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Urban transportation is a critical aspect of modern city life,playing a significant role in the daily activities of its residents.It encompasses a variety of modes,each with its own advantages and challenges.Public Transportation SystemsPublic transportation,including buses,trams,and subways,is an essential part of city infrastructure.It provides a costeffective and environmentally friendly way for large numbers of people to commute.However,it can also be subject to overcrowding during peak hours and may require significant investment to maintain and expand.Road Traffic and CongestionCities often struggle with traffic congestion,especially during rush hours.The increasing number of private vehicles has led to the need for better road planning and traffic management systems.Intelligent traffic systems that use sensors and data analysis to optimize traffic flow are becoming more prevalent.Cycling and WalkingPromoting cycling and walking as alternatives to motorized transport can help reduce traffic congestion and improve air quality.Many cities are developing bike lanes and pedestrianfriendly zones to encourage these healthier and more sustainable modes of transport.Car Sharing and Ride Hailing ServicesThe rise of car sharing and ride hailing services like Uber and Lyft has changed the way people travel in cities.These services offer convenience and flexibility but also raise questions about their impact on traffic and the traditional taxi industry.Electric Vehicles and Green TransportAs environmental concerns grow,there is a push towards electric vehicles and other green transport ernments and city planners are implementing policies to encourage the use of electric cars,buses,and bikes,aiming to reduce carbon emissions. Challenges and SolutionsDespite the advancements,urban transportation faces several challenges such as funding, infrastructure development,and managing the growing demand.Solutions may involve publicprivate partnerships,technological innovations,and policy reforms to create a more integrated and efficient transportation system.The Role of TechnologyTechnology plays a significant role in improving urban transportation.From mobile appsthat provide realtime transit information to autonomous vehicles,technology is shaping the future of how we move around in cities.Urban Planning and TransportationEffective urban planning is crucial for the development of a robust transportation system. This includes considering the needs of pedestrians,cyclists,and motorists while ensuring accessibility and reducing the environmental impact.ConclusionIn conclusion,urban transportation is a complex system that requires careful planning, investment,and management to serve the needs of a growing urban population.As cities continue to evolve,so too must their transportation systems to keep pace with the demands of modern life.。
The Impact of Urbanization Urbanization has been a significant global trend in recent years, with more and more people moving from rural areas to urban centers in search of better opportunities and a higher standard of living. While urbanization has brought about numerous positive changes, such as economic growth and technological advancements, it has also led to a host of challenges that have had a profound impact on society, the environment, and the overall well-being of individuals. In this response, I will explore the impact of urbanization from multiple perspectives, shedding light on both the positive and negative implications ofthis phenomenon. From a social perspective, urbanization has resulted in the rapid growth of cities, leading to overcrowding, increased competition for resources, and a rise in social inequality. As more and more people flock to urban areas in search of employment and better living conditions, cities have become densely populated, putting a strain on infrastructure and public services. This has led to issues such as inadequate housing, traffic congestion, and a lack of access to basic amenities for many urban dwellers. Furthermore, the rapid urbanization of cities has also contributed to the breakdown of traditional communities and social structures, leading to feelings of isolation and alienation among city residents. On the other hand, urbanization has also brought about positive social changes, such as increased cultural diversity, improved access to education and healthcare, and greater opportunities for social mobility. Cities have become hubs of innovation and creativity, attracting people from different backgrounds and fostering a rich tapestry of cultures and ideas. Additionally, urban areas tend to have better infrastructure and public services, providing residents with access to quality healthcare, education, and other essential services. This has led to improvements in the overall quality of life for many urban dwellers, offering them opportunities for personal and professional growth that may not have been available in rural areas. From an environmental perspective, urbanization has had a significant impact on the natural world, leading to deforestation, habitat destruction, and increased pollution. The rapid expansion of cities has resulted in the clearing of large tracts of land for residential and commercial development, leading to the loss of natural habitatsand biodiversity. Additionally, the concentration of industries and vehicles in urban areas has led to higher levels of air and water pollution, posing serious health risks to both humans and wildlife. Furthermore, the increased demand for resources in urban areas has put a strain on the environment, leading to issues such as water scarcity and the depletion of natural resources. However, it is important to note that urbanization has also led to positive environmental changes, such as the promotion of sustainable living practices, the development of green spaces, and the implementation of eco-friendly technologies. Many cities havetaken steps to promote environmental sustainability, implementing policies and initiatives aimed at reducing carbon emissions, conserving natural resources, and protecting the environment. Additionally, the concentration of people in urban areas has led to the development of more efficient public transportation systems, reducing the need for individual vehicles and lowering overall carbon emissions. This has led to a greater awareness of environmental issues and a growing commitment to sustainable living among urban residents. From an economic perspective, urbanization has been a driving force behind global economic growth, leading to increased productivity, job opportunities, and technological advancements. Cities have become the epicenter of economic activity, attracting businesses, investors, and skilled workers from around the world. This has led to the creation of numerous job opportunities in various sectors, offering people the chance to improve their standard of living and pursue their professional aspirations. Additionally, urban areas have become hotbeds of innovation and technological development, leading to advancements in various fields such as healthcare, transportation, and communication. However, urbanization has also led to economic challenges, such as income inequality, unemployment, and the marginalization of certain groups within society. While cities offer numerous opportunities for economic advancement, they also present significant barriers for many individuals, particularly those from marginalized communities. The high cost of living in urban areas, coupled with limited job opportunities for unskilled workers, has led to a widening gap between the rich and the poor, exacerbating social inequality and economic disparities. Additionally, the rapid urbanizationof cities has led to the displacement of many rural communities, who oftenstruggle to adapt to the demands of urban life and find themselves at a disadvantage in the job market. In conclusion, urbanization has had a profound impact on society, the environment, and the economy, bringing about a host of challenges and opportunities for individuals and communities around the world. While it has led to significant social, environmental, and economic changes, it is important to recognize that urbanization is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that requires careful consideration of its implications. By understanding the multiple perspectives on urbanization, we can work towards addressing its challenges and harnessing its potential for positive change, ensuring that our cities remain vibrant, inclusive, and sustainable spaces for all.。
Urban policy mobility, anti-politics, and histories of the transnational municipal movementNick ClarkeUniversity of Southampton, UKAbstractThis paper brings geographical research on urban policy mobility into conversation with historical research on the transnational municipal movement. It argues that much of conceptual and methodological interest can be found in this second literature, especially in Pierre-Yves Saunier’s research on the ‘Urban International’of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It also uses findings from Saunier’s work to identify and highlight salient characteristics and new lines of inquiry regarding contemporary urban policy mobility. These include that urban policy circulation in the 21st century is (dis)organized, geographically extensive, fast, and anti-political. Keywords anti-politics, fast policy, municipalities, post-politics, transnationalism, urban policy mobilityI IntroductionThis paper brings two academic literatures into conversation with one another: a relatively new ‘urban policy mobility’ literature that is currently emerging within geography (see McCann, 2010; McCann and Ward, 2011; Peck and Theodore, 2010a), and a relatively wellestablished ‘histories of the transnational municipal movement’ literature that h as emerged fromhistory and related disciplines over the last decade or so (see Randeraad, 2004; Saunier, 2002; Saunier and Ewen, 2008). The latter of these literatures is not widely known within geography (though see Clarke 2009, 2010) but has much to contribute methodologically and conceptually to the ‘urban policy mobility’ project.This is especially the case with Pierre-Yves Saunier’s research on ‘the Urban International’ (e.g. Saunier, 2001). A second reason for bringing these literatures together is that a comparison of their findings brings certain elements of contemporary urban policy mobility into sharp focus –especially its level of organization, geographical scope, speed of circulation, and relationship to anti-politics. This comparative exercise is not straightforward. he temptation is to use these literatures to compare urban policy mobility over time and to ask what changed between the present period and that studied by historians of the transnational municipal movement (primarily the late19th and early 20th centuries – though see Saunier and Ewen, 2008). But one literature is concerned with urban policy whereas the other is concerned with municipalities and their connections. They are not, then, comparable in a formal, categorical sense. So comparison is being read in this paper ‘expansively’ and used as ‘a strategy of alterity’ to generate newpositions and lines of inquiry for urban theory (McFarlane, 2010; see alsoRobinson, 2004;Ward, 2009). Histories of the transnational municipal movement are being used to identify salient characteristics of contemporary urban policy mobility.One of these salient characteristics or new lines of inquiry describes the relationship between urban policy mobility and antipolitics or post-politics. Here is another literature (or pair ofliteratures) that is not widely known or utilized within geography (though see Swyngedouw, 2009, 2010) – despite widespread concern about partnership and participation in urbn governance (e.g. Perrons and Skyers, 2003; Raco, 2000). So the paper in its entirety reviews two literatures from beyond the discipline of geography – histories of the transnational municipal movement and the anti-politics/post-politics literature –bringing them to bear on the growing research field of urban policy mobility.Section II introduces this growing research field (urban policy mobility), distinguishing it from political science studies of urban policy transfer, situating it within broader intellectual programmes, and discussing its emphasis on certain mobilities and spatialities. Section III reviews histories of the transnational municipal movement, with a particular focus on Pierre- Yves Saunier’s research. This provides an important example to geographers of how to research the transnational components of urban policy. It offers a lightly theorized framework incorporating his ‘connections approach’ to globalization and his useful concept of the ‘Urban International’. Saunier’s focus on organizations and associations –an almost necessary focus in archive-dependent historical research – provides a useful counterpoint to ‘flow methodologies’(Peck and Theodore, 2010a) and ‘policy genealogies’(Peck and Theodore, 2010b) favoured by human geographers at the present time.Section IV uses findings from Saunier’s historical research to identify and highlight salient characteristics and new lines of inquiry regarding contemporary urban policy mobility. In particular, this comparative strategy helps to isolate what is novel and distinctive about current developments (and, alternatively, what is significant by virtue of its historical depth). Seen through histories of the transnational municipal movement, contemporary urban policy mobility looks to be organized, disorganized, geographically extensive, fast, and antipolitical. This last point is taken up in section V where the literatures on anti-politics and post-politics are critically reviewed to shed further light on contemporary urban policy mobility. The stimulation to think of transnational policy circulation as dependent upon and productive of anti-politics comes from Saunier’s work on the Urban International. This plural environment involved diverse networks only held together by a pretence that urban policy constitutes a technical and managerial achievement (as opposed to a political achievement).The argument of section V is that antipolitics –the reduction of public policy to questions of science and technology, along with strategies of populism and moral absolutism – derives from numerous sources at the beginning of the 21st century. As such, urban policy mobility and anti-politics now come together in a mutually reinforcing system, with each helping to explain the other’s prevalence.The paper concludes with a summary of its three main contributions. An introduction is provided to Saunier’s exemplary research (and histories of the transnational municipal movement more generally). A comparison between the transnational municipal movement and contemporary urban policy mobility is used toprovide a distinctive characterization of urban policy circulation at the beginning of the 21st century. Finally, an agenda is elaborated for research on contemporary urban policy mobility –again, generated by the comparative exercise at the paper’s core – tosupplement those already available (see McCann, 2010; Peck and Theodore, 2010a).II Urban policy on the moveStudies of urban policy mobility distinguish themselves from ‘orthodox’, ‘conventional’, political science studies of urban policy transfer in at least two ways (Peck and Theodore, 2010a). First, notions of rational, voluntaristic transfer and objective ‘best practices’ are replaced with notions of mobility structured by institutions – their path-dependencies, dominant paradigms, powerful interests and so on (McCann, 2010; Peck and Theodore, 2010a).Second, notions of static, fully formed, complete policy packages are replaced with notions of learning, translation, and mobility. Policies ‘move as they move’ because cities ar e not only relational but also territorial –meaning that policies must be deterritorialized from one place before being reterritorialized elsewhere (McCann and Ward, 2010, 2011; Ward, 2006).Policies arrive in cities not as replicas of policies from el sewhere but as ‘policiesin- transformation’ (Peck and Theodore, 2010a).Because of this latter point, there is no hunt for global convergence or homogeneity of outcome in the urban policy mobility project (Peck and Theodore, 2010a). But there is a will to map and explain how neoliberal programmes get extended across space (Brenner and Theodore, 2002; Peck, 2003) and how neoliberalization processes are simultaneously patterned and interconnected but also locally specific, pathdependent, contested, unstable. These concerns with ‘actually existing neoliberalism’ (Brenner and Theodore, 2002) and ‘variegated neoliberalization’ (Brenner et al., 2010) drive some parts of the urban policy mobility literature. Other parts are driven by a will to understand how cities and urban policy get assembled using elements from a wide field (see McCann and Ward, 2011).One way of imagining urban policy mobility (as intellectual project) is to order it along two lines distinguished by their characteristic form of spatiality (see Robinson, 2011). On the one hand, there is work that emphasizes the topographical and physical mobility of policy-makers, knowledge, models and so on (e.g. McCann, 2010). These are studies that focus on how people and things move across absolute space (Harvey, 2006), and why some people and things travel further than others. In the foreground are ‘mobility events’ (e.g. conferences or site visits) and the variables explaining participation in such events (e.g. financial or cultural resources). Global ethnography is advocated to capture this world of topographical and physical mobility (Harvey, 2006).On the other hand, there is work that emphasizes topological and imaginative mobility (e.g. Robinson, 2011). Cities are pulled together and pushed apart in relational space (Harvey, 2006) by comparisons made, for example, in the rankings and league tables of popular media (McCann, 2004). This ‘actually existing comparative urbanism’ also takes place via knowledge transfer and ‘best practice’ publications, and urban network and partnership schemes (Clarke, forthcoming). It means that policy mobility is rarely a linear event between individual jurisdictions and rather involves nonlinear production within transnational expert networks and practice communities (Peck and Theodore, 2010a, 2010b).Of course, most studies of urban policy mobility consider both of these spatialities –the topographical and the topological. This is not least because most examples of urban policy mobility involve not only physical travel (of people, models, texts, etc.) but also imaginative travel of the kind associated with comparativeurbanism. Indeed, mobility across relational space may well be a necessary precursor to obility across absolute space, although the latter need not necessarily follow the former (Urry, 2000). This is one advantage of a vocabulary derived from mobility studies. Not only does ‘urban policy mobility’ signify the double-movement of policies that circulate between cities while also changing in character to fit with different institutional contexts, but it lso accommodates the various mobilities and spatialities involved as contemporary urban policy gets produced –from the physical to the imaginative, the topographical, the topological, the absolute, and the relational.Having introduced the urban policy mobility literature, we now turn to histories of the transnational municipal movement. A case is made for the value of Pierre-Yves Saunier’s approach to urban policy circulation (section III), before contemporary urban policy mobility is viewed in the distinctive light of the transnational municipal movement (sections IV and V).III Pierre-Yves Saunier, the connections approach, and theUrban InternationalPierre-Yves Saunier is a historian of transnationalism seeking to historicize globalization studies (Saunier, 2008). He is one of a number of historians working to convince social scientists that transnational interdependencies and connections are not new, do not simply have their roots in the 1960s and 1970s, and cannot be confined to particular historical periods such as the medieval and early-modern period, or the last three or four decades. More specifically, Saunier is a historian of the transnational municipal movement seeking to territorialize histories of transnationalism (Ewen, 2008). His research forms part of a collective project directed towards showing how the local state played a key role in forging interconnectedness during the 19th and 20th centuries. This project was inspired by earlier studies of municipal knowledge diffusion (e.g. Aspinwall, 1984; Hietala, 1987) and broader studies of transnational political connections (e.g. Rodgers, 1998). Its products can be found in edited collections including a special issue of Contemporary European History (Saunier, 2002), a Yearbook of European Administrative History (Randeraad, 2004), and the book Another Global City (Saunier and Ewen, 2008).The focus in this literature ranges from political individuals, groups, and movements such as Emile Vinck or the Fabians (e.g. Dogliani, 2002; Saunier, 1999a), to municipal associations, organizations, and institutions such as the International Union of Local Authorities or the Council of European Municipalities (e.g. Ewen and Hebbert, 2007; Gaspari, 2002; Saunier, 2001), to practices and traditions such astown twinning (e.g. Vion, 2002), to the agencyand experiences of particular cities (e.g. Brown- May, 2008; Ewen, 2005; Payre and Saunier, 2008; Saunier, 1999b). Among these numerous studies, Saunier’s work i s outstanding. In particular, his writings best articulate the most useful conceptual and methodological aspects of the broader literature.The rest of this section reviews Saunier’s research on the Urban International and discusses the strengths of his methodological and conceptual approach –from the perspective of someone interested in researching contemporary urban policy mobility. These strengths include that historical research of this kind is dependent on archived documents (reports, correspondence, regulations, etc.) and so takes the organization or association as a primary unit of analysis. This is not popular in human geography at the moment where research that ‘follows the policy’ (Peck and Theodore, 2010a) via ‘global ethnography’ (McCann,2010; McCann and Ward, 2011) appears better suited to mobile times. But Saunier’s archival research uncovers the breadth of attempts to extend networks through which urban policymight be governed. Some of these attempts have been more successful than others. Such a broad-based narrative provides an important counterpoint to the impression given by some geographical writing at the moment that networks are extended with relative ease, so that policies are mobilized more often than not.Following policies identified by their mobility can lead to this impression. Another strength of Saunier’s approach describes its light theorization (but theorization nonetheless), leaving room for elements of induction and empiricism. His view of municipal internationalism is not clouded by prior and external normative concerns. This is sometimes the case in current social scientific engagements with urban policy mobility which, say, approach the field seeking to explain processes of neoliberalization and so look for travelling neoliberals, neoliberal ideas, and neoliberal programmes (such that other subjects remain overlooked). The rest of this section discusses these strengths further and introduces some others too, while it constructs an example or model for human geographers fro m Saunier’s research and the broader field of municipal history.One of Saunier’s main contributions is his concept of the Urban International (Saunier, 1999a, 2001). He argues that, in the last decades of the 19th century, against a background of urbanizing societies and new transportation and communication technologies, connections arose between municipalities in the North Atlantic area (i.e. Europe and North America).Gradually, complex systems were established for the circulation of people, ideas, texts, esigns, information, etc. between municipalities.Initially, these were based on pre-existing networks (e.g. the Socialist International or the co-operative movement), the personal networks and letter-writing activity of key individuals (e.g. John Nolen or Patrick Geddes), and various universal exhibitions and international congresses (e.g. the International Housing Congresses, founded in 1889). Eventually, these systems became relatively fixed through associations such as the Union Internationale des Villes (UIV – established in 1913 and developed into the International Union of Local Authorities or IULA in 1928) and their conferences and journals (e.g. Annales de la Regie Directe).This Urban International, an international milieu focused on the urban question, became ‘an environment where ways of judging, apprehending and acting on the city were defined, where expertise and professional legitimacies were created, where knowledge and disciplines were constructed, and where the profiles of politicians responsible for urban issues were modified’(Saunier, 2001). It became ‘a place of struggle for definition of the most appropriate objects, methods, tools and people to think about and act on the city’ (Saunier, 2001). Out of this context emerged late 19th- and early 20th-century policies on poor relief, employment and unemployment, housing and town planning, and urban services including water, sewerage, electricity, gas, and public transport.This last insight brings to mind transnational histories of planning which consider how planning ideologies and practices emerged from transnational processes and flows (King, 2003, 2004), transnational discourses (Ward, 1999, 2000), and transnational communities of practice (Healey, 2010). In this connection, it should be noted that urban and social policy associated with the Urban International owed something to earlier and more distanciated colonial connections (King, 2004; McFarlane, 2008; Nasr and Volait, 2003). As such, it is tempting to identify a narrow temporal and spatial focus in Saunier’s work – limited to late 19th- and early 20thcentury Europe and North America – and claim it as a weakness. But this should be avoided.Saunier is drawing on research in the archives of municipalities, municipal associations, and philanthropic foundations to make claims primarily about municipal connections. Empirical material of this kind also supports broaderclaims about urban policy circulation. But his work does not purport to be a transnational history of urban policy. Rather, it allows comparison between the transnational municipal movement and contemporary urban policy mobility. With this comparison in mind, we now turn to some strengths of Saunier’s territorialized history of transnationalism. One strength derives from Saunier’s ‘connections’approach to globalization (Saunier, 1999b, 2002). He finds much of globalization theory to be rather grand and overly normative.His own project is empirical and modest by comparison. It is to establish how relationships are extended and organized across space and time. He writes:I should like to depart from these theoretical discussions, which often turn into prescriptions for what globalization ought to be, or can or cannot be, and espouse the more modest aim of contributing to a more precise contextualization of the ways in which cultural models are diffused, markets extended and relationships organized between governments, and among institutions and non-governmental groups, and how relationships among individuals, groups and institutions are multiplying on a global or macro-regional scale. (Saunier, 2002: 508) In Saunier’s account of linkages, relationships, and associations established between individuals and organizations, globalization is – if anything –a constructed, fragmented, and unstable phenomenon. As such, there is much in this approach to remind geographers of work inspired by actor-network theory. For example, Latham (2002) rejects theories of globalization for an ontology of actor-networks that may be short or long, and may combine to produce geographcal scale as an effect (but more often do not combine in this way). Similarly, Kendall (2004) argues that global networks are plural (and not singular as Castells would have it), are hardly ever global and have their own spatial specificity, are constructed from the ground up, and require continual maintenance. ‘My contention’, he writes, ‘is that ‘‘big’’ phenomena–such as globalization – are merely the piling on top of one another of hundreds of specific (internation al) networks’ (p. 67).This network or connections approach avoids three problems commonly encountered by lobalization studies. First, it avoids the problems of scalar geographies of globalization such as the hierarchy between global and local. These problems continue to haunt writings on urbanpolicy- mobility-as-neoliberalization, even after significant attempts to retheorize scale (e.g. Herod and Wright, 2002; Sheppard and McMaster, 2003). Second, this approach avoids the determinism of sociologies which explain transnational municipalism (or urban policy mobility) in terms of long and linear processes such as urbanization and improvements in transportation and communications technologies.Saunier (2001) writes of ‘connection men’ by which he means those individuals (most commonly men in the late 19th and early 20th centuries) who forged connections between municipalities. These were often ‘men of goodwill’who served associations and international organizations voluntarily, inspired by visions of peace or socialism or modernity (Saunier, 2001). They certainly responded to situations in which they found themselves (including those of urbanization with all its attendant challenges and opportunities), but they were never simply blown around like feathers on the wind.Again, some current geographical writing on contemporary urban policy mobility is too preoccupied with processes of neoliberalization to recognize the range of agents involved in the field –the range of their political projects, and the extent of their agency. Finally, Saunier’s connections approach avoids the conflation of correlation and causation found in diffusion studies. As Saunier puts it: Quite often we talk about models and their direct, unmediated effects. The Haussmannian model, the American model, and the functionalist modelfollow one after the other in our minds when we draft the scholarly apparatus of our research. But foreign influences, even colonial ones, perform through processes that are not bounded by domination or imitation. Is it enough to evoke influence (usually a ‘foreign’ influence) to explain a similarity?What is influence if not a social process to be deciphered? . . . it is not satisfactory to deduce influence from synchronicity or precedence of ideas or concepts. How did people, ideas, texts, designs, information and books circulate? How were they transformed in the process . . . What were the specific means of circulation, their trends, their effects? (Saunier, 1999b: 20)Here, Saunier uses a central claim of the urban policy mobility literature – that policies change as they move – to critique diffusion studies. He argues for a shift in focus away from the hunt for similar policies in different places, towards the study of policy circulation. Who circulates policy? What circulates? How does it circulate? How does circulation change policy?Another strength of Saunier’s approach is the way it produces a number of insights of relevance and interest to contemporary urban policy mobility research. First, the Urban International rested on two shared assumptions or collective pretences. Municipalities were held to be similar and thus comparable, while local government was held to be technical and not political (Payre and Saunier, 2008; Saunier, 2002). This latter assumption –that urban policy exists in a world of science and administration, a world of professionals seeking a common good – was necessary to allow different groups to come together (and stay together) in the transnational municipal movement. These included Catholics, the freemasons, socialists, reformists, liberals, pacifists, andinternationalists (Saunier, 2002).We return to this insight in the next two sections as discussion turns to the relationship between urban policy mobility and anti-politics/ post-politics. It is argued that local government is commonly perceived to be technical (and not political) in the contemporary period too. One reason for this, in a context of urban policy mobility, is presumably the corresponding need to hold together internally diverse networks.Another reason, however, is the rise of antipolitics more generally in society over the last few decades. Each of these developments supports the other so that anti-politics and urban policy mobility describe a mutually reinforcing system.A second insight is that certain agencies sought to universalize particular values and models through the Urban International. For example, the US State Department and related philanthropic foundations sought to universalize American values and models during the Cold War (Saunier, 2001, 2002). They were concerned to find scientific and managerial solutions for what they perceived to be a chaotic world, but they were also keen to strengthen America’s place in the world –by disseminating ‘ways of seeing, thinking about and managing the city that suited the American liberal project’ (Saunier, 2001: 387). This insight lends historical support to narratives of attempted universalization in the field of contemporary urban policy mobility (e.g. those of neoliberalization).A final insight is that urban policy mobility was used rhetorically from the very beginning of the transnational municipal movement (Payre and Saunier, 2008; Saunier, 1999a, 1999b, 2002). Stories about other cities were used by politicians and municipal officers to subvert –or to strengthen – the local status quo. For example, John Nolen used stories from Europe to convince colleagues and opponents inNorthAmerica that his own planning ideas were not so extreme and could be trusted (Saunier, 1999a). Again, this insight provides historical support to certain claims in the urban policy mobility literature.McCann (2010) refers to ‘the local politics of policy transfer’ by which he means the way in which policy mobility is used in local political struggles by city authorities but also urban social movement organizations. Gonzalez (2010) found recently that urban policy tourism to Barcelonaand Bilbao is used by participants less to discover new policy ideas and more to legitimize and provide cover for existing policies.IV Urban policy circulation in the 21st centuryRegarding contemporary urban policy mobility, Saunier’s territorialized histories of transnationalism can be put to work in at least two ways. First, his conceptual approach to globalization can be used to inform contemporary analysis.Urban policy mobility can be viewed as a constructed and contingent field of connection, exchange, and circulation; a field populated by numerous individuals, cities, and their networks; a field structured by the events and publications of associations and governmental organizations; afield in which urban questions, problems, solutions, and expertise get formulated and struggled over. This view has advantages over those which reduce the field to successfully mobilized policies, or seemingly neoliberal policies, or particularly well-known cities, or policy transfer (as opposed to policy co-production in transnational policy communities). Such points of focus derive from important broader projects to understand how certain policies get adopted over others, or how certain cities come to be thought of as exemplars, or how certain political programmes travel and get localized. But they are selective and together fail to make up a comprehensive picture of contemporary urban policy mobility.Second, Saunier’s findings regarding the Urban International of the late 19th and early 20th centuries can be used to cast light on certain aspects of contemporary urban policy mobility, including its organization, geographical scope, speed (of circulation), and relationship with anti-politics/post-politics. This section is organized using these five themes.One purpose of the comparative move through which theyare generated is to identify those elements of contemporary urban policy mobility which are historically distinctive – to answer the question of what makes current developments different from those of the recent and not so recent past. nother product here is the identification of elements with long historical roots and significance y virtue of their relative permanence. A further purpose is to elaborate a research agenda for studies of contemporary urban policy mobility. Elements identified for their historical distinctiveness r depth demand further consideration by scholars in the field. They give rise to new questions which are introduced in the remaining sections of this paper.For Saunier (2001), the Urban International was structured around three sets of organization : nternational associations (e.g. the UIV/ IULA or the Garden Cities and Town Planning Federation –also established in 1913, and known from 1929 as the International Federation for Housing and Town Planning); North American philanthropic foundations (Carnegie, Rockefeller, Ford, etc.); and international institutions (the League of Nations, the International Labour Office, the United Nations, etc.). From this perspective, contemporary urban policy mobility looks to be disorganized. Power in the field is distributed to relationships not just between cities and a limited number of relatively large and easily identifiable organizations, but also between journalists, think tanks, consultancies, and even technologies of government which take on a life of their own such as ‘qua lity of life’ rankings and ‘competitiveness’ league tables. For McCann (2010), urban policy circulation in the 21st century involves not only this supply side (populated by researchers, consultants, entrepreneurs, etc.) but also a demand side that is similarly multiple and diverse (containing local politicians and government officers but also local business representatives and urban social movement organizations). Contemporary urban policy mobility involves a vast informational infrastructure of people, organizations, and technologies that interpret, frame, package, and represent information about urbanpolicies, ‘best practices’, ‘successful cities’, etc. (McCann, 2004, 2008, 2010). So agents of this process include educators, trainers, professional bodies, non-governmental organizations, the popular media and so on.From the perspective of Saunier’s Urban International, then, contemporary urban policy mobility looks to be disorganized. But this view also derives from the perspective of cities in the so-called。
高三英语非虚构文本分析终极单选题40题1. The following is an excerpt from a news report: "The local government has launched a new project to improve the urban environment. This includes building more parks, enhancing waste management, and promoting public transportation. The project is expected to bring a series of positive changes to the city." What is the main idea of this passage?A. The local government has a lot of work to do.B. The urban environment needs improvement.C. The new project by the local government aims to improve the urban environment.D. Building parks is important for the city.答案：C。
解析：文章开篇指出当地政府开展了一个新项目，后面具体阐述项目内容包括建公园、加强废物管理和推广公共交通等，这些都是为了改善城市环境，所以主旨是当地政府的新项目旨在改善城市环境。
A选项文中未体现政府工作多；B选项只是一个背景，不是主旨；D选项只是项目中的一部分内容，不能概括主旨。
2. A passage in a biography reads: "John grew up in a small town. He faced many difficulties during his childhood, but he was always full of curiosity and a thirst for knowledge. He overcame poverty and lack of educational resources to study hard. Eventually, he became a renowned scientist." What is the main point of this passage?A. John's small - town origin.B. John's difficult childhood.C. John's journey from a difficult childhood to becoming a scientist.D. John's lack of educational resources.答案：C。
The Impact of Urbanization on theEnvironmentUrbanization has been a major trend in the 21st century, with more and more people moving from rural areas to cities in search of better opportunities and improved living standards. While this has led to economic growth and development in many urban areas, it has also had a significant impact on the environment. The rapid expansion of cities has resulted in increased pollution, deforestation, loss of biodiversity, and the degradation of natural resources. This has raised concerns about the long-term sustainability of urbanization and its effects on the environment. One of the most pressing environmental issues associated with urbanization is air pollution. The concentration of industrial activities, transportation, and energy consumption in urban areas has led to high levels ofair pollution, which can have serious health consequences for the residents. The emission of pollutants such as carbon dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter from vehicles and industrial facilities contributes to the formation of smog and the deterioration of air quality. This not only affects the health of urban dwellers but also has far-reaching environmental impacts, including acid rain, global warming, and the deterioration of ecosystems. In addition to air pollution, urbanization has also resulted in the loss of green spaces and natural habitats. As cities expand, they encroach on surrounding natural areas, leading to deforestation and habitat destruction. This not only diminishes the aesthetic value of the environment but also disrupts ecosystems and threatens biodiversity. The loss of natural habitats can lead to the extinction of species and the disruption of ecological processes, which can have cascading effects on the environment. Furthermore, urbanization has placed a significant strain on natural resources such as water and energy. The high demand for water in urban areas has led to the overexploitation of water sources, leading to water scarcity and the depletion of aquifers. Similarly, the increasing energy consumption in cities has put pressure on energy resources, leading to increased greenhouse gas emissions and contributing to climate change. The reliance on non-renewable energy sources has also led to the depletion of natural resources and the degradation of theenvironment. Despite these challenges, urbanization also presents opportunities for sustainable development and environmental conservation. Many cities are implementing policies and initiatives to promote sustainable urban planning and development. This includes the implementation of green building standards, the development of public transportation systems, the promotion of renewable energy sources, and the creation of green spaces within urban areas. These efforts aim to mitigate the environmental impact of urbanization and promote a more sustainable and environmentally friendly urban environment. In conclusion, urbanization has had a significant impact on the environment, leading to increased pollution, deforestation, loss of biodiversity, and the depletion of natural resources. While these challenges are significant, there are also opportunities for sustainable development and environmental conservation in urban areas. By implementingpolicies and initiatives that promote sustainable urban planning and development, cities can mitigate the environmental impact of urbanization and create a more environmentally friendly urban environment. It is important for policymakers, urban planners, and residents to work together to address these environmental challenges and ensure the long-term sustainability of urbanization.。
Urban Mobility Transforming Transportation Urban mobility is undergoing a significant transformation, with transportation systems in cities rapidly evolving to meet the growing demand for efficient, sustainable, and accessible modes of travel. This transformation is driven by a variety of factors, including technological advancements, environmental concerns, and changing consumer preferences. As a result, cities around the world are reimagining their transportation infrastructure and embracing innovative solutions to enhance urban mobility.One of the key drivers of this transformation is the advancement of technology, particularly in the realm of transportation. The rise of ride-sharing services, electric vehicles, and autonomous vehicles has revolutionized the way people move around cities. These technological innovations have not only made transportation more convenient and accessible but also have the potential to reduce traffic congestion and lower carbon emissions. For example, the proliferation of electric scooters and bikes in urban areas has provided residents with a more sustainable and affordable mode of transportation, reducing the reliance on traditional cars and public transit.Moreover, the increasing awareness of environmental issues has prompted city planners and policymakers to prioritize sustainable transportation solutions. The detrimental effects of air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions from traditional vehicles have led to a push for cleaner and greener modes of transportation. As a result, many cities are investing in infrastructure for electric vehicles, expanding bike lanes, and promoting public transit as a means to reduce the environmental impact of urban mobility. This shift towards sustainable transportation not only benefits the environment but also improves the overall quality of life for city residents.Furthermore, the changing preferences of consumers are influencing the transformation of urban mobility. People are seeking more flexible, cost-effective, and personalized transportation options that align with their individual needs and lifestyles. The on-demand nature of ride-sharing services and the convenience of micro-mobility options like electric scooters and bikes have resonated with urban dwellers, leading to a shift away from car ownership and traditional public transit. This shift in consumer behavior isreshaping the urban transportation landscape and driving the demand for innovative mobility solutions that cater to diverse preferences.However, despite the promising advancements in urban mobility, there are challenges that accompany this transformation. The integration of new transportation technologies and services into existing infrastructure can be complex and may require significant investment and planning. Additionally, issues such as safety concerns, regulatory hurdles, and equity in access to transportation need to be carefully addressed to ensure that the benefits of urban mobility transformation are realized by all members of society. Furthermore, the rapid pace of innovation in the transportation sector raises questions about the long-term impact on urban landscapes, job displacement, and societal behavior.In conclusion, the transformation of urban mobility presents a multitude of opportunities and challenges for cities around the world. The convergence of technological advancements, environmental awareness, and shifting consumer preferences is reshaping the way people move within urban environments. While this transformation holds the promise of more efficient, sustainable, and accessible transportation, it also requires careful consideration of the various implications and the development of inclusive and forward-thinking strategies. As cities continue to adapt to the evolving landscape of urban mobility, it is essential to prioritize collaboration, innovation, and equity to create transportation systems that enhance the quality of life for all residents.。
Beijing,the capital city of China,is known for its rich history,vibrant culture,and rapid development.However,with its growing population and economic prosperity,the city has also become a prime example of the challenges faced by modern urban areas, particularly in terms of traffic congestion.Here is a detailed look at the traffic situation in Beijing and some potential solutions to alleviate the issue.1.The Current State of Traffic in BeijingPopulation Growth:With a population of over21million people,Beijing experiences high traffic volumes daily.Vehicle Density:The number of vehicles on the road has increased significantly over the past few decades,leading to increased congestion.Commuting Patterns:Many residents commute from the outskirts to the city center for work,creating peak traffic hours that are particularly challenging.2.Causes of Traffic CongestionUrban Planning:The layout of Beijing,with its historical significance and preservation of certain areas,has resulted in a less than optimal road network.Public Transportation:While Beijing has a comprehensive public transportation system,it is often overcrowded and not always the most convenient option for all residents.Car Ownership:The increasing affordability of cars and the cultural status associated with car ownership have led to a surge in the number of private vehicles.3.Effects of Traffic CongestionEnvironmental Impact:High traffic volumes contribute to air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions.Economic Impact:Traffic congestion leads to lost productivity and increased transportation costs.Quality of Life:Long commutes and traffic jams can affect the mental health and wellbeing of residents.ernment Initiatives to Improve TrafficTraffic Restrictions:The government has implemented oddeven license plate restrictions to reduce the number of vehicles on the road.Expansion of Public Transport:Efforts to expand the subway and bus systems are ongoing to provide more options for commuters.Congestion Pricing:There have been discussions about implementing congestion pricing in certain areas to discourage the use of private vehicles during peak hours.5.Technological SolutionsSmart Traffic Systems:The use of AI and big data to manage traffic flow more efficiently is being explored.Carpooling and Ridesharing:Encouraging carpooling and the use of ridesharing apps can reduce the number of vehicles on the road.Electric Vehicles:Promoting the use of electric vehicles can help reduce emissions and contribute to a greener city.6.Cultural ShiftsPromoting Cycling and Walking:Encouraging a culture of cycling and walking for short distances can help reduce traffic.Work from Home:Companies are being encouraged to offer flexible working arrangements,including working from home,to reduce the need for commuting.7.Future OutlookSustainable Urban Planning:Longterm solutions will require a rethinking of urban planning to accommodate growth while minimizing traffic issues.Integration of New Technologies:The integration of autonomous vehicles and other advanced transportation technologies could revolutionize the way people commute in Beijing.In conclusion,Beijings traffic situation is a complex issue that requires a multifaceted approach.By combining government policies,technological innovations,and cultural shifts,Beijing can work towards a more efficient and sustainable transportation system.。
Urbanization is a complex process that involves the movement of people from rural to urban areas,leading to the growth of cities and the transformation of societies.It is a phenomenon that has been occurring for centuries,but it has accelerated rapidly in recent decades,particularly in developing countries.This essay will explore the various aspects of urbanization,including its causes,effects,and potential solutions.Causes of Urbanization1.Economic Opportunities:One of the primary reasons for urbanization is the pursuit of better economic opportunities.Cities offer a wide range of job opportunities and higher wages compared to rural areas.This economic pull attracts people from villages to urban centers.2.Industrialization:The growth of industries in urban areas is another significant factor driving urbanization.As industries expand,they require a larger workforce,which leads to an influx of people from rural areas.cation and Services:Cities are often the hubs for education and healthcare services. The availability of better schools,colleges,and hospitals draws families to urban areas for better access to these services.ernment Policies:In some cases,government policies and urban planning strategies have encouraged urbanization by promoting the development of cities and providing incentives for people to move to urban areas.Effects of Urbanization1.Population Growth:The most immediate effect of urbanization is the rapid increase in urban population.This can lead to overcrowding and strain on city infrastructure.2.Housing Shortage:As more people move to cities,the demand for housing increases, leading to a shortage of affordable housing and the rise of slums and informal settlements.3.Environmental Impact:Urbanization can have significant environmental consequences, including air and water pollution,loss of green spaces,and increased carbon emissions due to increased energy consumption.4.Social Issues:The influx of people from different backgrounds can lead to social tensions and conflicts.Additionally,the lack of social integration can result in marginalized communities within cities.Potential Solutions1.Sustainable Urban Planning:Implementing sustainable urban planning practices can help manage the growth of cities in an environmentally friendly way.This includes creating green spaces,promoting public transportation,and ensuring efficient use of resources.2.Affordable Housing Initiatives:Governments and private sectors can work together to provide affordable housing options for lowincome families,reducing the number of people living in slums and informal settlements.cation and Skill Development:Investing in education and skill development programs can help urban residents find better job opportunities,reducing the economic disparities that contribute to social issues.munity Engagement:Encouraging community engagement and social integration can help alleviate social tensions and create a more inclusive urban environment.5.Rural Development:Addressing the root causes of urbanization by improving living conditions and economic opportunities in rural areas can help reduce the pressure on cities and slow down the rate of urbanization.In conclusion,urbanization is a multifaceted issue that requires a comprehensive approach to address its causes and mitigate its effects.By understanding the dynamics of urbanization and implementing effective strategies,we can create more sustainable and inclusive cities for future generations.。
中国城镇化水平英语作文With the rapid economic growth over the past few decades, China has experienced a significant transformation in its urbanization levels. This essay aims to explore the current state of urbanization in China, its implications, and the challenges it faces.Firstly, the urbanization level in China is a testament to the country's development strategy, which has focused on industrialization and the expansion of urban centers. According to recent data, China's urban population has surpassed 60% of its total population, a marked increase from the levels seen just a few decades ago. This shift from rural to urban areas has been driven by the promise of better job opportunities, improved living conditions, and access to quality education and healthcare.The urbanization process has been accompanied by the rise of megacities such as Beijing, Shanghai, and Shenzhen. These cities have become economic powerhouses, attracting both domestic and international investment. They are hubs for technology, finance, and innovation, contributingsignificantly to China's GDP.However, the rapid urbanization also presents several challenges. One of the most pressing issues is the strain on infrastructure. The cities need to expand theirtransportation networks, housing, and public services toaccommodate the growing population. Additionally, the environmental impact of urbanization, including pollution and waste management, has become a critical concern.Social issues have also arisen from the urbanization process. The influx of rural migrants into cities has led to disparities in income and social services. Ensuring that the benefits of urbanization are distributed equitably among all segments of society is a key challenge for policymakers.In conclusion, the urbanization level in China reflects the country's remarkable economic progress. While it has brought about numerous advantages, it also necessitates a careful approach to managing the associated challenges. Sustainable urban planning, investment in green technologies, and the development of inclusive social policies are essential to ensure that urbanization continues to be a force for positive change in China.。
城市化英语四级作文Urbanization, a complex process of societal transformation, has become a defining trend of the 21st century. It represents the shift from rural to urban living, bringing about profound changes in the way we live, work, and interact. As cities continue to expand and grow, they become hubs of economic activity, cultural exchange, and technological innovation. However, urbanization is not without its challenges, posing questions about sustainability, social inequality, and environmental impact. One of the most significant challenges of urbanizationis the strain it places on natural resources and the environment. As cities expand, they consume vast amounts of water, energy, and land, often leading to deforestation, water scarcity, and pollution. The urban heat island effect, caused by the concentration of buildings and asphalt, can lead to higher temperatures and poorer air quality. Additionally, the rapid pace of urbanization often outpaces the ability of infrastructure to keep up, resulting intraffic congestion, inadequate housing, and other urban planning issues.Moreover, urbanization often exacerbates social inequalities. The influx of people into cities creates a demand for housing, employment, and services that can be difficult to meet. This can lead to overcrowding, poverty, and social exclusion, particularly for marginalized groups such as the elderly, the disabled, and immigrants. The gap between the rich and the poor within cities can become increasingly wide, creating social tensions and instability. Despite these challenges, urbanization also presents significant opportunities. Cities are engines of economic growth, driving innovation and productivity. They attract businesses and investors, creating jobs and wealth. Urban areas are often centers of cultural diversity andcreativity, fostering the exchange of ideas and the development of new technologies. Additionally, urbanization can lead to improved access to education, healthcare, and other vital services.To address the challenges of urbanization and harnessits opportunities, a multifaceted approach is needed. Firstly, sustainable urban planning is crucial to ensurethat cities grow in a way that is environmentallyresponsible and socially inclusive. This includes promoting green building practices, creating sustainabletransportation systems, and preserving natural resources. Secondly, policies and programs that address social inequality are needed to ensure that all residents ofcities can benefit from urbanization. This includesinvesting in affordable housing, education, and healthcare, and promoting social integration.In conclusion, urbanization is a complex process that brings both challenges and opportunities. While it poses significant threats to the environment and social cohesion, it also offers vast potential for economic growth, cultural exchange, and technological innovation. By adopting sustainable urban planning practices and addressing social inequality, we can ensure that cities become places where people can live, work, and thrive in harmony with their natural and social environments.**城市化：挑战与机遇**城市化，作为社会转型的复杂过程，已成为21世纪的一个决定性趋势。
