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Traffic congestion and congestion pricing

Traffic congestion and congestion pricing
Traffic congestion and congestion pricing

Traffic congestion and congestion pricing

C. Robin Lindsey and Erik T. V erhoef

Department of Economics University of Alberta Department of Spatial EconomicsFree University Amsterdam

Abstract

For several decades growth of traffic volumes has outstripped investments in road infrastructure. The result has been a relentless increase in traffic congestion. This paperreviews the economic principles behind congestion pricing in static and dynamic settings,which derive from the benefits of charging travellers for the externalities they create. Specialattention is paid to various complications that make simple textbook congestion pricingmodels of limited relevance, and dictate that congestion pricing schemes be studied from theperspective of the theory of the second best. These complications include pricing in networks,heterogeneity of users, stochastic congestion, interactions of the transport sector with the restof the economy, and tolling on private roads. Also the implications of congestion pricing foroptimal road capacity are considered, and finally some explanations for the longstanding social and political resistance to road pricing are offered.

Key words: congestion, road pricing, networks

JEL codes: R41, R48, D62

1. Introduction

For several decades growth of traffic volumes has outstripped investments in road infrastructure. The result has been a relentless increase in traffic congestion. Congestion imposes various costs on travellers: reduced speeds and increased travel times, a decrease in travel time reliability, greater fuel consumption and vehicle wear, inconvenience from rescheduling trips or using alternative travel modes, and (in the longer run) the costs of relocating residences and jobs. The costs of increased travel times and fuel consumption alone are estimated to amount to hundreds of dollars per capita per year in the US (Schrank and Lomax, 1999) and comparable values have been reported for Europe.

Traffic congestion is a consequence of the nature of supply and demand: capacity is time- consuming and costly to build and is fixed for long time periods, demand fluctuates over time,and transport services cannot be stored to smooth imbalances between capacity and demand.V arious policies to curb traffic congestion have been adopted or proposed over the years. The traditional response is to expand capacity by building new roads or upgrading existing ones. A second method is to reduce demand by discouraging peak-period travel, limiting access tocongested areas by using permit systems and parking restrictions, imposing bans on commercial vehicles during certain hours, and so on. A third approach is to improve the efficiency of the road system, so that the same demand can be accommodated at a lower cost.Re-timing of traffic lights, metering access to highway entrance ramps, high-occupancy vehicle lanes and Advanced Traveller Information Systems are examples of such measures.

This paper is concerned with congestion pricing as a tool for alleviating traffic congestion. The insight for congestion pricing comes from the observation that people tend to make socially efficient choices when they are faced with all the social benefits and costs of their actions. As just noted various demand management tools to accomplish this can be used.But congestion pricing is widely viewed by economists as the most efficient means because it employs the price mechanism, with all its advantages of clarity, universality, and efficiency. Pigou (1920) and Knight (1924) were the first to advocate it. But it was the late William Vickrey, who steadfastly promoted congestion pricing for some forty years, who was arguably the most influential in making the case on both theoretical and practical grounds. In one of his early advocacy pieces, Vickrey (1963) identified the potential for road pricing to influence travellers? choice of route and travel mode, and its implications for land use. He also discussed alternative methods of automated toll collection. Another of his early proposals was to set parking fees in real time as a function of the occupancy rate. An overview of Vickrey?s contributions to pricing of urban private and public transport is found in Arnott et al. (1994,pp. 271-5).

As Vickrey?s work makes clear, true congestion pricing entails setting tolls that match the severity of congestion, which requires that tolls vary according to time, location, type of vehicle and current circumstances (e.g. accidents or bad weather). Congestion pricing is common in other sectors of the economy —from telephone rates and air fares to hotels and public utilities. But despite the efforts of Vickrey and other economists, congestion pricing is still rarely used on roads. Tolls are not charged on most roads, and fuel taxes do not vary with traffic volumes. And costs of registration, licensing and insurance do not even depend on distance travelled. Nevertheless, the number of applications and experiments in road pricing is slowly growing, spurred on by the combined impetus of worsening traffic conditions and advances in automatic vehicle identification technology. Descriptions of various road pricing schemes, including Singapore?s pioneering toll system, Scandinavian toll-rings, and Californian pay-lanes are found in Gómez-Ibá?ez and Small (1994) and Small and Gómez Ibá?ez (1998).

This paper is organized along similar lines to the review of congestion modelling in Lindsey and V erhoef (2000). Section 2 starts by outlining the basic economic principles of congestion pricing in a simple static (…time-independent?) setting with one road. Section 3 adds a t ime element by considering travellers? time-of-use decisions and time-varying tolls. V arious complications are addressed in Section 4, including pricing in networks,heterogeneity of users, stochastic congestion, interactions of the transport sector with the rest of the economy, and tolling on private roads. Section 5 considers the implications of congestion pricing for optimal road capacity. Explanations for the longstanding social and political resistance to road pricing are offered in Section 6, and conclusions are drawn in Section 7. Due to space constraints some topics related to congestion pricing are not covered in this review. There is no explicit treatment of freight transportation. Nothing is said about the implications of congestion pricing for urban structure or the location of new developments. And only passing mention in Section 4 is given to the potential effects

of congestion pricing on traffic noise, pollution, and traffic accidents.

2. Congestion pricing in time-independent models

The basic principles of congestion pricing can be illustrated in the following simple setting.Consider one origin and one destination connected by a single road. Individuals make trips alone in identical vehicles. Traffic flows, speeds and densities are uniform along the road and independent of time. Equilibrium in this setting is described in Figure 1, which is due to Walters (1961). The horizontal axis depicts traffic flow or volume: the rate at which trips are initiated and completed. The vertical axis depicts the price or …generalized cost? of a trip —which includes vehicle operating costs, the time costs of travel, and any toll. At low volumes vehicles can travel at the free-flow speed, and the trip cost curve, C(q), is constant at the free-flow cost Cff At higher volumes congestion develops, speed falls, and C(q) slopes upwards. The fact that a toll is required to support the social optimum reveals the fallacy that travellers fully pay for the congestion they cause through the time they personally lose.Analogously, a person squeezing through a crowd, a shopper queuing in line at a supermarket counter, or a person reading a popular library book after a long wait for it, impose costs on others that they do not themselves bear.

3. Congestion pricing in time-dependent models

Time-dependent models of congestion build on time-independent models by adding two elements: a specification of how travel demand depends on time, and a specification of how traffic flows evolve over time and space. To maintain focus on the time elements of congestion pricing, attention will be limited as in Section 2 to a single road joining one origin and one destination. Until near the end of Section 3 it will also be assumed that the total number of trips is fixed; i.e. price inelastic. But heterogeneity in the trip-timing preferences and time costs of travellers is allowed.

Several policy lessons can now be drawn. First, congestion pricing not only reduces travel times but also affects schedule delay costs. A cost-benefit analysis that considered only travel times could be biased either for or against a congestion pricing project, and might lead either to unwarranted acceptance or rejection of it. Second, the efficiency gains from congestion pricing are of the same order of magnitude as toll revenue, and can even exceed it. By contrast, the efficiency gains from flat tolls computed using static models can be dwarfed by the toll transfers involved. This suggests that the economics of dynamic congestion pricing schemes are not as sensitive to the costs of infrastructure and operation as are the economics of tolling schemes in static models. Third, congestion pricing has welfare distributional effects on travellers that tend to favour those with high values of time. Because value of time is positively correlated with income, this is consistent with the conventional view that tolling is regressive. Finally, under the fine toll all individuals pay the full marginal social costs of their trips, regardless of their respective characteristics and of when they travel.

4. Second-best issues in congestion pricing

Sections 2 and 3 have outlined the principles of congestion pricing when tolls can be set to match the external costs generated by each traveller. Such pricing is called …first-best?congestion pri cing because it supports a first-best optimum in which roads

are used at maximum efficiency. Although useful as a theoretical benchmark, first-best pricing is increasingly recognized as of limited practical relevance. Attention has turned in the recent lit erature to more realistic types of …second-best? congestion pricing, in which various costs or constraints deter or prevent the setting of first-best tolls. Examples of second-best tolling include the use of toll-cordons around cities instead of tolling each road in the network, the use of step-tolls instead of smoothly time-varying tolls, tolling according to a fixed daily schedule rather than day-specific traffic conditions, etc. The rules for setting optimal second-best tolls are generally quite complicated because they must reflect all sorts of indirect effects,both good and bad.

Evidence that congestion pricing may well produce adverse network effects is suggested by a recent study by May and Milne (2000). Using steady-state equilibrium simulations on a road network in Cambridge, UK, they compare congestion pricing with three other road pricing schemes: cordon pricing, time-based pricing, and distance-based pricing. The tolls considered were not second-best optimal tolls as described above, but various exogenously determined toll levels instead. All four schemes were found to be prone to adverse boundaryeffects, including “rat running” (where road users seek untolled routes). More discouragingly,a smaller percentage of travellers enjoyed travel time reductions with congestion pricing than with the other schemes. By inducing travellers to re-route to less congested roads, congestion pricing also had a tendency to increase travel distances —with potentially adverse environmental effects. These findings suggest that route-choice decisions deserve particular scrutiny in the design and evaluation of real-world congestion pricing projects. De Borger & Proost (2000) report on the relative efficiency of km-charges, fuel charges, parking charges and public transport pricing for different cities and countries, using the multi-modal TRENEN-model. They find that parking charges combined with cordons can achieve efficiencies of more than 70% of the first-best ideal in some cases, while the potential of fuel pricing and public transport pricing is rather limited.

One consideration not addressed in these studies is the attitude of drivers toward tolling under uncertainty. It is unclear as yet from the limited formal research whether drivers are better off in terms of expected travel costs under nonresponsive or responsive pricing. Some surveys have found that drivers dislike uncertainty about how much they will have to pay in tolls. Aversion to uncertainty about payment was one of the reasons for opposition to the congestion metering project planned for Cambridge, England, in which vehicles would have been charged on the basis of actual congestion experienced. However, drivers have been receptive to the recent adoption of responsive pricing on Interstate I-15 north of San Diego. Further research is clearly called for on the economics and politics of road pricing under uncertainty.

5. The social and political feasibility of congestion pricing

Despite its economic appeal, road congestion pricing appears to enjoy little support outside academia. The limited social and, consequently, political support for congestion pricing has caused many proposed schemes to be abandoned before

implementation, or at least to be postponed (sometimes indefinitely). These include detailed plans for Hong Kong, London, The Randstad, and Stockholm (Small and Gómez-Ibá?ez, 1998).

One important reason for opposition to congestion pricing was identified in Section 2:before redistribution of toll revenues, everybody except the taxman appears to be worse off.This results should be qualified on two counts. First, if congestion takes the form of pure queuing and users have identical values of time, a fine toll leaves users equally well off Second, users with a high value of travel time may benefit from congestion pricing even before revenue recycling; see Section 3, Richardson (1974), and supporting empirical evidence from a Dutch survey by V erhoef et al. (1997a). Still, because value of time is positively correlated with income, this implies that road pricing is regressive —which is unlikely to improve the social acceptability of congestion pricing.

According to economists, congestion pricing is the best instrument for controlling congestion. Y et the bulk of empirical evidence suggests that, even with cleverly designed tolling mechanisms and toll revenue allocation schemes, congestion pricing is likely to remain difficult to implement. It is no coincidence that the only area-wide congestion pricing scheme currently in operation is in Singapore, where the culture allows the government to implement unpopular policies. Indeed, Frick et al. (1996) infer from the series of failed attempts to implement congestion pricing on the San Francisco Bay Bridge that both the public and officials must be convinced that no feasible alternative to congestion pricing exists before it will be accepted.

6. Conclusion

Given forecasts of continuing growth in road travel, and the reduced scope for expansion of road infrastructure, traffic congestion is not a problem that will go away soon. Recent advances in electronic vehicle identification and automated charging technologies have made congestion pricing a viable means of combating traffic congestion, rather than just an academic curiosum. This paper reviews the economic principles behind congestion pricing,which derive from the benefits of charging travellers for the externalities they create.Attention is paid to various complications that make simple textbook congestion pricing models of limited relevance, and dictate that congestion pricing schemes be studied from the perspective of the theory of the second best.

Despite the economic case for congestion pricing, it has attracted strong social and political opposition, and assorted legal and institutional constraints create further barriers to implementation. It thus seems safe to conclude with the prediction that coming decades will witness an increasing number of attempts to implement congestion pricing, many of which will fail in their early stages, but some of which will succeed if only on a piecemeal basis. The design and evaluation of such schemes will probably require a deeper understanding of the direct and indirect impacts of congestion pricing than is available to date. One can hope, therefore, that this review will be obsolete before too long.

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一是了解屈原的生平,理解诗人忧国忧民的高尚品质,培养学生的爱国忧民的思想感情;二是反复诵读,抓住关键词语,疏通诗句,培养学生初步评价鉴赏古典诗歌的能力。学生是学习的主体,每当我们向自己的学生教授新知识的时候,自然要考虑到我们的教学对象在学习本课知识时的原有基础、现有困难及某些学习心理特征,从而有针对性地确定学习的重点、难点及教学对策。高中二年级学生,具有一定的古代诗歌的评价能力,但对于时代久远的楚辞作品,评价的前提――读懂诗歌的内容方面,仍存在困难,根据大纲要求结合学生的实际情况以及本文特点,我确立本文重点及难点如下: 教学重点: 鉴赏重要的语句,感受屈原高尚的人格美。 教学难点: 关键词句的疏通。如何突破重点、难点,有效完成本课的教学任务呢?我决定从教材特点和面临的具体学情出发,首先要把握两个原则:第一,注意高视角、低起点,先把基础知识落到实处,再循序渐进进行教学;第二,重视素质教育,有意识地对学生进行人文素质的培养。 具体教学措施如下: 第一,充分预习。要求学生课下预习,早读检查(内容包括:A 作家作品;B写作背景;C掌握生字生词;D熟读课文),逐步培养学生的认知能力和自学能力。

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