficiency. The three alternative strategies for selecting a target market are market aggregation,single segment,and multiple segment.Market-aggregation strategy involves using one marketing mix to reach a mass,undifferentiated market.With a single-segment strategy, a company still uses only one marketing mix,but it is directed at only one segment of the total market.A multiple-segment strategy entails
摘要： 建筑工程在施工过程中，施工组织方案的优劣不仅直接影响工程的质量，对工期及施工过程中的人员安全也有重要影响。施工组织是项目建设和指导工程施工的重要技术经济文件。能调节施工中人员、机器、原料、环境、工艺、设备、土建、安装、管理、生产等矛盾,要对施工组织设计进行监督和控制,才能科学合理的保证工程项目高质量、低成本、少耗能的完成。 关键词： 项目管理施工组织方案重要性 施工组织设计就是对工程建设项目整个施工过程的构思设想和具体安排，是施工组织管理工作的核心和灵魂。其目的是使工程速度快、质量好、效益高。使整个工程在施工中获得相对的最优效果。 1．编制施工组织设计重要性的原因 建筑工程及其施工具有固定性与流动性、多样性与单件性、形体庞大与施工周期长这三对特点。所以，每一建筑工程的施工都必须进行施工组织设计。这是因为：其它一般工业产品的生产都有着自己固定的、长期适用的工厂。而建筑施工具有流动性的特点，不可能建立这样的工厂，只能是当每一个建筑工程施工时，建立一个相应的、临时性的，如同工厂作用性质的施工现场准备，即工地。施工单件性特点与施工流动性特点，决定了每一建筑工程施工都要选择相应的机具和劳动力组织。选择施工方法、拟定施工技术方案及其劳动力组织和机具配置，统称为施工作业能力配置。施工周期的特点，决定了各种劳动力、机具和众多材料物资技术的供应时间也比较长，这就产生了与施工总进度计划相适应的物资技术的施工组织设计内容。由此可见，施工组织设计在项目管理中是相当重要的。 2．施工组织设计方案的重要性 建筑产品作为一种商品，在项目管理中工程质量在整个施工过程中起着极其重要的作用。工程建设项目的施工组织设计与其工程造价有着密切的关系。施工组织设计基本的内容有：工程概况和施工条件的分析、施工方案、施工工艺、施工进度计划、施工总平面图。还有经济分析和施工准备工作计划。其中,施工方案及施工工艺的确定更为重要,如:施工机械的选择、水平运输方法的选择、土方的施工方法及主体结构的施工方法和施工工艺的选择等等,均直接影响着工程预算价格的变化。在保证工程质量和满足业主使用要求及工期要求的前提下,优化施工方案及施工工艺是控制投资和降低工程项目造价的重要措施和手段。 2.1施工组织方案在很大程度上影响着工程质量，因此合理的施工组织方案不仅是确保工程顺利完成的基础，也是工程安全的依据。施工组织设计是建筑工
Load and Ultimate Moment of Prestressed Concrete Action Under Overload-Cracking Load It has been shown that a variation in the external load acting on a prestressed beam results in a change in the location of the pressure line for beams in the elastic range.This is a fundamental principle of prestressed construction.In a normal prestressed beam,this shift in the location of the pressure line continues at a relatively uniform rate,as the external load is increased,to the point where cracks develop in the tension fiber.After the cracking load has been exceeded,the rate of movement in the pressure line decreases as additional load is applied,and a significant increase in the stress in the prestressing tendon and the resultant concrete force begins to take place.This change in the action of the internal moment continues until all movement of the pressure line ceases.The moment caused by loads that are applied thereafter is offset entirely by a corresponding and proportional change in the internal forces,just as in reinforced-concrete construction.This fact,that the load in the elastic range and the plastic range is carried by actions that are fundamentally different,is very significant and renders strength computations essential for all designs in order to ensure that adequate safety factors exist.This is true even though the stresses in the elastic range may conform to a recognized elastic design criterion. It should be noted that the load deflection curve is close to a straight line up to the cracking load and that the curve becomes progressively more curved as the load is increased above the cracking load.The curvature of the load-deflection curve for loads over the cracking load is due to the change in the basic internal resisting moment action that counteracts the applied loads,as described above,as well as to plastic strains that begin to take place in the steel and the concrete when stressed to high levels. In some structures it may be essential that the flexural members remain crack free even under significant overloads.This may be due to the structures’being exposed to exceptionally corrosive atmospheres during their useful life.In designing prestressed members to be used in special structures of this type,it may be necessary to compute the load that causes cracking of the tensile flange,in order to ensure that adequate safety against cracking is provided by the design.The computation of the moment that will cause cracking is also necessary to ensure compliance with some design criteria. Many tests have demonstrated that the load-deflection curves of prestressed beams are approximately linear up to and slightly in excess of the load that causes the first cracks in the tensile flange.(The linearity is a function of the rate at which the load is applied.)For this reason,normal elastic-design relationships can be used in computing the cracking load by simply determining the load that results in a net tensile stress in the tensile flange(prestress minus the effects of the applied loads)that is equal to the tensile strength of the concrete.It is customary to assume that the flexural tensile strength of the concrete is equal to the modulus of rupture of the
forced concrete structure reinforced with an overviewRein Since the reform and opening up, with the national economy's rapid and sustained development of a reinforced concrete structure built, reinforced with the development of technology has been great. Therefore, to promote the use of advanced technology reinforced connecting to improve project quality and speed up the pace of construction, improve labor productivity, reduce costs, and is of great significance. Reinforced steel bars connecting technologies can be divided into two broad categories linking welding machinery and steel. There are six types of welding steel welding methods, and some apply to the prefabricated plant, and some apply to the construction site, some of both apply. There are three types of machinery commonly used reinforcement linking method primarily applicable to the construction site. Ways has its own characteristics and different application, and in the continuous development and improvement. In actual production, should be based on specific conditions of work, working environment and technical requirements, the choice of suitable methods to achieve the best overall efficiency. 1、steel mechanical link 1.1 radial squeeze link Will be a steel sleeve in two sets to the highly-reinforced Department with superhigh pressure hydraulic equipment (squeeze tongs) along steel sleeve radial squeeze steel casing, in squeezing out tongs squeeze pressure role of a steel sleeve plasticity deformation closely integrated with reinforced through reinforced steel sleeve and Wang Liang's Position will be two solid steel bars linked Characteristic: Connect intensity to be high, performance reliable, can bear high stress draw and pigeonhole the load and tired load repeatedly.
专业资料 学院： 专业：土木工程 姓名： 学号： 外文出处：Structural Systems to resist (用外文写) Lateral loads 附件：1.外文资料翻译译文；2.外文原文。
附件1：外文资料翻译译文 抗侧向荷载的结构体系 常用的结构体系 若已测出荷载量达数千万磅重，那么在高层建筑设计中就没有多少可以进行极其复杂的构思余地了。确实，较好的高层建筑普遍具有构思简单、表现明晰的特点。 这并不是说没有进行宏观构思的余地。实际上，正是因为有了这种宏观的构思，新奇的高层建筑体系才得以发展，可能更重要的是：几年以前才出现的一些新概念在今天的技术中已经变得平常了。 如果忽略一些与建筑材料密切相关的概念不谈，高层建筑里最为常用的结构体系便可分为如下几类： 1.抗弯矩框架。 2.支撑框架，包括偏心支撑框架。 3.剪力墙，包括钢板剪力墙。 4.筒中框架。 5.筒中筒结构。 6.核心交互结构。 7. 框格体系或束筒体系。 特别是由于最近趋向于更复杂的建筑形式，同时也需要增加刚度以抵抗几力和地震力，大多数高层建筑都具有由框架、支撑构架、剪力墙和相关体系相结合而构成的体系。而且，就较高的建筑物而言，大多数都是由交互式构件组成三维陈列。 将这些构件结合起来的方法正是高层建筑设计方法的本质。其结合方式需要在考虑环境、功能和费用后再发展，以便提供促使建筑发展达到新高度的有效结构。这并
不是说富于想象力的结构设计就能够创造出伟大建筑。正相反，有许多例优美的建筑仅得到结构工程师适当的支持就被创造出来了，然而，如果没有天赋甚厚的建筑师的创造力的指导，那么，得以发展的就只能是好的结构，并非是伟大的建筑。无论如何，要想创造出高层建筑真正非凡的设计，两者都需要最好的。 虽然在文献中通常可以见到有关这七种体系的全面性讨论，但是在这里还值得进一步讨论。设计方法的本质贯穿于整个讨论。设计方法的本质贯穿于整个讨论中。 抗弯矩框架 抗弯矩框架也许是低，中高度的建筑中常用的体系，它具有线性水平构件和垂直构件在接头处基本刚接之特点。这种框架用作独立的体系，或者和其他体系结合起来使用，以便提供所需要水平荷载抵抗力。对于较高的高层建筑，可能会发现该本系不宜作为独立体系，这是因为在侧向力的作用下难以调动足够的刚度。 我们可以利用STRESS，STRUDL 或者其他大量合适的计算机程序进行结构分析。所谓的门架法分析或悬臂法分析在当今的技术中无一席之地，由于柱梁节点固有柔性，并且由于初步设计应该力求突出体系的弱点，所以在初析中使用框架的中心距尺寸设计是司空惯的。当然，在设计的后期阶段，实际地评价结点的变形很有必要。 支撑框架 支撑框架实际上刚度比抗弯矩框架强，在高层建筑中也得到更广泛的应用。这种体系以其结点处铰接或则接的线性水平构件、垂直构件和斜撑构件而具特色，它通常与其他体系共同用于较高的建筑，并且作为一种独立的体系用在低、中高度的建筑中。
Journal of Industrial Textiles https://www.doczj.com/doc/1d15058436.html,/ Optimization of Parameters for the Production of Needlepunched Nonwoven Geotextiles Amit Rawal, Subhash Anand and Tahir Shah 2008 37: 341Journal of Industrial Textiles DOI: 10.1177/1528083707081594 The online version of this article can be found at: https://www.doczj.com/doc/1d15058436.html,/content/37/4/341 Published by: https://www.doczj.com/doc/1d15058436.html, can be found at:Journal of Industrial TextilesAdditional services and information for https://www.doczj.com/doc/1d15058436.html,/cgi/alertsEmail Alerts: https://www.doczj.com/doc/1d15058436.html,/subscriptionsSubscriptions: https://www.doczj.com/doc/1d15058436.html,/journalsReprints.navReprints: https://www.doczj.com/doc/1d15058436.html,/journalsPermissions.navPermissions: https://www.doczj.com/doc/1d15058436.html,/content/37/4/341.refs.htmlCitations: - Mar 28, 2008Version of Record >>
外文文献： Risk Analysis of the International Construction Project By: Paul Stanford Kupakuwana Cost Engineering Vol. 51/No. 9 September 2009 ABSTRACT This analysis used a case study methodology to analyse the issues surrounding the partial collapse of the roof of a building housing the headquarters of the Standards Association of Zimbabwe (SAZ). In particular, it examined the prior roles played by the team of construction professionals. The analysis revealed that the SAZ’s traditional construction project was generally characterized by high risk. There was a clear indication of the failure of a contractor and architects in preventing and/or mitigating potential construction problems as alleged by the plaintiff. It was reasonable to conclude that between them the defects should have been detected earlier and rectified in good time before the partial roof failure. It appeared justified for the plaintiff to have brought a negligence claim against both the contractor and the architects. The risk analysis facilitated, through its multi-dimensional approach to a critical examination of a construction problem, the identification of an effective risk management strategy for future construction projects. It further served to emphasize the point that clients are becoming more demanding, more discerning, and less willing to accept risk without recompense. Clients do not want surprise, and are more likely to engage in litigation when things go wrong. KEY WORDS:Arbitration, claims, construction, contracts, litigation, project and risk The structural design of the reinforced concrete elements was done by consulting engineers Knight Piesold (KP). Quantity surveying services were provided by Hawkins, Leshnick & Bath (HLB). The contract was awarded to Central African Building Corporation (CABCO) who was also responsible for the provision of a specialist roof structure using patented “gang nail” roof
原文来源：李海宏《Marketing Customer Satisfaction》[A].2012中国旅游分销高峰论坛.[C].上海 Marketing Customer Satisfaction 顾客满意策略与顾客满意营销 Since the 20th century, since the late eighties, the customer satisfaction strategy is increasingly becoming business has more customers share the overall business competitive advantage means. 自20世纪八十年代末以来,顾客满意战略已日益成为各国企业占有更多的顾客份额,获得竞争优势的整体经营手段。 First, customer satisfaction strategy is to get a modern enterprise customers, "money votes" magic weapon 一、顾客满意策略是现代企业获得顾客“货币选票”的法宝 With the changing times, the great abundance of material wealth of society, customers in the main --- consumer demand across the material has a lack of time, the number of times the pursuit, the pursuit of quality time to the eighties of the 20th century entered the era of the end consumer sentiment. In China, with rapid economic development, we have rapidly beyond the physical absence of the times, the pursuit of the number of times and even the pursuit of quality and age of emotions today gradually into the consumer era. Spending time in the emotion, the company's similar products have already reached the same time, homogeneous, with the energy, the same price, consumers are no longer pursue the quality, functionality and price, but the comfort, convenience, safety, comfort, speed, jump action, environmental protection, clean, happy,
XXXXXXXXX 毕业设计（论文）外文翻译 学生姓名： 院（系）： 专业班级： 指导教师： 完成日期：
施工组织设计的重要性 摘要： 建筑工程在施工过程中，施工组织方案的优劣不仅直接影响工程的质量，对工期及施工过程中的人员安全也有重要影响。施工组织是项目建设和指导工程施工的重要技术经济文件。能调节施工中人员、机器、原料、环境、工艺、设备、土建、安装、管理、生产等矛盾,要对施工组织设计进行监督和控制,才能科学合理的保证工程项目高质量、低成本、少耗能的完成。 关键词： 项目管理施工组织方案重要性 施工组织设计就是对工程建设项目整个施工过程的构思设想和具体安排，是施工组织管理工作的核心和灵魂。其目的是使工程速度快、质量好、效益高。使整个工程在施工中获得相对的最优效果。 1.编制施工组织设计重要性的原因 建筑工程及其施工具有固定性与流动性、多样性与单件性、形体庞大与施工周期长这三对特点。所以，每一建筑工程的施工都必须进行施工组织设计。这是因为：其它一般工业产品的生产都有着自己固定的、长期适用的工厂。而建筑施工具有流动性的特点，不可能建立这样的工厂，只能是当每一个建筑工程施工时，建立一个相应的、临时性的，如同工厂作用性质的施工现场准备，即工地。施工单件性特点与施工流动性特点，决定了每一建筑工程施工都要选择相应的机具和劳动力组织。选择施工方法、拟定施工技术方案及其劳动力组织和机具配置，统称为施工作业能力配置。施工周期的特点，决定了各种劳动力、机具和众多材料物资技术的供应时间也比较长，这就产生了与施工总进度计划相适应的物资技术的施工组织设计内容。由此可见，施工组织设计在项目管理中是相当重要的。 2.施工组织设计方案的重要性 建筑产品作为一种商品，在项目管理中工程质量在整个施工过程中起着极其重要的作用。工程建设项目的施工组织设计与其工程造价有着密切的关系。施工组织设计基本的内容有：工程概况和施工条件的分析、施工方案、施工工艺、施工进度计划、施工总平面图。还有经济分析和施工准备工作计划。其中,施工方案及施工工艺的确定更为重要,如:施工机械的选择、水平运输方法的选择、土方的施工方法及主体结构的施工方法和施工工艺的选择等等,均直接影响着工程预算价格的变化。在保证工程质量和满足业主使用要求及工期要求的前提下,优化施工方案及施工工艺是控制投资和降低工程项目造价的重要措施和手段。 2.1施工组织方案在很大程度上影响着工程质量，因此合理的施工组织方案 不仅是确保工程顺利完成的基础，也是工程安全的依据。施工组织设计是建筑工程设计文件的重要组成部分，是编制工程投资概预算的主要依据和编制招投标文件的
毕业论文外文文献翻译 毕业设计（论文）题目关于企业内部环境绩效审计的研究翻译题目最高审计机关的环境审计活动 学院会计学院 专业会计学 姓名张军芳 班级09020615 学号09027927 指导教师何瑞雄
最高审计机关的环境审计活动 1最高审计机关越来越多的活跃在环境审计领域。特别是1993-1996年期间，工作组已检测到环境审计活动坚定的数量增长。首先，越来越多的最高审计机关已经活跃在这个领域。其次是积极的最高审计机关，甚至变得更加活跃：他们分配较大部分的审计资源给这类工作，同时出版更多环保审计报告。表1显示了平均数字。然而，这里是机构间差异较大。例如，环境报告的数量变化，每个审计机关从1到36份报告不等。 1996-1999年期间，结果是不那么容易诠释。第一，活跃在环境审计领域的最高审计机关数量并没有太大变化。“活性基团”的组成没有保持相同的：一些最高审计机关进入，而其他最高审计机关离开了团队。环境审计花费的时间量略有增加。二，但是，审计报告数量略有下降，1996年和1999年之间。这些数字可能反映了从量到质的转变。这个信号解释了在过去三年从规律性审计到绩效审计的转变（1994-1996年，20％的规律性审计和44％绩效审计;1997-1999：16％规律性审计和绩效审计54％）。在一般情况下，绩效审计需要更多的资源。我们必须认识到审计的范围可能急剧变化。在将来，再将来开发一些其他方式去测算人们工作量而不是计算通过花费的时间和发表的报告会是很有趣的。 在2000年，有62个响应了最高审计机关并向工作组提供了更详细的关于他们自1997年以来公布的工作信息。在1997-1999年，这62个最高审计机关公布的560个环境审计报告。当然，这些报告反映了一个庞大的身躯，可用于其他机构的经验。环境审计报告的参考书目可在网站上的最高审计机关国际组织的工作组看到。这里这个信息是用来给最高审计机关的审计工作的内容更多一些洞察。 自1997年以来，少数环境审计是规律性审计（560篇报告中有87篇，占16％）。大多数审计绩效审计（560篇报告中有304篇，占54％），或组合的规律性和绩效审计（560篇报告中有169篇，占30％）。如前文所述，绩效审计是一个广泛的概念。在实践中，绩效审计往往集中于环保计划的实施（560篇报告中有264篇，占47％），符合国家环保法律，法规的，由政府部门，部委和/或其他机构的任务给访问（560篇报告中有212篇，占38％）。此外，审计经常被列入政府的环境管理系统（560篇报告中有156篇，占28％）。下面的元素得到了关注审计报告：影响或影响现有的国家环境计划非环保项目对环境的影响;环境政策;由政府遵守国际义务和承诺的10％至20％。许多绩效审计包括以上提到的要素之一。 1本文译自：S. Van Leeuwen.(2004).’’Developments in Environmental Auditing by Supreme Audit Institutions’’ Environmental Management Vol. 33, No. 2, pp. 163–1721
芬兰建筑主要因两点而闻名实用而直接的现代主义和一种同自然之间的虚构的关系。从阿尔瓦·阿尔托和他同时代——包括埃里克·布吕格曼和保利·布卢姆斯泰特 . 在内——的那些设计了年前的芬兰现代建筑作品的建筑师开始就是如此。阿尔托在年代的设计特别是完成于年的帕伊米奥疗养院布吕格曼设计的私人住宅和图尔库的公寓区以及布卢姆斯泰特的教堂设计都是芬兰现代建筑早期阶段的标志。在这之后现代主义运动的主流和分支总是成为芬兰建筑学习的对象。如此忠诚于现代主义的原因可以归结到芬兰自年独立以来的社会发展以及北欧人一贯的建筑和设计方向。北部的地理位置和文化在北欧的多种现代主义中建筑是与众多北部 欧洲的文化特性交织在一起的。起决定性的因素是气候和自然环境 同时还有从路德教而来、体现在北欧福利国家的一种共有的精神。这里值得一提的是在当地民众与自然之间的关系形成的过程中有一个关键因素——“自由信步”的理念简而言之即在一定限度内每个人都有权利进入到自然环境及其所赋予的一切中去。这一传统在那些居住环境与自然紧密相联的地方广为人知在北欧国家更是根深蒂固。波罗的海地区的自然环境十分富足、多样且尺度较小。内陆中不计其数的湖面形成了广阔的水路。芬兰被称为“千岛之国”。实际上可以说芬兰的自然环境充满了各种独特的场所。我们没有一望无际的海岸沙滩或巨大的高差但是我们拥有河、湖和群岛。多样且无所不在的水陆交替为芬兰的自然环境提供了一种韵律。这种韵律既是视觉上的也是精神上的。此外四季的变换——温暖明亮
的夏季和寒冷多雪的冬季——强化了景观的多变对自然空间的应用有着显著影响。关于芬兰建筑前文所述都与芬兰人所认知的好建筑密切相关。在这里成为好建筑的关键因素是同地段或场所的联系 及其空间体验。当代芬兰建筑中的自然和现代主义尤哈那·拉赫蒂孙凌波译: . , . , . ' , , ' , ' , , . , , . Finland' , . , , , . ' , , " ", , , , . , , , . , , . Finland . , . . , , . . . , , , , . Finland. , , . , , . ’ . , , . , . , 首先成为好建筑要尊重地段及其历史无论它是在自然环境里还是在城市之中。以阿尔瓦·阿尔托为代表的年代的芬兰建筑师一贯坚持在项目进程中对地段上的树木加以保护。这是让自然成为建筑院落一部分的方式之一。在这个时代区域划分成为城市规划的一部
本科毕业设计（论文） ( 2012届) （外文翻译） 题目： 学院:__________ ____________ 专业:_________ 市场营销_____________ 班级:_________ ___________ 姓名:___________ ______________ 学号:________ __________ 指导老师:___________ ___________
原文题目：《市场定位策略》 作者：Powpaka Samart 原文出处:1999,Sasin Journal of Management,5,79-97 市场定位策略 定位的战略性角色 营销策略由两部分组成：目标市场战略和营销组合战略。目标市场战略三个过程组成：市场细分，目标（或目标市场选择），市场定位等。营销组合战略指的是创造一个独特的产品，分销，促销和定价策略（4PS）的过程，旨在满足客户的需求和希望。目标市场战略和营销组合策略有密切的联系，有很强的相互依存关系。目标市场战略是用来制订营销组合策略方针。 市场细分是把一个市场当中具有相似需求和特点、可能会对特定产品和特定的营销程序产生相似回应的人们，分成不同的客户的子集的过程。目标或目标市场的选择是一个或多个，通过评估每个细分市场，寻求利益的相对吸引力，而且该公司业务的相对优势。最后，定位是设计产品和发展战略营销计划，共同在目标市场建立一个持久的竞争优势的过程。 目标市场定位战略的概念是众所周知的，尤其是被大多数消费品营销从业者在制定市场营销组合策略有用作为非理论概念的方式。然而在实践中，营销人员往往绕过正式的定位，直接制定营销组合策略。这可能是由于这样的事实，这些经理们不知道如何获取感知图---表明这是一个客户原始需求的产品的位置。 本文的目的是展示营销从业者能够获得定位和营销组合策略制定的感知图的现实途径。具体来说，感知映射及其关系的定位总是被第一时间注意到。这是通过统计技术的讨论，可以遵循用于创建感知图。最后，通过因子分析定位过程的例子是证明。 目标市场战略 目标市场战略是确定一个（或多个目标市场）的过程和它的（或他们）独特的定位。目标市场策略包括：（1）市场细分，（2）市场选择，（3）市场定位。 市场细分。市场细分是一个分割成几部分或几个同质异构的潜在市场的进程。换句话说，在一个潜在的市场客户可能有不同的偏好。因此，使用产品和产品计划并不是一个有效和高效的办法。为了有效和有效率，管理者需要根据顾客的喜好对潜在顾客进行整合，根据该公司的实力，用独特的服务来满足其中一个或多个组别细分市场。另一种看待市场细分的方式是测试市场是否存在同质偏好或者需求差异性。良好的市场细分结果应具有以下特征的部分：（1）实体性（即：每个细分市场的容量足够大），（2）可盈利/可辨识/可测性（即每个段可在人口或消费心理特征方面的描述）（3）无障碍性（即媒体消费和
附录 附录1：英文文献 Line Balancing in the Real World Abstract:Line Balancing (LB) is a classic, well-researched Operations Research (OR) optimization problem of significant industrial importance. It is one of those problems where domain expertise does not help very much: whatever the number of years spent solving it, one is each time facing an intractable problem with an astronomic number of possible solutions and no real guidance on how to solve it in the best way, unless one postulates that the old way is the best way .Here we explain an apparent paradox: although many algorithms have been proposed in the past, and despite the problem’s practical importance, just one commercially available LB software currently appears to be available for application in industries such as automotive. We speculate that this may be due to a misalignment between the academic LB problem addressed by OR, and the actual problem faced by the industry. Keyword:Line Balancing, Assembly lines, Optimization