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由汉语失语症病人叙述句的语调表现看“呼吸群理论”及“倾斜理论”

由汉语失语症病人叙述句的语调表现看“呼吸群理论”及“倾斜理论”
由汉语失语症病人叙述句的语调表现看“呼吸群理论”及“倾斜理论”

Taiwan Journal of Linguistics

V ol. 3.1, 101-132, 2005

BREATH-GROUP THEORY VS. DECLINATION THEORY:

EVIDENCE FROM CHINESE APHASICS?

Wen-Hui Sah

ABSTRACT

This study explores in what way the breath-group theory and the declination theory manifest themselves in Chinese aphasic speech and detects the extent to which aphasics exert control over sentential F0 c ontours concerning different sentence lengths and tones. Four Broca’s aphasics, four Wernicke’s aphasics and four age-matched normal controls are tested. The results indicate that aphasic subjects have impairments in processing these sentential F0patterns. Yet, neither the declination nor the breath-group pattern can serve as the criterion in differentiating these two aphasic populations. The breath-group pattern is the better option than the declination pattern in delineating sentential F0 c ontour in Mandarin Chinese speech, from which we note that the predictive power of the declination theory deserves reconsideration.

1. INTRODUCTION

Lieberman (1967) associates speech with respiration by stating that speech is planned in terms of the expiratory airflow from the lungs. He regards the “breath-group” as the basic unit for intonation and points out its chief function in segmenting speech signals into chunks. He also ?I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments, which led to improvement of this paper. All gaps, mistakes and misunderstandings are my own responsibility.

101

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102 makes a distinction between the unmarked breath-group pattern and the marked one.1 At the end of each unmarked breath-group, the fundamental frequency (hereafter as F 0) will fall along with the decreasing pulmonary air pressure if the laryngeal tension is not deliberately increased.2 According to Lieberman, the archetypal normal, or unmarked, breath-group is characterized by the terminal F 0 fall rather than the prosodic pattern before the terminal point. As he states (p. 26):

It is a universal of human speech that, except for certain predictable cases, the fundamental frequency of phonation and the acoustic amplitude fall at the end of a sentence.

Lieberman and Blumstein (1988) state that most unemphatic, declarative sentences are produced by means of the unmarked pattern for its minimal muscular effort. In contrast, the “marked” pattern will be formed if the tension of the laryngeal muscles is increased at the end of the sentence with the pulmonary air pressure decreasing as usual. This pattern is the phonetic output of the normal yes-no question and that of the non-terminal breath-group of a long declarative sentence.3

Several later studies take the position different from that of the breath-group theory (Maeda, 1976; Liberman and Pierrehumbert, 1984; Sorensen and Cooper, 1980; Thorsen, 1986). These studies propose that the declination pattern characterized by linear decrease in pitch throughout the course of a declarative utterance is a near-universal tendency of intonation. In an earlier perceptual study by Cohen and 'T Hart (1967), a “declination line” is presented to characterize Dutch intonation. Similarly, Maeda (1976) uses the “trapezoidal shape” of localized movements superposing on the gradual falling “baseline” to describe the intonation of English declarative sentences.4 He proposes

1

The notations –breath-group and +breath-group are used to represent the unmarked pattern and the marked one, respectively. 2

The studies on language development and infants' initial vocalizations lead Lieberman to conclude that the terminal F 0 fall of the breath-group is innately determined and that children may acquire the idiosyncratic pattern of the breath-group of their mother tongue during the first year of life (Lieberman, 1967). 3

Due to physiological constraints, a longer sentence is often divided into more than one breath-group. The non-terminal breath-group uses non-falling F 0 contour of the marked pattern to signal continuation.

4

The baseline refers to the line connecting all the F 0 valleys of a sentence.

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five attributes and several rules to represent F 0 contours and conducts perceptual experiments to test the validity of the schematized F 0 patterns.5 According to him, the magnitude of F 0 falling as well as the F 0 value at the terminal point of the breath-group is roughly constant for an individual speaker. Maeda notes that the terminal F 0 fall is primarily determined by the shortening of the vocal-fold length subsequent to the decrease in lung volume, whereas the subglottal air pressure is only partially responsible for the F 0 fall.

In contrast to Maeda's baseline, the Pierrehumbert and Liberman version of the declination theory proposes the topline (Pierrehumbert, 1977, 1979, Liberman and Pierrehumbert, 1984).6 They claim that both topline and baseline display the declination effect, and that the former declines at a more rapid rate than the latter. Sorensen and Cooper (1980) assert that the topline is the better choice in capturing the essence of F 0 declination. In a later study, they formulate the topline rule and test the validity of it in predicting declination (Cooper and Sorensen, 1981). They claim that the magnitude of F 0 fall is proportional to the length of the entire sentence and that the higher F 0 value for the first peak accompanies the longer sentence (i.e., the P1 effect).7 Moreover, they use the floor effect to explain the small deviation of the terminal F 0 value. Similarly, Thorsen (1986) observes the positive correlation between sentence length and the magnitude of F 0 f all. Yet, he questions the validity of the floor effect.

While the declination theory strictly defines a gradual fall in F 0 t hroughout a declarative sentence, the breath-group theory specifies only the terminal F 0 f all without characterizing the exact prosodic pattern before the terminal fall. As Tseng (1990) points out, the declination theory can be regarded as a special case of the breath-group theory. In contrast to the near-universal claim of the former, the latter offers no

5 These five attributes are baseline , rise , lowering , peak , and rise on the plateau . 6

The topline refers to the line connecting all F 0 p eaks of a sentence. 7

P1 stands for the first F 0 peak of a sentence. The P1 effect refers to the higher F 0 values of the first peak in the longer sentence compared with that in the shorter sentence. For instance, comparing the P1 F 0 v alue of two sentences, we find this effect for the normal speaker, with P1 F 0 v alue several hertz greater in the longer sentence than in the shorter sentence. The differences in P1 F 0 values in the long versus short utterances demonstrate normal speakers' look-ahead mechanism which programs the P1 F 0 value by taking into consideration the overall length of the upcoming utterance (Cooper and Paccia-Cooper, 1980, Cooper and Sorensen, 1981).

Sah, Wen-Hui

104 claims of universality. Thus, the breath-group theory is less powerful in making prediction, yet it can more flexibly characterize the possible intonation contours for simple declarative sentences.8

To test if the above-mentioned theories properly represent the intonation pattern for simple declarative Mandarin sentences, Tseng (1990) analyzes the overall intonation contours of spontaneous speech of two female Mandarin speakers. According to her, the declination pattern only captures the essence of a very small portion (20 %) of the data, whereas 74 % of the data can be characterized by the breath-group pattern. Accordingly, the predictability of the declination theory is questioned. In consonance with Tseng, Liu (1990) claims that the breath-group pattern can more properly describe the intonation contours of read speech than the declination pattern.9 Moreover, 86% of her data exhibit the lowest valley F 0 value at the final target-word, whereas merely 69 % of the data demonstrate the lowest peak F 0 value at the final target-word. Thus, Liu suggests that the primary feature of the breath-group in Mandarin Chinese speech is the lowering of the valley F 0 value of the terminal word and asserts that the baseline rather than the topline can better characterize the declination pattern in Mandarin speech. Liu's subject shows no correlation between the magnitude of the F 0 lowering and sentence length, but exhibits negative correlation between the magnitude of F 0 lowering and the complexity of the sentence structure.10

Maeda (1976) uses the floor effect to explain that the sentence-final valley F 0 v alue is a relatively invariant characteristic of a speaker’s voice. Similarly, Liberman and Pierrehumbert (1984) state that the sentence-final low point F 0 values in both of their experiments are essentially the same. They note that the final low value is rather constant for each individual speaker. However, in Liu's research, the speech output of the male Mandarin speaker does not exhibit the floor effect,

8

According to Umeda (1981, 1982), the declination pattern has a discourse function. A speaker may use the declination intonation pattern to introduce a new topic for a discourse. However, during the course of the discourse, the archetypal breath-group pattern is used. The difference in discourse functions carried by these two intonation patterns is another interesting topic. Yet, it is beyond the scope of the present study. 9

The term “read speech” is used by Lieberman et al. (1985) to refer to the prepared speech or the reading mode of speech. 10

The negative correlation: The simpler the sentence structure is, the greater magnitude at which the F 0 falls.

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since both the peak and valley F 0 values of the terminal word vary across a large range.

Within the last few decades, the intact and disordered elements of prosody have become increasingly useful media for making inferences about language representation and speech planning (Danly and Shapiro, 1982; Shapiro and Nagel, 1995; Blonder et al., 1995; Baum et al., 1997; Gandour and Dardarananda, 1984; Gandour and Petty, 1989; Gandour et al.; 1994, Schirmer et al.; 2001, Kimelman, 1999; Vijayan, 1998) he presence or absence of F 0 declination in aphasics allows us to assess patients' ability in programming sentential F 0 patterns. From three experiments using Broca's and normal subjects, Danly and Shapiro (1982) detect that patients' F 0 declination is present in short and simple sentences but does not occur over longer domains and that patients do not exhibit the P1 effect. They suggest that the declination might be attenuated by the extreme length of time that patients require to produce the sentences. Furthermore, they present a significant correlation between the declination slope and the degree of language disorder in Broca's aphasics; that is, the presence or absence of the downdrift reflects the severity of aphasia. On the other hand, Cooper, Danly and Hamby (1979) detect that Wernicke's speakers exhibit F 0 declination, though the obtained slope does not adhere to the topline rule precisely. There is no interaction between literal paraphasia and F 0 declination, which indicates that declination planning is independent of proper phoneme selection. In a later study, Danly, Cooper and Shapiro (1983) demonstrate that F 0 declination of Wernicke's aphasics is comparable to that of normal controls (except in the severest cases), and shows no interaction with verbal paraphasia or degree of impairment. According to them, Wernicke's aphasics are able to take into consideration the sentence length and declination slope to produce an initially higher F 0 value for longer sentences than for shorter ones.

In an earlier study, Sah (2004) explore the sentence-final peak-to-valley (hereafter as P-V) F 0 fall and the P1 effect in Chinese aphasic speech. Previous studies on English aphasics claim that the sentence-final P-V F 0 f all is the largest fall in magnitude. Surprisingly, Sah’s work shows that the terminal P-V F 0 fall is not the largest F 0 f all for Mandarin Chinese speakers, normal or aphasic. The discrepancy between Chinese and English speakers concerning the largest terminal P-V F 0 fall is attributed to the difference in sentence lengths used in different studies. The analysis regarding the P1 effect aims to examine

Sah, Wen-Hui

106 whether the aphasic subjects can encode sentence length by appropriately planning the initial F 0 value. The results indicate that Broca's aphasics are impaired in programming this prosodic feature. In contrast, Wernicke’s patients remain intact in this ability, which means that they are able to combine the factors of sentence length and F 0 contour in order to produce higher values of P1 for longer sentences. The issue closely relates to the sentence-final P-V F 0 fall and the P1 effect is the applicability of the breath-group theory and that of the declination theory.

Previous studies have explored the breath-group and the declination patterns for simple declarative Mandarin sentences from normal speakers. The present work differs from earlier investigations in including not only normal but also aphasic speakers in our subject pool. Despite widespread interest in the prosodic disturbances in aphasic patients, we lack information on how the breath-group and the declination patterns manifest themselves in aphasic speech. To fill a gap that currently exists in this respect, we aim to examine whether these F 0 patterns properly represent the intonation contours for simple declarative sentences from Mandarin Chinese speakers, normal and/or aphasic.

2. METHODS

The acoustic methodology reveals things about aphasics’ internal code more directly than perceptual judgements (Cooper and Paccia-Cooper, 1980; Ryalls, 1982; Cruttenden, 1986; Baum and Boyczuk, 1999); therefore, the present study adopts the acoustic method to obtain a more objective assessment of the planning of sentential F 0 contours in Chinese aphasic speech.

We use the breath-group and the declination patterns as the criteria to examine aphasic patients’ F 0 c ontours for simple declarative sentences.11 Two research questions will be addressed:

11

Since the previous studies mentioned above and the present work all focus on simple declarative sentences, only the unmarked breath-group intonation pattern is considered and explored in the following discussion. The marked pattern is beyond the scope of the present investigation.

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(1) How do the breath-group and the declination patterns manifest

themselves in Chinese aphasic speech?

(2) To what extent do aphasics exert control over sentential F 0

contours concerning different sentence lengths and tones?

2.1 Subjects

Eight aphasics and four age-matched normal controls serve as subjects in the experiment. All subjects are male and predominantly right-handed. The patient group comprises four Broca’s and four Wernicke’s aphasics; all of them suffer unilateral left-hemisphere damage subsequent to cerebral vascular disease or brain trauma, and have neither auditory nor visual disturbance. The diagnosis of aphasia is based upon a Chinese adaptation of the BDAE; the sites of lesions are determined by neurologists and corroborated by Computerized Tomography (CT) scan. The aphasic subjects are tested at least three months post onset. The normal controls roughly match in age and educational level to the aphasic subjects. All subjects are native speakers of Mandarin Chinese. Their personal background and medical data are illustrated in Table 1 (for Tables, see Appendix A).

2.2 Stimuli

Four groups, each with eight sentences, are constructed to test the subjects. Each group comprises four pairs; the target words in each pair represent one distinct Mandarin tone. Sentences range in length from six to fourteen syllables (Appendix B). The target words are the second syllable of disyllabic words which are all content words of high frequency.12 One sample set appears below with the target words in parentheses. Filler sentences that match with the real target sentences in terms of length, phonetic environment and syntactic structure are used as the first and the last sentences of each recording session to minimize initiation and completion effects.

Ala

12

As previous studies demonstrate, there are more phonological errors on content words than on function words and the speech production of Broca’s aphasics is predominantly full of content words and often omits function ones (Blumstein, 1973).

Sah, Wen-Hui

108 Bla )

Cla

Dla

2.3 Procedures

The test sentences are randomized across the subjects. An interval of approximately three seconds exists between the presentation of each sentence. The subjects were asked to read the test materials as naturally as possible and not to place contrastive or emphatic stress on any word. Before recording, the sentence was presented to the subject who was asked to read it aloud to ensure that he recognized the words and to practice it several times until at least one clearly articulated version of the completed sentence was produced.13The whole process of performing the task was audio-taped.

2.4 Data measurement and analysis

For each target-word, we use Visi-Pitch to measure the F0values of the tone-bearing unit at the peak and the valley. Two sentential F0 c ontour patterns are examined: the breath-group and the declination patterns. For ease of comparison with the results from previous studies, we set up four categories based on Liu's definitions (1990) for these F0patterns, as stated below.

Category I: If the peak F0value of the terminal word is the lowest compared to the peak value(s) of the preceding target-word

(s), the sentence is called the breath-group sentence.

Category II: If the valley F0value of the terminal word is the lowest compared to the valley value(s) of the preceding

target-word(s), the sentence is classified as the breath-group

sentence.

Category III: If the line connecting the F0peaks of all target

13The Broca’s aphasic HT could not read sentences D2b and D4b on his own, so he was asked to repeat after the experimenter. He did not present any difficulty in repeating. Among the data collected, only these two are the repeated sentences. Owing to the scarcity of the repeated sentences, the possible practice effects of the repeated sentences are not considered here.

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109

words, i.e., the topline , decreases throughout the sentence, the sentence belongs to the declination group.

Category IV : If the line connecting the F 0 valleys of all target words, i.e., the baseline , decreases from the beginning to the

end of the sentence, the sentence is considered to be the declination sentence.

The F 0 c ontour patterns serve as dependent variables, while independent variables include both linguistic and non-linguistic factors: subject group (normal vs. aphasic speakers), sentence length (sentences of various lengths) and tone (four tones of Mandarin Chinese). Because the effects investigated in this study are analyzed in terms of frequency of occurrence, viz., on an all-or-none, discrete scale, we use overall and individual log-linear tests and the supplementary proportional z-test to assess the data. For the log-linear test, the probability (p) value has to be smaller than 0.05 to reach the significant level, while the z-score has to be larger than 1.96 to reach significance.

3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Lieberman (1967) suggests that the breath-group pattern can properly represent the intonation contour for simple declarative sentences, while others believe that the declination pattern is a better candidate. In terms of the above-mentioned four categories, we first present the frequency distribution of sentences that can be characterized by the breath-group or the declination pattern, discuss subject group, sentence length and tone main effect on the distribution of these two intonation patterns (Section 3.1) and then assess which pattern most properly delineates the intonation contours for simple declarative Mandarin sentences (Section 3.2).

3.1 Frequency distribution of breath-group and declination patterns

There are 201 of the total 360 sentences classified into Category I (55.83 %). On the other hand, 217 of total utterances fall into Category II (60.28 %), with the frequency percentage larger than that of the former group. Tables 2 through 9 display the frequency distributions of Category I and II for individual independent variables and for

Sah, Wen-Hui

110 cross-sections of all these variables.

For sentences of Category I, we note that occurrence rate for normals (44.78 %) is obviously larger than that for Broca's (26.87 %) and for Wernicke's (28.36 %) subjects. The frequency difference between two-target- word sentences and sentences of other lengths also deserves attention. The results of the individual test of the log-linear analysis demonstrate significantly larger occurrence rate for two-target-word than for five-target-word sentences (χ24 = 10.44, p = .001), but fail to demonstrate significant differences among subject groups, among tones or significant interactions among variables. By means of supplementary proportional z-test, we find significant differences between normals and Broca's aphasics (z = 3.73) and between normals and Wernicke's subjects (z = 3.30), but nonsignificant difference between Wernicke's and Broca's aphasics (z = .33). As for the sentence length, there are significant differences between two- and three- (z = 2.57), between two- and four- (z = 3.61), and between two- and five-target-word (z = 3.99) sentences.

Regarding sentences of Category II, the occurrence rate for normals (45.62 %) is obviously larger than that for Broca's (26.27 %) and Wernicke's (28.11 %) aphasics. The overall test of the log-linear analysis also exhibits significant subject main effect (χ22 = 13.60, p = .001). Nevertheless, due to the insensitivity of the test to the limited data, the individual test fails to further display significant frequency differences among subject groups, among sentence-lengths, or among tones. As in the above case, the z-scores present significant differences between normal and Broca's subjects (z= 4.2) and between normal and Wernicke's subjects (z = 3.78), but nonsignificant difference between Broca's and Wernicke's subjects (z = .43). The significant frequency differences are also established between two- and four- (z = 3.17) and between two- and five-target-word (z =2.32) sentences.

The criteria for Category III and IV characterize the declination patterns. There are 133 of the total 360 utterances (36.94 %) exhibiting the topline effect (Category III), whereas 143 of the total utterances (39.72 %) demonstrate the baseline effect (Category IV). Tables 10 through 17 demonstrate the frequency distribution of Categories III and IV for individual major variables and for cross-sections of all three variables.

With respect to Category III, normals (51.13 %) exhibit larger frequency of the topline effect than Broca's (21.05 %) and Wernicke's (27.82 %) aphasics; the two-target-word sentences (52.63 %) reveal

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obviously larger frequency than sentences of other lengths (Table 10). By means of the overall test of the log-linear analysis, significant subject main effect (χ22= 9.01, p =.011) and sentence length main effect (χ23= 23.11, p =.000) are obtained, whereas neither tone main effect (p =.860) nor any interaction among variables is revealed. Due to its insensitivity to the limited data, the individual log-linear test fails to reveal significant differences between Broca's and normal subjects (p = .232), between Wernicke's and normal subjects (p = .325), or among various sentence lengths. Again, the supplementary proportional z-test is used as an alternative to assess the data. The resulting z-scores reveal significant frequency differences between normal and Broca's subjects (z=5.12), between normal and Wernicke's subjects (z = 3.90), and between two- and three- (z =5.21), between two- and four- (z = 7.17) and between two- and five-target-word (z = 7.87) sentences, which confirm the tendency shown above in percentages.

As illustrated in Table 14, normals (50.35 %) demonstrate larger frequency of the baseline effect than Broca's (24.48 %) and Wernicke's (25.17 %) aphasics; the frequency of two-target-word (48.25%) sentences is conspicuously larger than that of other sentence lengths. The results of the overall test of the log-linear analysis present subject main effect (χ22 = 10.77, p =.005) and sentence length main effect (χ23= 26.54, p = .000), while neither tone main effect (p= .428) nor any significant interaction among variables is displayed. The individual test further indicates that the frequency of the baseline effect for two-target-word sentences is significantly larger than that for five-target-word sentences (χ24 = 23.96, p = .000); however, this test fails to exhibit significant frequency differences between Broca's and normal subjects (p = .255), between Wernicke's and normal subjects (p= .301) and among other length-pairs. On the other hand, the supplementary proportional z-test reveals significant frequency differences between normal and Broca's subjects (z = 4.5) and between normal and Wernicke's subjects (z = 4.39), but nonsignificant difference between Wernicke's and Broca's subjects (z = .13). According to z-scores, the occurrence rate of the baseline effect for the two-target-word sentences is significantly larger than that for three- (z = 3.57), for four- (z = 6.71), and for five-target-word (z = 8.86) sentences.

As indicated in statistics and larger percentage of frequencies in preceding paragraphs, normals exhibit more pronounced than aphasic

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112 speakers the tendency of employing declination and breath-group patterns as the general feature in programming intonation contours for simple declarative sentences of Mandarin Chinese. On the other hand, aphasic speakers are impaired in this regard as reflected by the significant differences between normals and aphasics, both in percentages and in z- scores. Nevertheless, the frequency differences between Broca's and Wernicke's subjects concerning both patterns do not reach significance, which implies that neither the declination nor the breath-group pattern can serve as a criterion in differentiating these two aphasic populations.

Clinically, Broca’s and Wernicke’s speakers are contrasted in terms of their control of melodic line over an entire sentence. Broca’s aphasics are characterized by dysprosody, while Wernicke’s patients are considered to have normal prosody. Yet, our aphasic groups fail to display significant differences in prosodic control over the breath-group or the declination pattern, which leads us to question the validity of differentiating Broca’s from Wernicke’s aphasia in terms of “prosody.” The discrepancy between clinical classification and our findings may be attributed to the heterogeneity of prosody. It is also the task of the present work to show how acoustic study might clarify the notion about prosody in clinical application.

The statistics for all four categories show that tones fail to exert significant influence on the frequency distribution of both intonation patterns. Regarding sentence lengths, there is significant distributional difference in these F 0 contours between sentences of two-target-words and those of other lengths. Inspection of data shows that the length effect mainly comes from the aphasic group, which reflects the negative correlation between F 0 programming and sentence length. The negative correlation between the increase in the sentence length and the decrease in the occurrence rate of both intonation patterns implies that it is more difficult for the aphasics to produce these F 0 contours in longer sentences (Tables 3, 7, 11, and 15).

The length effect shown above is consonant with the earlier finding by Danly and Shapiro (1982), which states that Broca’s patients’ F 0 declination is present in short and simple sentences but absent in longer ones. Previous studies on English aphasics also claim that Wernicke’s aphasics exhibit F 0 declination comparable to normal speakers (Cooper, Danly and Hamby, 1979; Danly, Cooper and Shapiro, 1983). Surprisingly, our results show that Chinese Wernicke’s aphasics are

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impaired in processing F 0 contours. The discrepancy between Chinese and English Wernicke’s subjects concerning the F 0 contours can be attributed to the difference in sentence lengths used in different studies. The test sentences in studies on English speakers are restricted to five-syllable sentences containing two target words. In contrast, the test sentences used in the present work are comparatively longer, ranging from six to fourteen syllables and containing more target words. Logically speaking, the shorter the sentences are, the more easily the speakers can process the sentential F 0 contours. To verify Wernicke’s aphasics’ ability in this regard, future research needs to employ longer test sentences for English Wernicke’s aphasics and to collect more data from Chinese Wernicke’s patients. Despite such a discrepancy, both declination and breath-group patterns do exist in Chinese aphasic speech, but aphasics have difficulties in planning F 0 contours over relatively long stretches of speech.

3.2 Breath-group or declination pattern for simple declarative Mandarin

sentences

In the following discussion, we focus on the frequency distribution of the declination and the breath-group patterns within each subject group to assess which pattern is used more often in simple declarative Mandarin sentences.14 In accordance with the findings in the previous section, normals reveal more robust the tendency in using these two intonation patterns (including all four categories) than aphasic speakers (Table 18). Except for the frequency of Category III (28.91 %) being slightly larger than that of Category IV (28.13 %) in Wernicke's speech, the numbers in other columns, with respect to each subject group, reveal that Category II exhibits larger frequency than Category I (54.80% vs. 51.92%; 47.66 vs. 44.53%; 77.34% vs. 70.31), and that Category IV shows larger frequency than Category III (33.65% vs. 26.92%; 56.25% vs. 53.13%). In addition, for each subject group, the frequencies of Category I and Category II are obviously larger than those of Category III and Category IV . The total amount of occurrence rate with regard to each F 0 p attern displays the same trend (i.e., 55.83 % and 60.28 % are larger than 36.94 % and 39.72 %).

14

The percentages are computed by dividing the number of sentences demonstrating each pattern by the total number of sentences from each subject group.

Sah, Wen-Hui

114 Moreover, there are 48.33 % of total utterances that meet the criteria for both Category I and II, whereas only 30 % for both Category III and IV . Therefore, it seems feasible for us to suggest that Chinese speakers, whether normals or aphasics, use both breath-group and declination patterns as organizing principles in programming intonation contours, and that they tend to produce the former pattern more often than the latter one. As indicated, the valley F 0 value of the terminal word (Category II) and the baseline (Category IV) can better capture the essence of the breath-group and the declination patterns than their counterparts, respectively, and the frequency difference between these two features (60.28 % vs. 39.72 %) is significant (z = 5.52), which again suggests that the breath-group pattern is more pronounced than the declination pattern in Mandarin Chinese speech.

For ease of comparison, results of the present study and those of two previous research (Tseng, 1990; Liu, 1990) on the breath-group and the declination theories are listed in Table 19.15 Whether for normals or aphasics, our data suggest that the breath-group is the better alternative in characterizing intonation pattern for simple declarative Mandarin sentences, which supports Tseng's and Liu's findings. As stated earlier, the declination pattern is more strictly defined and is thus considered to be a special case of the breath-group pattern. Accordingly, all the sentences displaying the declination pattern can also be delineated by the breath-group pattern, which leads to the superiority of the breath-group pattern over the declination pattern in characterizing intonation contours for declarative sentences. As Tseng claims, the declination pattern does exhibit in Chinese speech, but its occurrence rate is significantly lower than that of the breath-group pattern. Likewise, studies on the intonation of American English, British English and Mandarin Chinese fail to locate the declination pattern in many utterances (Lieberman and Blumstein, 1988). Therefore, we conclude that the predictive power of the declination theory with respect to F 0 planning is not as strong as claimed by its proponents.

With regard to normal subjects, the frequencies for both intonation patterns in Tseng's, Liu's and the present studies indicate that both patterns are more pronounced in read speech than in spontaneous speech

15

Since Category II and Category IV can better characterize the breath-group and the declination patterns respectively, we compare the frequency distribution of these two features, instead of four, of Liu’s and our studies.

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(73 % or 56 vs. 20 % for declination pattern; 86 % or 77 % vs. 74 % for breath-group pattern), which supports the claim of Lieberman et al. (1985). As Liu elucidates, these intonation patterns tend to occur in read speech more often, because speakers know where the utterance will end and it is easier for them to plan ahead the intonation pattern. In spontaneous speech, the context will exert great influence on intonation pattern of the target sentence and thus mask the pattern that shown. If we focus on occurrence rate for all subjects of the present study, including both normal and aphasic speakers, we will find that, as expected, the declination pattern is also more pronounced in read speech than in spontaneous speech (40 % vs. 20 %). For the breath-group pattern, Liu’s study displays similar superiority of read speech over spontaneous speech (86% vs. 74%). However, the reverse tendency is detected in our study, in which the breath-group pattern is more pronounced in spontaneous speech than in read speech (74% vs. 60%). We are uncertain whether this deviant tendency shown in our data is attributed to the disturbances in aphasic speech or to the different subject categories involved in these studies.16 Before any conclusion is reached, more empirical data is needed to provide a clearer picture about this issue. Nevertheless, it is hoped that such a discrepancy will have implications for studies on F 0 contours concerning different speech mode.

5. CONCLUDING REMARKS

Using sentence reading task, we assess in what way the breath-group and the declination patterns manifest themselves in Chinese normal and aphasic speech. The data presented in earlier discussions inform us the following points.

(1) Aphasic subjects do not exhibit so robust the tendency as normals in producing the breath-group and the declination patterns for simple declarative sentences. Compared with normals, aphasic speakers are impaired in this regard. Yet, neither the declination nor the breath-group pattern can serve as a criterion in differentiating these two

16

Tseng uses two female native speakers of Mandarin Chinese; Liu applies her test to one male speaker. In the present work, our male subjects include eight aphasic and four normal speakers.

Sah, Wen-Hui

116 aphasic groups. In addition, aphasics show more difficulty in producing them for longer sentences. No tone effect is detected in the processing of these F 0 patterns.

(2) Both aphasic and normal Chinese speakers do employ both F 0 patterns in their speech, though the breath-group pattern is the better option in delineating sentential F 0 contour for simple declarative Mandarin sentences, from which we note that the predictive power of the declination theory deserves reconsideration, as suggested by Tseng (1990) and Liu (1990). According to Lieberman (1967), the terminal falling contour of the breath-group is innately determined; what is more, the breath-group helps to disambiguate sentences. It is thus assumed that the breath-group pattern has more advantages over the declination pattern in language processing, which leads to the more pronounced status of the former pattern in Chinese speech.

(3) Our results indicate that the baseline and the terminal valley F 0 value can better capture the essence of the declination and the breath-group phenomena, respectively. The superiority of the baseline over the topline in Liu's (1990) and our studies implies that the topline proposed by Sorensen and Cooper (1980) does not necessarily hold advantages over its counterpart in all languages.

(4) In consonance with the findings of Lieberman et al.(1985), the results from our normal subjects reveal that these two F 0 patterns are more pronounced in read than in spontaneous speech for the ease of preplanning in the former condition. As Cooper and Paccia-Cooper (1980) comment, the results from read speech is more indicative of the speaker's planning abilities than those from spontaneous conversation.

In a series of studies, we examined Chinese Broca’s and Wernicke’s aphasics’ ability in sentence-final lengthening, the sentence-final peak-to-valley F 0 f all and the P1 effect (Sah 2001, 2004). In the present work, we note that both Broca’s and Wernicke’s aphasics have disturbances in processing F 0 contours.17 Taken together, the findings show that our aphasic subjects demonstrate different behavior with respect to different prosodic features (Table 20). Clinically, Broca’s and Wernicke’s speakers are contrasted in terms of verbal fluency and the control of melodic line of an entire sentence. According to this view,

17

The present study employs the same subjects and test materials as those used in earlier experiments.

Breath-Group Theory vs. Declination Theory

117

speech prosody in Wernicke’s aphsics is considered to remain intact, whereas Broca’s aphasics are characterized by dysprosody (Hecaen and Albert, 1978). The information listed in Table 20 reminds us that the speech prosody of Wernicke’s aphasics is not strictly normal. Although the intonational contour of Wernicke’s aphasics sounds quite normal to the clinician, it may contain certain deficits, such as the abnormalities in F 0 c ontours, which may be imperceptible. The results also document an apparent dissociation of prosodic impairments.18 The dissociable prosodic impairments suggest that “prosody” should be regarded as a heterogeneous collection. The problem with the clinical impression of dysprosody or normal prosody may be that the concept about prosody is used in a too general way. When we use prosody as the criterion for clinical assessment, we have to specify which prosodic feature is actually involved to make the classification or the comparison viable.

REFERENCES

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effects of utterance length and complexity. Brain and Language 67: 30-45.

18

As Baum and Boyczuk (1999) mention, the dissociation of impairments can be interpreted in the context of the autosegmental theory, proposed by Goldsmith (1976, 1990). Adopting the multi-tier approach, Levelt (1989) proposes a possible architecture of speech production. He hypothesizes that there exist autonomous multi-tiers in charge of different prosodic features. Under this framework, the dissociation of prosodic deficits in aphasic speech is explicable, since various events (e.g., temporal control, the terminal P-V F 0 fall, the P1 effect, or sentential F 0 c ontours) may take place at the different tier without necessarily having any effect on what goes on at another tier. Thus, an aphasic speaker may remain intact in the tier which processes one prosodic feature (e.g., the sentence-final P-V F 0 f all), while he may have deficits in other tiers which program certain other features (e.g., the P1 effect or the sentential F 0 c ontour).

Though such interpretation seems rather plausible, we need more experiments to show that there is really a hierarchical relationship between these F 0 a ttributes, to show the difference among these tiers, and to show how these prosodic parameters are conceived as structural constructs in the competence model such as the autosegmental theory. These research questions are beyond the scope of the present work. Before any valid interpretation can be made, we need more investigations to further explore these issues.

Sah, Wen-Hui

Baum, Shari, and Marc Pell, Carol Leonard, and Jeanne Gordon. 1997. The ability of right- and left-hemisphere-damaged individuals to produce and interpret prosodic cues marking phrasal boundaries. Language and Speech 40: 313-330.

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Breckenridge, Janet. 1977. The declination effect. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 61, S1, S90.

Cohen, A., and J. ‘T Hart. 1967. On the anatomy of intonation. Lingua 19: 177-192. Cooper, William, Martha Danly, and Suzanne Hamby. 1979. Fundamental frequency (F0) attributes in the speech of Wernicke’s aphasics. Paper Presented at the 97th Meeting of the Acoustical Society of America.

Cooper, William, and Jeanne Paccia-Cooper. 1980. Syntax and Speech. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Cooper, William, and John Sorensen. 1981. Fundamental Frequency in Sentence Production. New York: Springer-Verlag.

Cruttenden, Alan. 986. Intonation (pp. 1-15). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Danly, Martha, William Cooper, and Barbara Shapiro. 1983. Fundamental frequency, language processing, and linguistic structure in Wernicke’s aphasia. Brain and Language 19: 1-24.

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Goldsmith, John. 1990. Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology. Oxford: Blackwell. Hecaen, Henri, and Martin Albert. 1978. Human Neuropsychology. New York: Wiley. Kimelman, Mikael. 1999. Prosody, linguistic demands and auditory comprehension in aphasia. Brain and Language 69.2: 212-221.

Levelt, Willem. 1989. Speaking from Intention to Articulation. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

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Sah, Wen-hui. 2001. Speech prosody in Chinese Broca’s and Wernicke’s aphasics: An acoustic investigation of word duration. Paper Presented at the 3rd Annual Meeting of the Speech-Language-Hearing Association. Taiwan: Taipei.

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119

Sah, Wen-Hui

120 Vijayan, Aparna. 1998. Speech Production after Unilateral Brain Damage: Aspects of

Linguistic Prosody . Purdue University dissertation.

Wen-hui Sah

Department of English

National Chengchi University w hsah@https://www.doczj.com/doc/1e12640891.html,.tw

APPENDIX A

Table 1. Personal Data of Aphasic and Normal Subjects

Subject Category* Name Sex Age yrs Educ. yrs Post

Onset Etiology Lesion Site CT

B T

C M 34 12 3;1 CV A Frontal B CC M 38 16 3;8 Trauma frontal- temporal-parietal B HT M 74 12 1;11 CV A frontal B FL M 75 19 0;4 CV A frontal- temporal W SM M 16 9 2;8 Trauma frontal- temporal W LM M 51 12 2;7 Trauma temporal W MN M 54 6 0;11 CV A frontal W ML M 58 16 1;10 CV A frontal-parietal

Mean 50.00 12.75

SD 18.83 3.90 N PC M 75 9 N WM M 56 12 N TL M 38 12 N KP M 24 17

Mean 48.25 12.5

SD 19.16 2.87

B=Broca's aphasics W=Wernicke's aphasics N=Normals

汉语失语症评定量表ABC

语言-认知障碍评定系列表 汉语失语症检查表(ABC法) 姓名:性别:年龄:科室:床号:住院号:主诉: 诊断:检查日期:一.谈话(流畅度9-27分、信息量0-6分) 流畅度___ /27分 信息量___ /6分 二.理解 (一)是/否问题(共60分)

(9)我是男的/女的吗否2(10)这个房间的灯亮着吗是2(11)这个房间的门是关着的吗否2(12)这儿是旅馆吗否2(13)这儿是医院吗是2(14)你穿的衣服是红/蓝色的吗否2(15)纸在火中燃烧吗是4(16)每年中秋节在端午节前先过吗否4(17)您吃香蕉时先剥皮吗是4(18)在本地七月下雪吗否4(19)马比狗大吗是4(20)农民用斧头割草吗否4(21)一斤面比二斤面重吗否4(22)冰在水里会沉吗否4总分 /60 实物<5’ ’ 2分>5’ ’ 1分 0分图形<5’ ’ 2分 >5’ ’ 1分 0分图画<5’ ’ 2分 >5’ ’ 1分 0分 梳子圆钥匙铅笔方火柴钥匙三角梳子火柴螺旋铅笔花五星花 动作<5’ ’ 2分>5’ ’ 1分 0分颜色<5’ ’ 2分 >5’ ’ 1分 0分家具<5’ ’ 2分 >5’ ’ 1分 0分 吸烟红窗户喝水黄椅子跑步蓝电灯睡觉绿桌子摔倒黑床 身体<5’ ’ 2分>5’ ’ 1分 0分身体<5’ ’ 2分 >5’ ’ 1分 0分身体<5’ ’ 2分 >5’ ’ 1分 0分 耳朵中指右耳鼻子胳膊 肘 左眼 肩膀眉毛左拇 指眼睛小指右手 腕手腕拇指右中 指听辨认总分: /90分。

(三)口头指令(共80分) 三.复述(共100分) 1.词复述(共24分) 2.句复述(共76分)

汉语标准失语症检查(CRRCAE)说明

汉语标准失语症检查(CRRCAE)说明 李胜利 一、整体注意事项 1.对象: 成人失语症患者 2.前提条件: 标准失语症打分是由参加过失语症培训班并熟悉检查内容的检查者来进行,使用前要掌握正确的检查方法,不要自行对患者的反应进行解释,而要依据失语症检查规则进行。 3.患者的状态: 尽量使患者在自然状态下接受检查,不要过于死板,要在整个过程注意此点。 4. 检查者的说话方式和态度: 检查者与患者接触时,说话的方式不要零乱和死板,要充分考虑到患者病前的生活环境和文化背景,态度要亲切,以求得患者能放松安心接受检查。5.患者进行有关检查方面的说明: 事先不对患者说明就进行检查会使患者反感,检查前要向患者说明检查的目的,求得理解,检查之后,多数患者关心自己的结果,因此,要对患者及家属进行适当的说明。 6.检查场所: 选择能使患者情绪稳定接受检查的场所,避开噪音及人多的地方。 7.陪同人员: 失语症患者通常不愿让人知道自己的语言缺陷,所以,即使妻子或丈夫有时也尽量不要陪伴,采取一对一的检查方式。 8.患者的疲劳情况: 失语症检查中,在超过30分钟以上,患者常出现疲劳而不能表现出实际的问题,此时宜中断,采取分数次进行。 9.终止检查: 有时出现失败或拒绝检查的局面,此时应暂时终止,待患者安静下来后再继续检查,出现保持状态时,通常是由于患者疲劳过度引起的。这时可改时间进行。 10.检查时间: 由开始到结束两周时间。 11.检查顺序: 此检查是通过不同语言模式(Modality)来观察患者的反应,在一些项目中使用了相同的词语,为尽量减少由此造成的对检查内容的熟悉,在图的位置安排上有一些变化,并设了终止标准。 检查要按顺序从项目1开始,但Ⅸ(计算)、Ⅰ(听)、Ⅱ(说)、Ⅲ(阅读),四大项目之间,从哪一项开始均可。 12.检查用具: (1)使用说明 (2)记录用表(包括计算用纸) (3)图片,词卡

对外汉语试题

对外汉语教学理论 一、填空题(10分) 说明:第1—10题是填空题,每题有一空,每空1分,共10分。请仔细阅题,并在划线处填入恰当的答案。 1、把第二语言的目标设定为培养学生运用目的语进行交际的能力。 2、教学计划与是教材编写的直接依据。 3、,是教材评估工作的目标,也是教材评估的两个基本要求。 4、从测验编制的角度看,命题针对性强,测试点容易明确。 5、对外汉语教学中的文化教学,大概可以分成三个层次:、基本国情和文化背景知识和专门文化知识。 6、语法翻译法忽视了言语交际技能,尤其是。 7、代表了传统媒体和现代媒体间的根本区别,是计算机辅助教学的重要特征。 8、反馈作用是指对教学所产生的影响,反馈作用有消极和积极之分。 9、CCAI的设计原则有内容正确规范、、交互方式恰当。 10、、功能、文化相结合,是一条重要的教学原则。 答案:1、功能法 2、教学大纲 3、追求高信度和高效度4、分立式命题5、语言中的文化因素 6、听说能力的培养 7、交互性 8、测试 9、媒体素材的有效性 10、结构 二、选择题(共10分) 说明:第11—20题诗单项选择题,每题只有一个可选项,请根据题目要求选择适切的选项,每题1分 11、以模仿为主的教学流派是() A、结构法 B、直接法 C、功能法 D、任务教学法 12、以下选项不是阐述功能法优点的是() A、教学过程交际化。 B、有助于培养学生使用语言进行交际的能力 C、注重口语教学,有利于培养学生的言语能力 D、从学生的实际需要出发,确定学习目标 13、要教规范通用的语言,这属于教材编撰的() A、科学性原则 B、知识性原则 C、实用性原则 D、针对性原则 14、语言测试的种类很多,其中对信度和效度没有太高要求的是:() A、水平测试 B、潜能测试 C、成绩测试 D、诊断测试

失语症的概述、分类和评定方法

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(二)句复述分数 1.听说过 3 2.别告诉他 4 3.掉到水里啦 5 4.吃完饭就去散步7 5.办公室电话铃响着吧9 6.他出去以后还没有回来10 7.吃葡萄不吐葡萄皮8 8.当他回到家的时候,发现屋子里坐满了朋友18 最高分:100分患者分: 三、命名 (一)词命名按次序出示实物,问病人“这是什么?”(或图片“这个人在干什么?”)正确回答得2分。触摸后才正确回答得1分。如果触摸后5秒内仍不能正确说出正确答案,则提示三个名词其中包括正确答案让病人选择,选对则得1/2分,如仍说不出则提示正确答案的第一个音,能正确回答得1/2分,否则记0分。 五、阅读 (一)视读(每字1分) “请您念一下这些字” 妹肚鸭动村明和砂晴转 (二)听字—辨认 “请您指出每行字中,我念的是哪一个?”,每次只限指一个,划“√”。指两个以上无分,除非病人明确表示更正。 47 17 74 14 47 407 (水)田:由甲申电田 (喝)水:永水本木术 成(功):茂成戌咸威 唱(歌):倡昌唱畅常 (棉)被:背被披杯倍 (铅)笔:币必笔比毕 (您)好:佳良棒冠好 坏(人):次差坏下来 (三)字—画匹配 “请您念一下每个词,再指出画上是哪一个。”如果读不出来,亦要求指出。每正确反应给1分。其中朗读20分,配画20分。

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