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Sutra Translation in Ancient China (1)

Sutra Translation in Ancient China (1)
Sutra Translation in Ancient China (1)

中国古代的翻译工作概述

一、中国古代的翻译工作

中国历朝历代都有专人从事翻译工作,远在商周时期就有人开始做类似工作。香港《文汇报》今日刊发署名“王东峰”的文章,对中国古代的翻译工作进行了梳理。

文章中称,中国是一个多民族国家,自古以来,又与其它国家保持外交关系和友好往来。民族相异,国家不同,语言和文字就千差万别,因此,历朝历代都设有专人专职或专门机构从事翻译工作。仅就官职而言,周代有“寄”、“像”、“译”等;秦汉时期有“九译令”、“译官令”、“译官丞”;南北朝有“译令史”;隋唐时期置“通事舍人”;宋辽金时期分别有“润文史”、“译史”、“通事”;元朝设“怯里马赤(蒙古语,指口语翻译)”;明朝有“译字生”;清朝设“通译官”。

这些翻译人员的级别不高,一些朝代的翻译人员甚至没有品级。清代的通译官一般为七、八品,光绪年间,各使馆的头等通译官始提高待遇,定为正五品,限额一名,严禁超编。

古代的翻译工作远在商周时期就开始进行了。据西汉伏胜《尚书大传》载:交趾之南有越裳国,“周公居摄六年,制礼作乐,天下和平;越裳以三象重译而献白雉,曰:…道路悠远,山川阻深,音使不通,故重译而朝?”。“像”是翻译官,“重译”就是多次翻译的意思,越裳国包括今越南大部和柬埔寨部分地区,与中国相距遥远,言语不通,所以需要翻译成汉文才能看懂。

从史料记载来看,从南北朝至唐代,官方的翻译机构和译员主要从事佛经的翻译工作。

南朝梁惠皎《高僧传.佛陀什》云:“先沙门法显于师子国(今斯里兰卡)得《弥沙塞律》梵本。未被翻译而法显迁化。京邑诸僧闻什既善此学,于是请令出焉,以其年冬十一月集于龙光寺,译为三十四卷,称为《五分律》。”另外比较著名的,就是唐代高僧玄奘法师,他从印度带回大小乘佛教经典520夹、657部。回到长安后,住大慈恩寺,专心译经,前后共翻译佛经1300多卷,同时,将《老子》等中文经籍译成梵文,传入印度。

宋辽金时期,为了适应对敌国斗争的需要,在生员考试中增加了翻译女真文、契丹文和西夏文的内容。而西夏、辽和金国,为了吸收中原地区的先进文化,特别重视翻译工作。

西夏仁宗时,专门设立“刻字司”,翻译《孙子兵法》、《六韬》、《贞观政要》等大量汉文典籍。辽国则在州以上行政机关设立专门的译文机构。为了激励译员的工作积极性,辽道宗下诏制定了译史的升迁等级,按照供职时间长短和工作水平的高低决定其是否升职。金世宗下令成立译经所,先后将《孝经》、《易》、《书》、《论语》、《孟子》等汉文典籍译成女真文。

元代疆域广阔,民族众多,先后设立了“蒙古房”、“蒙古官学、唐古特学及托忒学”等官署,培养熟谙蒙文、藏文、托忒文的专门人才,并负责翻译蒙、回、藏文书籍。明朝初年,为了了解元朝的情况,朱元璋命翰林院侍讲火原杰、编修马沙亦黑等人编撰《华夷译语》,以汉文解释蒙古文。

明成祖永乐五年,在京城设立“四夷馆”,内分蒙古、女真、西蕃(西藏)、西天(印度)、回回、百夷(傣族)、高昌(维吾尔)、缅甸八馆,“置译字生、通事,通译语言文字”。明神宗时,又增设暹罗馆(泰国)。清初,四夷馆更名为“四译馆”,减去女真、蒙古两馆。乾隆时,这一机构又与专门接待少数民族官员和外国使臣的“会同馆”合并,改名为“会同四译馆”,分设西域、八夷两馆,直到光绪二十五年(1899)废止。

Sutra Translation in Ancient China (1)

I. General Introduction

A vast country with scores of regional languages, China has probably witnessed translation and interpreting activities since the first tribal battle or produce-exchange. Early historical works such as the first century BC Records of the Grand Historian contain many references to translation in the context of diplomacy and commerce. As early as the Zhou Dynasty, in the ninth century BC, there were special government officials in charge of interpreting and translation work; their titles varied according to the group of languages they covered. An integral part of protocol, they were always present at meetings with foreign emissaries. The term for a government interpreter of this period was sheren, literally …tongues-man?. The current Chinese word for …translation?, yi, forms the basis for the official title adopted since the Han Dynasty: yiguan and yishi, literally …translation official?. Historical records also show that during the Dan dynasty, translators/interpreters (yizhang) were routinely employed by merchants on their long trips to South-East Asia and India; they were also present in the merchant caravans bound for states such as Bactria to the north-west of China. During the Tang Dynasty, a period in which cultural exchanges between China and her neighbouring states reached new heights, a considerable number of foreigners who lived in China were employed as government interpreters and were allowed to accompany Chinese officials on diplomatic missions.

In the 3,000 years from the Zhou dynasty to the present, the bread-and –butter of the Chinese translator?s work has always been in government and commerce. There are extant poetry translations dating back to at least the fourth century BC, but these early literary translations were mostly recorded as part of the experience of various diplomatic missions. There have been periods, however, when t ranslation played a crucial role in China?s cultural and social development, going far beyond the confines of government and commerce. The most significant of these periods relate to the translation of Buddhist scriptures, the work of Christian missionaries, the political and cultural events leading to the May fourth Movement, and the emergence of the People?s Republic of China and subsequent contact with European countries. But translation and interpreting have also had a role to play in China outside of such peak periods and, apart from the major languages involved in those periods, a significant number of Chinese books have been translated from the eleventh century onwards into such languages as Mongolian, Western Xia, Manchurian and

Japanese.

附录:

1.《越人歌》

原载西汉刘向(约公元前77年至前6年)著的《说苑》一书中的《善说》篇里.《善说》记述着春秋时代楚令尹鄂君子晰在游船上赞赏榜枻越人唱歌的生动故事。作者刘向在文中通过楚大夫庄辛之口,描绘了这场富丽豪华的舟游盛况之后,紧接着这样写道:“会钟鼓之音毕,榜枻越人拥楫而歌,歌辞曰:…滥兮抃草滥予?昌桓泽予?昌州州湛。州焉乎秦胥胥,缦予乎昭澶秦逾渗。惿随河湖?。鄂君子晰曰:…吾不知越歌,子试为我楚说之?。于是乃召越译。乃楚说之曰:…今夕何夕兮?寨洲中流。今日何日兮?得与王子同舟。蒙羞被好兮,不訾诟耻。心几顽而不绝兮,得知王子。山有林木兮木有枝。心悦君兮君不知。?于是鄂君晰乃#修袂行而拥之,举绣被而复之。”

Song of the Yue

今夕何夕兮。

搴舟中流。

今日何日兮。

得与王子同舟。

(蒙羞被好兮,

不訾诟耻。

心几顽而不绝兮。得知王子。)

山有木兮木有枝。

心悦君兮君不知。③

今天是什么样的日子啊!我驾着小舟在长江上漂。

今天是什么样的日子啊!我竟然能与你在同一艘船

承蒙你看的起啊!不因为我是泛舟的身份而嫌弃我,甚至责骂我。

我的心里如此的紧张而停止不住,因为我居然看到了你!

山上有树木,而树上有树枝,(这人人都知道〉,

可是我这么喜欢你啊,你却不知。

II. Translation of Buddhist Scriptures

The first wave of translation activities in China came in the wake of the spread of Buddhism. By the mid second-century AD, the first Chinese translations of Buddhist sutras had been undertaken (though some sources put the year as early as AD 70). This marked the beginning of a massive translation movement, often sponsored by the government, which lasted for nine centuries. Given the time span and the number of translators involved, translation methods and approaches did not remain static; even the cultural and linguistic background of the translators changed considerably over the centuries.

The translation of Buddhist sutras from Sanskrit into Chinese can be divided roughly into three phases: Eastern Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms; Jin Dynasty and the Northern and Southern Dynasties; and Sui Dyansty, Tang dynasty and Northern Song dynasty.

During the first phase, the translators were monks from Central Asia and Xinjiang; the majority were respected for their religious knowledge, but their command of the Chinese language

was very poor. Monks like Parthamasiris from Parthia (the first translator of Buddhist sutras into Chinese), said to have achieved a fair command of Chinese not long after his arrival in the country, were few and far between. This linguistic disadvantage is reflected in the translations produced during this period: although the foreign monks had the assistance of their Chinese pupils or counterparts, many of the translations still read awkwardly. Moreover, a large number of the early Chinese Buddhist translations were not based on Indian texts, but were indirect rasnlations via sources in the monk-translator?s mother tongue.

The early translation method reflected the strength and weakness of these translators, as well as the emphasis placed on theological accuracy. Translation Forums, or yichang, were set up, with a highly revered Buddhist monk as Chief Translator (yizhu). The foreign monk?s task was that oof explaining in detail the precise meaning of the texts. Under the foreign monk were one or more Interpreters (duyu or chuanyu) conversant with the monk?s language; their task was to interpret the monks explication into Chinese. In the audience were scores, sometimes hundreds, of Chinese monks and lay scholars who recorded in not form the foreign the foreign monk?s explication. The Chinese translation was them compiled by the Recorder (bishou) –the person responsible for writing down in Interpreter?s words in Chinese. The process involved consulting not just the Recorder?s own notes, but also noted taken by others in the audience. The three steps of interpreting, recording and checking were the basis for all Translation Forum work. It is obvious that the forums were not only meant to produce Buddhist texts in Chinese, but were also a kind of intensive seminar on Buddhist sutras, and it was not unusual for the Chinese text and a detailed annotation to be produced simultaneously. Because of the strong theological emphasis, the foreign monk – despite his lace of knowledge of the target language – was always billed as the Translator, while the person who did the actual writing in Chinese was credited as Recorder.

附:

南北朝时,从事于翻译佛经已是政府的大事,往往拨一笔很大的欵子来工作。当时的翻译都是依敕举行,与三国时代由几个人的小规模的翻译大不相同。但是南北朝时的翻译工作的机构还不甚完备,隋唐以后,逐渐扩充,成为一个国立的庞大的分工合作的编译馆,那时称为“译场”。只是那时的译场是临时敕设的机构,如译某部经,或某一些经时,即设立,经译完后,即解散“译场”。“译场”中,各部门的人选是由国内大寺的名僧中选聘的,经籍译完,即分别遣回。今日的编译馆是一个固定的永久的机关,在里面工作的是政府的公务员,人才也不可能尽是天下之英彦,所以表现的成绩也大不相同了。

译场的组织极为庞大,有多至五六百人或近千人的。可惜详细情形现在已不能十分清楚。其译经的程序共分十部。每部各有主持人以司专责。十部的职掌分述如下:

(一)译主。即译场的主持人,也就是翻译的主持人。我们现在所见到的佛经所题某人译,其实译者不只此一人,只是单举译主一个人的姓名以明责任而已。译主须精通华梵文字,并须教理娴熟,戒行卓荦为众所钦服方可。遇有疑文歧义,尚须负责判定其得失以定取舍。工作时译主坐在译场的中间正面。

(二)证义。坐在译主的左边,与译主评量已译的意义与梵文有何不同,以便酌量修正。据说法藏大师,即因与玄奘的译文的意义有不同意的地方,辩论结果终不能相合。于是他退出了玄奘主持的译场。

(三)证文。坐在译主的右边,听译主高读梵文,以验其差误。证义是考验中译的文义是否妥当,护文是考验所译的原文是否有错误。原文若有错误,当然译文不能妥善。

(四)书字。根据梵文原本,写成中文,但仍是梵音。这一职司也称为“度语”。倘译主是外国人,而又不能十分通晓中文时,那末,书字一职绝不可少。

(五)笔受。翻梵音为中国的语言。如梵文称“纥里那野”,书字只写“纥里那野”四字,笔受即翻成中国的“心”字;书字只写“素怛览”,笔受即翻成中国的经卷的“经”字。

(六)缀文。因为西方的语言习惯与结构与中国不同,有些附属的句子,或形容字的次序与中国文法不同,所以有时需要把句子里面的排列次序颠倒,或是重新组织。譬如笔受写的是“照见五蕴彼自性空”。缀文即需改成“照见五蕴皆空”。

(七)参译。一方面校勘原文是否有误,一方面再由译文回证原文,反证二者是否完全相合。如果翻成中文再由中文翻回梵文时若不相合,即是翻译有了问题。

(八)刊定。刊削冗长,定取句义。因为梵文的组织或句法,容易使中国人觉得过分的重复,中国文字一向喜欢简洁,所以要在不影响原义的条件下,刊削冗长或重复的字句。

(九)润文。有时润文与刊定二人合作,或只设一人。刊定的工作多半是删削;润文的工作多半是增益。如心经中说:“色不异空。空不异色,…………是诸法空相,不生不减,不垢不净,不增不减,是故空中无色,无受想行识。”句中“是故”二字梵文所无,是加上去的。

(十)梵呗。用高声念经的调子把新译的经朗诵一遍,以验其是否顺口顺耳。因为佛经总是要人念诵的。

除了上述的十部,必须由僧众选拔外,尚有若干不限人数的僧众来听译主讲说新译的经,如有疑难,可以随时发问讨论,所以不论在教义方面,在文字方面,若有一字的不妥,不但通不过这十重关卡,即使这十个人一时有所忽略,也很难逃过几百人听众的讨论和辩难。同时朝廷为了郑重这种事业,还要派钦命大臣在译场作监护大使,有时在开始翻经的第一天,皇帝还亲自到译场担在“笔受”的工作。以隋唐时代中国人力财力之盛,国内局面安定统一,国君敕集海内第一流的人才参加翻译的工作,当然所翻的经本质与量均超过前代远甚。

The second phase of sutra translation was marked by the officiation of prominent foreign monks (some directly from the Indian subcontinent ) who had learned Chinese, and who were thus able to deliver a verbal Chinese translation of the texts in the translation Forum without the assistance of an interpreter. Their verbal translations were put into writing by the Recorder, who then checked the written texts directly with the monk-translator. One of the most respected and productive monk translators was Kuramajiva, who rendered over 300 volumes into Chinese. It was also after the arrival of Kuramajiva in China that detailed records were kept of the number of participants in the Translation Forums. The scale of forums presided over by Kuramajiva was particularly grand, frequently numbering over 3,000 participants; the norm for attendance at forums held by other monks seems to have been in the hundreds rather than thousands. Not every

foreign monk active in this period, however, had mastered the Chinese language; some still relied completely on interpreters during forum sessions. Moreover, one cannot presume the existence of a written text as a basis for translation. Buddhist sutras were often learned verbally and memorized by the monks, who frist recited the sutras in Sanskrit in the T4ranslation forum, and then proceeded to translate and interpret it in Chinese. In such cases, a Sanskrit version was recorded during the same forum as the Chinese version.

The third phase of sutra translation showed a marked departure from previous practices in that the processes of theological explication and translation became separated. The size of Translation Forums was reduced dramatically –normally no more than three dozen monks ere involved. This is true al all forums held from the late sixth century onwards, including those presided over by the most prolific monk-translator in Chinese history, Xuan Zang, a Chinese monk famous for his pilgrimage to India, who rendered over 1,300 volumes of sutras into Chinese. One major reason for the new translation practice was the increased linguistic and theological expertise of Chinese monks. Whereas almost anyone could join the old-style Translation Forums, the third-phase forums were highly selective: only monks or lay officials with special abilities were allowed to take part; all except those directly involved in the translation work were forbidden to enter the forum premises. Each participant was assigned a special duty, and the number of specialized posts increased to nine. Of these, the Polisher (runwen) was usually a government official noted for his literary ability; other posts were normally filled by monks. In the Song Dynasty, the government at one point established a Sanskrit school, recruiting some dozen pupils from various monasteries with the intention of fostering a new generation of Buddhist translators. However, the decline of Buddhism in India as well as a change in government policy led to a rapid decline in Buddhist translation activities towards the 1050s. the days of the Translation forums were over, and the Buddhist translations done after this period were the works of individuals rather than the collective efforts of a unique translation establishment.

Sutra translation provided a fertile ground for the practice and discussion of different translation approaches. Generally speaking, translations produced in the first phase were word-for-word renderings adhering closely to source-language syntax. This was probably due not only to the lack of bilingual ability amongst the forum participants, but also to a belief that the sacred words of the enlightened should not be tampered with. In addition to contorted target-language syntax, transliteration was used very liberally, with the result that the translation were fairly incomprehensible to anyone without a theological grounding. The second phase saw an obvious swing towards what many contemporary Chinese scholars call yiyi (free translation, for lack of a better term). Syntactic inversions were smoothed out according to target language usage, and the drafts were polished to give them a high literary quality. Kumarajiva was credited as a pioneer of this approach. In extreme cases, the polishing might have gone too far, and there are extant discussion of how this affected the original message. During the third phase, the approach to translation was to a great extent dominate by Xuan Zang, who had an excellent command of both Sanskrit and Chinese, and who advocated that attention should be paid to the style of the original text: literary polishing was not to be applied to simple and plain source texts. He also set down rules governing the use of transliteration, and these were adopted by many of his successors.

III.The Critical Factors for the Propagation of Buddhism in Ancient China

Buddhism started in late Han Dynasty in 25 A.D. in China, but advanced enormously in the Period of Disunity (also known as the Period of North and South Dynasties) in 220-589 A.D. It reached its golden age during Tang Dynasty (618-807 A.D.) which followed the Sui Dynasty (581-618 A.D.) when China was once again united under a single imperial regime. It is interesting to note that, strictly speaking, there had no proper religion originated from China, though China has had its own brilliant culture in philosophy, arts, etc for over four thousand years. It may be one of the significant differences between the Chinese culture and the western one.

However, the development of Buddhism in China cannot be accomplished without the emergence of the following:

1.the development of Sangha system,

2.the translation of Buddhist scriptures.

The Development of Sangha System

Sangha is one of the Three Jewels in Buddhism. In early Chinese Buddhism, people claimed themselves to be Buddhists without taking refuge officially or taking precepts at their own discretion without abiding by the strict Buddhist Vinaya. In the monasteries, there were no unified rules for the monks and the nuns to follow. The way of life and the clothing or ordained monks had not previously been different from those layman.

Not until the beginning of 4th century, a great master called Tao-an (312-385 AD) (rendered the greatest service to Chinese Buddhism by establishing the first native Sangha in China.

The effects of Tao-an's activities extended to many areas of Chinese Buddhism. For instance, he compiled a full and complete precepts and monastic rules with reference to the Vinaya. He introduced prescribed garments for monks and set the precepts and regulations in order to make the way of life of Chinese monks the same as that of monks in India. He gained many disciples and followers under those new disciplines and taught true Buddhism. He sent them to preach Buddhism throughout China.

The present tradition that all ordained Chinese monks and nuns have to change their surname to "Shih" (i.e. the first syllable of the name of the Buddha's clan, Shakya) was insisted and advocated by Master Tao-an.

Again, with the effort of the great Master Tao-an, a comprehensive catalogue recording all the sutras and scriptures that had been translated into Chinese was compiled in 374 A.D. He and his followers collected five to six hundred volumes of sutras and scriptures. He edited and published the catalogue, the first of its kind. Though the catalogue was no longer transmitted in its entirety, most of its contents were found in earliest extant catalogue, compiled by Master Seng-yu (445-518 A.D.) in early 500 A.D.

Tao-an also gave new titles that reflected their context to the untitled sutras. He also wrote preface for the translated sutras, through he was not a translator. However, he recruited and trained many outstanding scholars to translate Buddhist sutras. He and his followers translated a considerable number of new sutras, such as Madhyama-agama, i.e. Middle-length Sayings [中阿含經], Ekottara-agama, i.e. Gradual Sayings [增一阿含經], and Vinaya-pitaka, i.e. Ordinance Basket.

As he had strong desire to clarify the correct meanings of the Buddhist teachings, he sent his disciples to invite the most famous scholar and translator at his time, called Kumarajiva in Central Asia to China. Unfortunately, Kumarajiva arrived at China until 16 years after Tao-an's death.

The Translation of Buddhist Scriptures

Dharma is another one of the Three Jewels in Buddhism. Buddhist scriptures were initially translated into Chinese in later Han Dynasty around 100 A.D. by Kashyapamatanga and Dharmaraksha. Since Buddhism was an Indian religion, it reflected the Indian philosophy and culture, and also the way of Indian thinking and expressing. It has no doubt that Chinese had difficulty to understand the Buddhist doctrines and terminology and comprehend the exact meanings and the concepts of Buddhism. It was also not difficult to imagine how hard the Chinese to make their effort in translating the Buddhist scriptures, though they were keen to study. Therefore, to start with, they read primarily the general moral teachings and stories without any technical terms nor theoretical doctrine. Those simple teachings and stories, presented in ordinary languages, were comprehensible, interesting and useful, such as "the Sutra of Forty-two Chapters", "Jataka" (i.e. birth story), "Avadana" (i.e. stories), "Dharmapada" (i.e. ethical story teaching), etc.

There was an attempt that Chinese Buddhists used their own philosophical and social terminologies to interpret the expounded and sophisticated doctrines in Buddhism, so that it was more comprehensible to their countryman. However, distortion was inevitable if Buddhist teachings were explained by traditional Taoist philosophical terms.

Another problem was the confusion and inadequacy of the original texts of Buddhist scriptures. The majority of the Buddhist scriptures in Sanskrit was brought to China via the Silk Road, though some of them were shipped from India and Sri Lanka by sea.

In the mid third century, some Chinese religious scholars, like Chu Shih-hsing left for India seeking for easier version of the sutras and Buddhist scriptures.

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翻译的归化与异化

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万方数据

万方数据

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