美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇
- 格式:docx
- 大小:15.09 KB
- 文档页数:2
美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDSText version below transcribed directly from audio.Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have t I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our。
Elie Wiesel:The Perils of Indifferencedelivered 12 April 1999, Washington, D.C.AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audioMr. President, Mrs. Clinton, members of Congress, Ambassador Holbrooke, Excellencies, friends:Fiftyfour years ago to the day, a young Jewish boy from a small town in the Carpathian Mountains woke up, not far from Goethe's beloved Weimar, in a place of eternal infamy called Buchenwald. He was finally free, but there was no joy in his heart. He thought there never would be again. Liberated a day earlier by American soldiers, he remembers their rage at what they saw. And even if he lives to be a very old man, he will always be grateful to them for that rage, and also for their compassion. Though he did not understand their language, their eyes told him what he needed to know that they, too, would remember, and bear witness.And now, I stand before you, Mr. President CommanderinChief of the army that freed me, and tens of thousands of others and I am filled with a profound and abiding gratitude to the American people. Gratitude is a word that I cherish. Gratitude is what defines the humanity of the human being. And I am grateful to you, Hillary, or Mrs. Clinton, for what you said, and for what you are doing for children in the world, for the homeless, for the victims of injustice, the victims of destiny and society. And I thank all of you for being here.We are on the threshold of a new century, a new millennium. What will the legacy of this vanishing century be? How will it be remembered in the new millennium? Surely it will be judged, and judged severely, in both moral and metaphysical terms. These failures have cast a dark shadow over humanity: two World Wars, countless civil wars, the senseless chain of assassinations (Gandhi, the Kennedys, Martin Luther King, Sadat, Rabin), bloodbaths in Cambodia and Algeria, India and Pakistan, Ireland and Rwanda, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Sarajevoand Kosovo; the inhumanity in the gulag and the tragedy of Hiroshima. And, on a different level, of course, Auschwitz and Treblinka. So much violence; so much indifference.What is indifference? Etymologically, the word means "no difference." A strange and unnatural state in which the lines blur between light and darkness, dusk and dawn, crime and punishment, cruelty and compassion, good and evil. What are its courses and inescapable consequences? Is it a philosophy? Is there a philosophy of indifference conceivable? Can one possibly view indifference as a virtue? Is it necessary at times to practice it simply to keep one's sanity, live normally, enjoy a fine meal and a glass of wine, as the world around us experiences harrowing upheavals?Of course, indifference can be tempting more than that, seductive. It is so much easier to look away from victims. It is so much easier to avoid such rude interruptions to our work, our dreams, our hopes. It is, after all, awkward, troublesome, to be involved in another person's pain and despair. Yet, for the person who is indifferent, his or her neighbor are of no consequence. And, therefore, their lives are meaningless. Their hidden or even visible anguish is of no interest. Indifference reduces the Other to an abstraction.Over there, behind the black gates of Auschwitz, the most tragic of all prisoners were the "Muselmanner," as they were called. Wrapped in their torn blankets, they would sit or lie on the ground, staring vacantly into space, unaware of who or where they were strangers to their surroundings. They no longer felt pain, hunger, thirst. They feared nothing. They felt nothing. They were dead and did not know it.Rooted in our tradition, some of us felt that to be abandoned by humanity then was not the ultimate. We felt that to be abandoned by God was worse than to be punished by Him. Better an unjust God than an indifferent one. For us to be ignored by God was a harsher punishment than to be a victim of His anger. Man can live far from God not outside God. God is wherever we are. Even in suffering? Even in suffering.In a way, to be indifferent to that suffering is what makes the human being inhuman. Indifference, after all, is more dangerous than anger and hatred. Anger can at times be creative. One writes a great poem, a great symphony. One does something special for the sake of humanity because one is angry at the injustice that one witnesses. But indifference is never creative. Even hatred at times may elicit a response. You fight it. You denounce it. You disarm it.Indifference elicits no response. Indifference is not a response. Indifference is not abeginning; it is an end. And, therefore, indifference is always the friend of the enemy, for it benefits the aggressor never his victim, whose pain is magnified when he or she feels forgotten. The political prisoner in his cell, the hungry children, the homeless refugees not to respond to their plight, not to relieve their solitude by offering them a spark of hope is to exile them from human memory. And in denying their humanity, we betray our own. Indifference, then, is not only a sin, it is a punishment.And this is one of the most important lessons of this outgoing century's wideranging experiments in good and evil.In the place that I come from, society was composed of three simple categories: the killers, the victims, and the bystanders. During the darkest of times, inside the ghettoes and death camps and I'm glad that Mrs. Clinton mentioned that we are now commemorating that event, that period, that we are now in the Days of Remembrance but then, we felt abandoned, forgotten. All of us did.And our only miserable consolation was that we believed that Auschwitz and Treblinka were closely guarded secrets; that the leaders of the free world did not know what was going on behind those black gates and barbed wire; that they had no knowledge of the war against the Jews that Hitler's armies and their accomplices waged as part of the war against the Allies. If they knew, we thought, surely those leaders would have moved heaven and earth to intervene. They would have spoken out with great outrage and conviction. They would have bombed the railways leading to Birkenau, just the railways, just once.And now we knew, we learned, we discovered that the Pentagon knew, the State Department knew. And the illustrious occupant of the White House then, who was a great leader and I say it with some anguish and pain, because, today is exactly 54 years marking his death Franklin Delano Roosevelt died on April the 12th, 1945. So he is very much present to me and to us. No doubt, he was a great leader. He mobilized the American people and the world, going into battle, bringing hundreds and thousands of valiant and brave soldiers in America to fight fascism, to fight dictatorship, to fight Hitler. And so many of the young people fell in battle. And, nevertheless, his image in Jewish history I must say it his image in Jewish history is flawed.The depressing tale of the St. Louis is a case in point. Sixty years ago, its human cargo nearly 1,000 Jews was turned back to Nazi Germany. And that happened after the Kristallnacht, after the first state sponsored pogrom, with hundreds of Jewish shops destroyed, synagogues burned, thousands of people put in concentration camps. And that ship, which was already in the shores of the United States, was sent back. I don't understand. Roosevelt was a good man, with a heart. He understood those who needed help. Why didn't he allow these refugees to disembark? A thousand people in America, the great country, the greatest democracy, the most generous of all new nations in modern history. What happened? I don't understand. Why the indifference, on the highest level, to the suffering of the victims?But then, there were human beings who were sensitive to our tragedy. Those nonJews, those Christians, that we call the "Righteous Gentiles," whose selfless acts of heroism saved the honor of their faith. Why were they so few? Why was there a greater effort to save SS murderers after the war than to save their victims during the war? Why did some of America's largest corporations continue to do business with Hitler's Germany until 1942? It has been suggested, and it was documented, that the Wehrmacht could not have conducted its invasion of France without oil obtained from American sources. How is one to explain their indifference?And yet, my friends, good things have also happened in this traumatic century: the defeat of Nazism, the collapse of communism, the rebirth of Israel on its ancestral soil, the demise of apartheid, Israel's peace treaty with Egypt, the peace accord in Ireland. And let us remember the meeting, filled with drama and emotion, between Rabin and Arafat that you, Mr. President, convened in this very place. I was here and I will never forget it.And then, of course, the joint decision of the United States and NATO to intervene in Kosovo and save those victims, those refugees, those who were uprooted by a man, whom I believe that because of his crimes, should be charged with crimes against humanity.But this time, the world was not silent. This time, we do respond. This time, we intervene.Does it mean that we have learned from the past? Does it mean that society has changed? Has the human being become less indifferent and more human? Have we really learned from our experiences? Are we less insensitive to the plight of victims of ethnic cleansing and other forms of injustices in places near and far? Is today's justified intervention in Kosovo, led by you, Mr. President, a lasting warning that never again will the deportation, the terrorization of children and their parents, be allowed anywhere in the world? Will it discourage other dictators in other lands to do the same?What about the children? Oh, we see them on television, we read about them in the papers, and we do so with a broken heart. Their fate is always the most tragic, inevitably. When adults wage war, children perish. We see their faces, their eyes. Do we hear their pleas? Do we feel their pain, their agony? Every minute one of them dies of disease, violence, famine. Some of them so many of them could be saved.And so, once again, I think of the young Jewish boy from the Carpathian Mountains. He has accompanied the old man I have become throughout these years of quest and struggle. And together we walk towards the new millennium, carried by profound fear and extraordinary hope.。
美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis KennedyEdward M. KennedyAddress at the Public Memorial Service for Robert F. Kennedydelivered 8 June 1968 at St. Patrick's Cathedral, New York[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Your Eminences, Your Excellencies, Mr. President:On behalf of Mrs. Kennedy, her children, the parents and sisters of Robert Kennedy, I want to express what we feel to those who mourn with us today in this Cathedral and around the world.We loved him as a brother, and as a father, and as a son. From his parents, and from his older brothers and sisters -- Joe and Kathleen and Jack -- he received an inspiration which he passed on to all of us. He gave us strength in time of trouble, wisdom in time of uncertainty, and sharing in time of happiness. He will always be by our side.Love is not an easy feeling to put into words. Nor is loyalty, or trust, or joy. But he was all of these. He loved life completely and he lived it intensely.A few years back, Robert Kennedy wrote some words about his own father which expresses [sic] the way we in his family felt about him. He said of what his father meant to him, and I quote: "What it really all adds up to is love -- not love as it is described with such facility in popular magazines, but the kind of love that is affection and respect, order and encouragement, and support. Our awareness of this was an incalculable source of strength, and because real love is something unselfish and involves sacrifice and giving, we could not help but profit from it." And he continued, "Beneath it all, he has tried to engender a social conscience. There were wrongs which needed attention. There were people who were poor and needed help. And we have a responsibility to them and to this country. Through no virtues and accomplishments of our own, we have been fortunate enough to be born in the United States under the most comfortable conditions. We, therefore, have a responsibility to others who are less well off."That is what Robert Kennedy was given. What he leaves to us is what he said, what he did, and what he stood for. A speech he made to the young people of South Africa on their Day of Affirmation in 1966 sums it up the best, and I would like to read it now:"There is discrimination in this world and slavery and slaughter and starvation. Governments repress their people; millions are trapped in poverty while the nation grows rich and wealth is lavished on armaments everywhere. These are differing evils, but they are the common works of man. They reflect the imperfection of human justice, the inadequacy of human compassion, our lack of sensibility towards the suffering of our fellows. But we can perhaps remember -- even if only for a time -- that those who live with us are our brothers; that they share with us the same short moment of life; that they seek -- as we do -- nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can.Surely, this bond of common faith, this bond of common goal, can begin to teach us something. Surely, we can learn, at least, to look at those around us as fellow men. And surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our own hearts brothers and countrymen once again. The answer is to rely on youth -- not a time of life but a state of mind, a temper of the will, a quality of imagination, a predominance of courage over timidity, of the appetite for adventure over the love of ease. The cruelties and obstacles of this swiftly changing planet will not yield to the obsolete dogmas and outworn slogans. They cannot be moved by those who cling to a present that is already dying, who prefer the illusion ofsecurity to the excitement and danger that come with even the most peaceful progress.It is a revolutionary world we live in, and this generation at home and around the world has had thrust upon it a greater burden of responsibility than any generation that has ever lived. Some believe there is nothing one man or one woman can do against the enormous array of the world's ills. Yet many of the world's great movements, of thought and action, have flowed from the work of a single man. A young monk began the Protestant reformation; a young general extended an empire from Macedonia to the borders of the earth; a young woman reclaimed the territory of France; and it was a young Italian explorer who discovered the New World, and the 32 year-old Thomas Jefferson who [pro]claimed that "all men are created equal."These men moved the world, and so can we all. Few will have the greatness to bend history itself, but each of us can work to change a small portion of events, and in the total of all those acts will be written the history of this generation. *It is from numberless diverse acts of courage and belief that human history is shaped.* Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.Few are willing to brave the disapproval of their fellows, the censure of their colleagues, the wrath of their society. Moral courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle or great intelligence. Yet it is the one essential, vital quality for those who seek to change a world that yields most painfully to change. And I believe that in this generation those with the courage to enter the moral conflict will find themselves with companions in every corner of the globe.For the fortunate among us, there is the temptation to follow the easy and familiar paths of personal ambition and financial success so grandly spread before those who enjoy the privilege of education. But that is not the road history has marked out for us. Like it or not, we live in times of danger and uncertainty. But they are also more open to the creative energy of men than any other time in history. All of us will ultimately be judged, and as the years pass we will surely judge ourselves on the effort we have contributed to building a new world society and the extent to which our ideals and goals have shaped that event.*The future does not belong to those who are content with today, apathetic toward common problems and their fellow man alike, timid and fearful in the face of new ideas and bold projects. Rather it will belong to those who can blend vision, reason and courage in a personal commitment to the ideals and great enterprises of American Society.* Our future may lie beyond our vision, but it is not completely beyond our control. It is the shaping impulse of America that neither fate nor nature nor the irresistible tides of history, but the work of our own hands, matched to reason and principle, that will determine our destiny. There is pride in that, even arrogance, but there is also experience and truth. In any event, it is the only way we can live."That is the way he lived. That is what he leaves us.My brother need not be idealized, or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life; to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried to right it, saw suffering and tried to heal it, saw war and tried to stop it.Those of us who loved him and who take him to his rest today, pray that what he was to us and what he wished for others will some day come to pass for all the world.As he said many times, in many parts of this nation, to those he touched and who sought to touch him:"Some men see things as they are and say why.I dream things that never were and say why not."。
美国经典英文演讲100篇:"The Great Society"Lyndon Baines JohnsonThe Great Society[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]President Hatcher, Governor Romney, Senators McNamara and Hart, Congressmen Meader and Staebler, and other members of the fine Michigan delegation, members of the graduating class, my fellow Americans:It is a great pleasure to be here today. This university has been coeducational since 1870, but I do not believe it was on the basis of your accomplishments that a Detroit high school girl said (and I quote), "In choosing a college, you first have to decide whether you want a coeducational school or an educational school." Well, we can find both here at Michigan, although perhaps at different hours. I came out here today very anxious to meet the Michigan student whose father told a friend of mine that his son's education had been a real value. It stopped his mother from bragging about him.I have come today from the turmoil of your capital to the tranquility of your campus to speak about the future of your country. The purpose of protecting the life of our Nation and preserving the liberty of our citizens is to pursue the happinessof our people. Our success in that pursuit is the test of our success as a Nation.For a century we labored to settle and to subdue a continent. For half a century we called upon unbounded invention and untiring industry to create an order of plenty for all of our people. The challenge of the next half century is whether we have the wisdom to use that wealth to enrich and elevate our national life, and to advance the quality of our American civilization.Your imagination and your initiative and your indignation will determine whether we build a society where progress is the servant of our needs, or a society where old values and new visions are buried under unbridled growth. For in your time we have the opportunity to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the Great Society.The Great Society rests on abundance and liberty for all. It demands an end to poverty and racial injustice, to which we are totally committed in our time. But that is just the beginning.The Great Society is a place where every child can find knowledge to enrich his mind and to enlarge his talents. It is a place where leisure is a welcome chance to build and reflect, not a feared cause of boredom and restlessness. It is a place where the city of man serves not only the needs of the body and the demands of commerce but the desire for beauty and the hunger for community. It is a place where man can renew contact with nature. It is a place which honors creation for its own sake and for what is adds to the understanding of the race. It is a place where men are more concerned with the quality of their goals than the quantity of their goods.But most of all, the Great Society is not a safe harbor, a resting place, a final objective, a finished work. It is a challenge constantly renewed, beckoning us toward a destiny where the meaning of our lives matches the marvelous products of our labor.So I want to talk to you today about three places where we begin to build the Great Society -- in our cities, in our countryside, and in our classrooms.Many of you will live to see the day, perhaps 50 years from now, when there will be 400 million Americans -- four-fifths of them in urban areas. In the remainder of this century urban population will double, city land will double, and we will have to build homes and highways and facilities equal to all those built since this country was first settled. So in the next 40 years we mustre-build the entire urban United States.Aristotle said: "Men come together in cities in order to live, but they remain together in order to live the good life." It is harder and harder to live the good life in American cities today. The catalog of ills is long: there is the decay of the centers and the despoiling of the suburbs. There is not enough housing for our people or transportation for our traffic. Open land is vanishing and old landmarks are violated. Worst of all expansion is eroding these precious and time honored values of community with neighbors and communion with nature. The loss of these values breeds loneliness and boredom and indifference.And our society will never be great until our cities are great. Today the frontier of imagination and innovation is inside those cities and not beyond their borders. New experiments are already going on. It will be the task of your generation to make the American city a place where future generations will come, not only to live, but to live the good life. And I understand that if I stayed here tonight I would see that Michigan students are really doing their best to live the good life.This is the place where the Peace Corps was started.It is inspiring to see how all of you, while you are in this country, are trying so hard to live at the level of the people.A second place where we begin to build the Great Society is in our countryside. We have always prided ourselves on being not only America the strong and America the free, but America the beautiful. Today that beauty is in danger. The water we drink,the food we eat, the very air that we breathe, are threatened with pollution. Our parks are overcrowded, our seashores overburdened. Green fields and dense forests are disappearing.A few years ago we were greatly concerned about the "Ugly American." Today we must act to prevent an ugly America.For once the battle is lost, once our natural splendor is destroyed, it can never be recaptured. And once man can no longer walk with beauty or wonder at nature his spirit will wither and his sustenance be wasted.A third place to build the Great Society is in the classrooms of America. There your children's lives will be shaped. Our society will not be great until every young mind is set free to scan the farthest reaches of thought and imagination. We are still far from that goal. Today, 8 million adult Americans, more than the entire population of Michigan, have not finished 5 years of school. Nearly 20 million have not finished 8 years of school. Nearly 54 million -- more than one quarter of all America -- have not even finished high school.Each year more than 100,000 high school graduates, with proved ability, do not enter college because they cannot afford it. And if we cannot educate today's youth, what will we do in 1970 when elementary school enrollment will be 5 million greater than 1960? And high school enrollment will rise by 5 million. And college enrollment will increase by more than 3 million.In many places, classrooms are overcrowded and curricula are outdated. Most of our qualified teachers are underpaid and many of our paid teachers are unqualified. So we must give every child a place to sit and a teacher to learn from. Poverty must not be a bar to learning, and learning must offer an escape from poverty.But more classrooms and more teachers are not enough. We must seek an educational system which grows in excellence as it grows in size. This means better training for our teachers. It means preparing youth to enjoy their hours of leisure as well as their hours of labor. It means exploring new techniques ofteaching, to find new ways to stimulate the love of learning and the capacity for creation.These are three of the central issues of the Great Society. While our Government has many programs directed at those issues, I do not pretend that we have the full answer to those problems. But I do promise this: We are going to assemble the best thought and the broadest knowledge from all over the world to find those answers for America.I intend to establish working groups to prepare a series of White House conferences and meetings -- on the cities, on natural beauty, on the quality of education, and on other emerging challenges. And from these meetings and from this inspiration and from these studies we will begin to set our course toward the Great Society.The solution to these problems does not rest on a massive program in Washington, nor can it rely solely on the strained resources of local authority. They require us to create new concepts of cooperation, a creative federalism, between the National Capital and the leaders of local communities.Woodrow Wilson once wrote: "Every man sent out from his university should be a man of his Nation as well as a man of his time."Within your lifetime powerful forces, already loosed, will take us toward a way of life beyond the realm of our experience, almost beyond the bounds of our imagination.For better or for worse, your generation has been appointed by history to deal with those problems and to lead America toward a new age. You have the chance never before afforded to any people in any age. You can help build a society where the demands of morality, and the needs of the spirit, can be realized in the life of the Nation.So, will you join in the battle to give every citizen the full equality which God enjoins and the law requires, whatever his belief, or race, or the color of his skin?Will you join in the battle to give every citizen an escape from the crushing weight of poverty?Will you join in the battle to make it possible for all nations to live in enduring peace -- as neighbors and not as mortal enemies?Will you join in the battle to build the Great Society, to prove that our material progress is only the foundation on which we will build a richer life of mind and spirit?There are those timid souls that say this battle cannot be won; that we are condemned to a soulless wealth. I do not agree. We have the power to shape the civilization that we want. But we need your will and your labor and your hearts, if we are to build that kind of society.Those who came to this land sought to build more than just a new country. They sought a new world. So I have come here today to your campus to say that you can make their vision our reality. So let us from this moment begin our work so that in the future men will look back and say: It was then, after a long and weary way, that man turned the exploits of his genius to the full enrichment of his life.Thank you. Good-bye.。
美国经典英文演讲100篇:"Truth and Tolerance in America"Edward M. KennedyFaith, Truth and Tolerance in America.Actually, a number of people in Washington were surprised that I was invited to speak here -- and even more surprised when I accepted the invitation. They seem to think that it’s easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a Kennedy to come to the campus of Liberty Baptist College. In honor of our meeting, I have asked Dr. Falwell, as your Chancellor, to permit all the students an extra hour next Saturday night before curfew. And in return, I have promised to watch the Old Time Gospel Hour next Sunday morning.I realize that my visit may be a little controversial. But as many of you have heard, Dr. Falwell recently sent me a membership in the Moral Majority -- and I didn't even apply for it. And I wonder if that means that I'm a member in good standing.[Falwell: Somewhat]Somewhat, he says.This is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. Since I am not a candidate for President, it would certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one.I have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in America. I know we begin with certain disagreements; I strongly suspect that at the end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain. But I also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, that we will view ourselves with a sense ofperspective and a sense of humor. After all, in the New Testament, even the Disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbor’s eyes.I am mindful of that counsel. I am an American and a Catholic;I love my country and treasure my faith. But I do not assume that my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society. I believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it?There are those who do, and their own words testify to their intolerance. For example, because the Moral Majority has worked with members of different denominations, one fundamentalist group has denounced Dr. Falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for "yoking together with Roman Catholics, Mormons, and others." I am relieved that Dr. Falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice. When people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways. For truly we are all yoked together as Americans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect.But in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question -- which is whether and how religion should influence government. A generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical Protestants. John Kennedy said at that time: “I believe in an America where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind.” Only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to a[n] evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. Ronald Reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the Roundtable in Dallas: “ I know that you can’t endorse me. I want you to know I endorse you and what you are doing.”To many Americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the separation of church and state. Yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command. Separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power. The challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpose, and refine its application to the politics of the present.The founders of our nation had long and bitter experience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views. In colonial Maryland, Catholics paid a double land tax, and in Pennsylvania they had to list their names on a public roll -- an ominous precursor of the first Nazi laws against the Jews. And Jews in turn faced discrimination in all of the thirteen original Colonies. Massachusetts exiled Roger Williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the Ten Commandments. Virginia harassed Baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no “popish followers” could hold any office.But during the Revolution, Catholics, Jews, andNon-Conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the American commonwealth -- for John Winthrop’s “city upon a hill.” Afterwards, when the Constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the Bill of Rights.Indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: Washington was an Episcopalian, Jefferson a deist, and Adams a Calvinist. And although he had earlier opposed toleration, John Adams later contributed to the building of Catholic churches, and so did George Washington. Thomas Jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writing the Declaration of Independence, but drafting the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom. He stated the vision of the first Americans and the First Amendment very clearly: “The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.”The separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for women and men of religious faith. They may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept. But once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyone’s freedom is at risk. Those who favor censorship should recall that one of the first books ever burned was the first English translation of the Bible. As President Eisenhower warned in 1953, “Don’t join the book burners...the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned -- or this isn’t America.” And if that right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief. Let us never forget: Today’s Moral Majority could b ecome tomorrow’s persecuted minority.The danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it. In 1789, their fear was of factional strife among dozens of denominations. Today there are hundreds -- and perhaps even thousands of faiths -- and millions of Americans who are outside any fold. Pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean that there are areas where government cannot and should not decide what it is wrong to believe, to think, to read, and to do. As Professor Larry Tribe, one of the nation’s leading constitutional scholars has written, “Law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it."The real transgression occurs when religion wants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. The failure of Prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. Some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divided about whether they are. In such cases, like Prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state.But there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and wherereligion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. The issue of nuclear war is a compelling example. It is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about public policy. The Catholic bishops and the Reverend Billy Graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and Dr. Falwell has every right to stand against it.There must be standards for the exercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased into an opportunity for mere political advantage. But to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition. Many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement. In our own time, the Reverend William Sloane Coffin challenged the morality of the war in Vietnam. Pope John XXIII renewed the Gospel’s call to social justice. And Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation.Their words have blessed our world. And who now wishes they had been silent? Who would bid Pope John Paul [II] to quiet his voice against the oppression in Eastern Europe, the violence in Central America, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark political prisons of our time?President Kennedy, who said that “no religious body should seek to impose its will,” also urged religious leaders to state their views and give their commitment when the public debate involved ethical issues. In drawing the line between imposed will and essential witness, we keep church and state separate, and at the same time we recognize that the City of God should speak to the civic duties of men and women.There are four tests which draw that line and define the difference.First, we must respect the integrity of religion itself.People of conscience should be careful how they deal in the word of their Lord. In our own history, religion has been falsely invoked to sanction prejudice -- even slavery -- to condemn labor unions and public spending for the poor. I believe that the prophecy, ”The poor you have always with you” is an indictment, not a commandment. And I respectfully suggest that God has taken no position on the Department of Education -- and that a balanced budget constitutional amendment is a matter of economic analysis, and not heavenly appeals.Religious values cannot be excluded from every public issue; but not every public issue involves religious values. And how ironic it is when those very values are denied in the name of religion. For example, we are sometimes told that it is wrong to feed the hungry, but that mission is an explicit mandate given to us in the 25th chapter of Matthew.Second, we must respect the independent judgments of conscience.Those who proclaim moral and religious values can offer counsel, but they should not casually treat a position on a public issue as a test of fealty to faith. Just as I disagree with the Catholic bishops on tuition tax credits -- which I oppose -- so other Catholics can and do disagree with the hierarchy, on the basis of honest conviction, on the question of the nuclear freeze.Thus, the controversy about the Moral Majority arises not only from its views, but from its name -- which, in the minds of many, seems to imply that only one set of public policies is moral and only one majority can possibly be right. Similarly, people are and should be perplexed when the religious lobbying group Christian Voice publishes a morality index of congressional voting records, which judges the morality of senators by their attitude toward Zimbabwe and Taiwan.Let me offer another illustration. Dr. Falwell has written -- and I quote: “To stand against Israel is to stand against God.” Nowthere is no one in the Senate who has stood more firmly for Israel than I have. Yet, I do not doubt the faith of those on the other side. Their error is not one of religion, but of policy. And I hope to be able to persuade them that they are wrong in terms of both America’s interest and the justice of Israel’s cause.Respect for conscience is most in jeopardy, and the harmony of our diverse society is most at risk, when we re-establish, directly or indirectly, a religious test for public office. That relic of the colonial era, which is specifically prohibited in the Constitution, has reappeared in recent years. After the last election, the Reverend James Robison warned President Reagan no to surround himself, as president before him had, “with the counsel of the ungodly.” I utte rly reject any such standard for any position anywhere in public service. Two centuries ago, the victims were Catholics and Jews. In the 1980s the victims could be atheists; in some other day or decade, they could be the members of the Thomas Road Baptist Church. Indeed, in 1976 I regarded it as unworthy and un-American when some people said or hinted that Jimmy Carter should not be president because he was a born again Christian. We must never judge the fitness of individuals to govern on the bas[is] of where they worship, whether they follow Christ or Moses, whether they are called “born again” or “ungodly.” Where it is right to apply moral values to public life, let all of us avoid the temptation to beself-righteous and absolutely certain of ourselves. And if that temptation ever comes, let us recall Winston Churchill’s humbling description of an intolerant and inflexible colleague: “There but for the grace of God goes God.”Third, in applying religious values, we must respect the integrity of public debate.In that debate, faith is no substitute for facts. Critics may oppose the nuclear freeze for what they regard as moral reasons. They have every right to argue that any negotiation with the Soviets is wrong, or that any accommodation with them sanctions their crimes, or that no agreement can be good enough and therefore all agreements only increase the chance of war. I do not believe that, but it surely does not violate thestandard of fair public debate to say it. What does violate that standard, what the opponents of the nuclear freeze have no right to do, is to assume that they are infallible, and so any argument against the freeze will do, whether it is false or true.The nuclear freeze proposal is not unilateral, but bilateral -- with equal restraints on the United States and the Soviet Union. The nuclear freeze does not require that we trust the Russians, but demands full and effective verification. The nuclear freeze does not concede a Soviet lead in nuclear weapons, but recognizes that human beings in each great power already have in their fallible hands the overwhelming capacity to remake into a pile of radioactive rubble the earth which God has made.There is no morality in the mushroom cloud. The black rain of nuclear ashes will fall alike on the just and the unjust. And then it will be too late to wish that we had done the real work of this atomic age -- which is to seek a world that is neither red nor dead.I am perfectly prepared to debate the nuclear freeze on policy grounds, or moral ones. But we should not be forced to discuss phantom issues or false charges. They only deflect us form the urgent task of deciding how best to prevent a planet divided from becoming a planet destroyed.And it does not advance the debate to contend that the arms race is more divine punishment than human problem, or that in any event, the final days are near. As Pope John said two decades ago, at the opening of the Second Vatican Council: “We must beware of those who burn with zeal, but are not endowed with much sense... we must disagree with the prophets of doom, who are always forecasting disasters, as though the end of the earth was at hand.” The message which echoes across the years is very clear: The earth is still here; and if we wish to keep it, a prophecy of doom is no alternative to a policy of arms control.Fourth, and finally, we must respect the motives of those who exercise their right to disagree.We sorely test our ability to live together if we readily question each other’s integrity. It may be harder t o restrain our feelings when moral principles are at stake, for they go to the deepest wellsprings of our being. But the more our feelings diverge, the more deeply felt they are, the greater is our obligation to grant the sincerity and essential decency of our fellow citizens on the other side.Those who favor E.R.A [Equal Rights Amendment] are not “antifamily” or “blasphemers.” And their purpose is not “an attack on the Bible.” Rather, we believe this is the best way to fix in our national firmament the ideal that not only all men, but all people are created equal. Indeed, my mother, who strongly favors E.R.A., would be surprised to hear that she is anti-family. For my part, I think of the amendment’s opponents as wrong on the issue, but not as lacking in moral characterI could multiply the instances of name-calling, sometimes on both sides. Dr. Falwell is not a “warmonger.” And “liberal clergymen” are not, as the Moral Majority suggested in a recent letter, equivalent to “Soviet sympathizers.” The critics of official prayer in public schools are not “Pharisees”; many of them are both civil libertarians and believers, who think that families should pray more at home with their children, and attend church and synagogue more faithfully. And people are not sexist because they stand against abortion, and they are not murderers because they believe in free choice. Nor does it help anyone’s cause to shout such epithets, or to try and shout a speaker down -- which is what happened last April when Dr. Falwell was hissed and heckled at Harvard. So I am doubly grateful for your courtesy here this evening. That was not Harvard’s finest hour, but I am happy to say that the loudest applause from the Harvard audience came in defense of Dr. Falwell’s right to speak.In short, I hope for an America where neither "fundamentalist" nor "humanist" will be a dirty word, but a fair description of the different ways in which people of good will look at life and into their own souls.I hope for an America where no president, no public official, no individual will ever be deemed a greater or lesser American because of religious doubt -- or religious belief.I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern Inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.Twenty years ago this fall, in New York City, President Kennedy met for the last time with a Protestant assembly. The atmosphere had been transformed since his earlier address during the 1960 campaign to the Houston Ministerial Association. He had spoken there to allay suspicions about his Catholicism, and to answer those who claimed that on the day of his baptism, he was somehow disqualified from becoming President. His speech in Houston and then his election drove that prejudice from the center of our national life. Now, three years later, in November of 1963, he was appearing before the Protestant Council of New York City to reaffirm what he regarded as some fundamental truths. On that occasion, John Kennedy said: “The family of man is not limited to a single race or religion, to a single city, or country...the family of man is nearly 3 billion strong. Most of its members are not white and most of them are not Christian.” And as President Kennedy reflected on that reality, he restated an ideal for which he had lived his life -- that “the members of this family should be at peace with one another.”That ideal shines across all the generations of our history and all the ages of our faith, carrying with it the most ancient dream. For as the Apostle Paul wrote lo ng ago in Romans: “If it be possible, as much as it lieth in you, live peaceable with all men.”I believe it is possible; the choice lies within us; as fellow citizens, let us live peaceable with each other; as fellow human。
•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Addre ss•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nati on•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Ad dress•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re -Election•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kenne dy•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Addre ss•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptan ce..•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下)•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Imp eachment•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association S peech•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencem ent Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciar y...•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ...•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morali ty•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination...•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上)•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address。
Malcolm X: "The Ballot or the Bullet" Mr. Moderator, Reverend Cleage, Brother Lomax, brothers and sisters, and friends and I see some enemies. In fact, I think we'd be fooling ourselves if we had an audience this large and didn't realize that there were some enemies present. This afternoon we want to talk about the ballot or the bullet. The ballot or the bullet explains itself. But before we get into it, since this is the year of the ballot or the bullet, I would like to clarify some things that refer to me personally ——concerning my own personal position. I'm still a Muslim. That is, my religion is still Islam. My religion is still Islam. I still credit Mr. Mohammed for what I know and what I am. He's the one who opened my eyes. At present, I'm the Minister of the newly founded Muslim Mosque,Incorporated which has its offices in the Teresa Hotel, right in the heart of Harlem —— that's the black belt in New York city. And when we realize that Adam Clayton Powell is a Christian minister, he's the —— he heads Abyssinian Baptist Church, but at the same time, he's more famous for his political struggling. And Dr. King is a Christian Minister, in Atlanta – or from Atlanta Georgia —— or in Atlanta, Georgia, but he's become more famous for being involved in the civil rights struggle. There's another in New York, Reverend Galamison ——I don't know if you've heard of him out here – he's a Christian Minister from Brooklyn, but has become famous for his fight against a segregated school system in Brooklyn. Reverend Clee, right here, is a Christian Minister, here in Detroit. He's the head of the “Freedom Now Party.” All of these are Christian Ministers —— All of these are Christian Ministers, but they don't come to us as Christian Ministers. They come to us as fighters in some other category. I'm a Muslim minister —— the same as they are Christian Ministers —— I'm a Muslim minister. And I don't believe in fighting today in any one front, but on all fronts. In fact, I'm a black Nationalist Freedom Fighter. Islam is my religion, but I believe my religion is my personal business. It governs my personal life, my personal morals. And my religious philosophy is personal between me and the God in whom I believe; just as the religious philosophy of these others is between them and the God in whom they believe. And this is best this way. Were we to come out here discussing religion, we'd have too many differences from the outstart and we could never get together. So today, though Islam is my religious philosophy, my political, economic,and social philosophy is Black Nationalism. You and I —— As I say, if we bring up religion we'll have differences; we'll have arguments; and we'll never be able to get together. But if we keep our religion at home, keep our religion in the closet, keep our religion between ourselves and our God, but when we come out here, we have a fight that's common to all of us against a [sic] enemy who is common to all of us. The political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that the black man should control the politics and the politicians in his own community. The —— The time —— The time when white people can come in our community and get us to vote for them so that they can be our political leaders and tell us what to do and what not to do is long gone. By the same token, the time when that same white man, knowing that your eyes are too far open, can send another negro into the community and get you and me to support him so he can use him to lead us astray —— those days are long gone too. The political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that if you and I are going to live in a Black community ——and that's where we're going to live, cause as soon as you move into one of their —— soon as you move out of the Black community into their community, it's mixed for a period of time, but they're gone and you're right there all by yourself again. We must —— We must understand the politics of our community and we must know what politics is supposed to produce. We must know what part politics play in our lives. And until we become politically mature we will always be mislead, lead astray, or deceived or maneuvered into supporting someone politically who doesn't have the good of our community at heart. So the political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we will have to carry on a program, a political program, of re-education to open our peoples eyes, make us become more politically conscious, politically mature,and then we will —— whenever we get ready to cast our ballot that ballot, will be cast for a man of the community who has the good of the community of heart. The economic philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we should own and operate and control the economy ofour community. You would never found —— you can't open up a black store in a white community. White men won't even patronize you. And he's not wrong. He's got sense enough to look out for himself. You the one who don't have sense enough to look out for yourself. The white man —— The white man is too intelligent to let someone else come and gain control of the economy of his community. But you will let anyone come in and take control of the economy of your community, control the housing,control the education, control the jobs, control the businesses, under the pre-text that you want to integrate. No, you outta your mind. The political, the economic philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we have to become involved in a program of reeducation to educate our people into the importance of knowing that when you spend your dollar out of the community in which you live, the community in which you spend your money becomes richer and richer; the community out which you take your money becomes poorer and poorer. And because these Negroes, who have been mislead, misguided, are breaking their necks to take their money and spend it with The Man, The Man is becoming richer and richer, and you're becoming poorer and poorer. And then what happens? The community in which you live becomes a slum. It becomes a ghetto. The conditions become run down. And then you have the audacity to complain about poor housing in a run-down community. Why you run it down yourself when you take your dollar out. And you and I are in the double-track, because not only do we lose by taking our money someplace else and spending it, when we try and spend it in our own community we're trapped because we haven't had sense enough to set up stores and control the businesses of our own community. The man who's controlling the stores in our community is a man who doesn't look like we do. He's a man who doesn't even live in the community. So you and I, even when we try to spend our money in the block where we live or the area where we live, we're spending it with a man who, when the sun goes down, takes that basket full of money in another part of the town. So we're trapped, trapped, double-trapped, triple -rapped. Anywhere we go we find that we're trapped. And every kind of solution that someone comes up with is just another trap. But the political and economic philosophy of Black Nationalism —— the economic philosophy of Black Nationalism shows our people the importance of setting up these little stores and developing them and expanding them into larger operations. Woolworth didn't start out big like they are today. They started out with a dime store and expanded and expanded and then expanded until today, they're are all over the country and all over the world, and they get to some of everybody's money. Now this is what you and I —— General Motors is same way. They didn't start out like they it is. It started out just a little rat race type operation. And it expanded and it expanded until today where it is right now. And you and I have to make a start and the best place to start is right in the community where we live. So our people not only have to be reeducated to the importance of supporting black business, but the black man himself has to be made aware of the importance of going into business. And once you and I go into business, we own and operate at least the businesses in our community. What we will be doing is developing a situation wherein we will actually be able to create employment for the people in the community. And once you can create some employment in the community where you live it will eliminate the necessity of you and me having to act ignorantly and disgracefully, boycotting and picketing some practice some place else trying to beg him for a job. Anytime you have to rely upon your enemy for a job —— you're in bad shape. When you have —— he is your enemy. Let me tell you, you wouldn't be in this country if some enemy hadn't kidnapped you and brought you here. On the other hand, some of you think you came here on the Mayflower. So as you can see brothers and sisters, today —— this afternoon, it is not our intention to discuss religion. We're going to forget religion. If we bring up religion, we'll be in an argument, and the best way to keep away from arguments and differences —— as I said earlier —— put your religion at home —— in the closet. Keep it between you and your God. Because if it hasn't done anything more for you than it has, you need to forget it anyway. Whether you are —— Whether you are a Christian, or a Muslim, or a Nationalist, we all have the same problem. They don't hang you because you're a Baptist; they hang you 'cause you're black. They don't attack me because I'm a Muslim; they attack me 'cause I'm black. They attack all of us for the same reason; all of us catch hell from the same enemy. We're all in the same bag, in the same boat. We suffer political oppression, economic exploitation, and social degradation —— all of them from the same enemy. The government has failed us; you can't deny that. Anytime you live in the twentieth century, 1964, and you walkin' around here singing “We Shall Overcome,” the government has failed us. This is part of what's wrong with you —— you do too much singing. Today it's time to stop singing and start swinging. You can't sing up on freedom, but you can swing up on some freedom. Cassius Clay can sing, but singing didn't help him to become the heavy-weight champion of the world —— swinging helped him become the heavy-weight champion. This government has failed us; the government itself has failed us, and the white liberals who have been posing as our friends have failed us. And once we see that all these other sources to which we've turned have failed, we stop turning to them and turn to ourselves. We need a self help program, a do-it-yourself philosophy, a do-it-right-now philosophy, a it's-already-too- late philosophy. This is what you and I need to get with, and the only time —— the only way we are going to solve our problem is with a self-help program. Before we can get a self-help program started we have to have a self-help philosophy.。
经典英文演讲100篇第一篇:经典英文演讲100篇Robert F.Kennedy: Remarks on the Assassination of Martin LutherKing, Jr.“Ladies and Gentlemen...Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee”Ladies and Gentlemen: I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you--Could you lower those signs, please?--I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world;and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings.He died in the cause of that effort.In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.For those of you who are black--considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible--you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization--black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another.Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion and love.For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heartthe same kind of feeling.I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.My favorite poem, my favorite poet was Aeschylus.And he once wrote: “Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart, until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdomthrough the awful grace of God.”What we need in the United States is not division;what we need in the United States is not hatred;what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King--yeah, it's true--but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love--a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.We can do well in this country.We will have difficult times.We've had difficult times in the past.And we will have difficult times in the future.It is not the end of violence;it is not the end of lawlessness;and it's not the end of disorder.But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world.Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.Thank you very much.第二篇:经典英文演讲美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇(MP3+文本)••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance..·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage•••••••••••••••••••••••·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presi dential Nomination...·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address第三篇:英文演讲范文Serial News Broadcast, USA美国新闻广播,系列Male: Hello audience.男:大家好。
American Rhetoric Top 100 Speeches of the 20th Century by DecadeDecade SpeakerTitle/Text/MultiMedia AudioDuration1900-19101900-1925 Russell H. Conwell"Acres of Diamonds"mp3-ExcerptPDF FLASH08 Aug 1900 William Jennings Bryan"Against Imperialism"mp3-ExcerptPDF FLASH14 Apr 1906Theodore Roosevelt"The Man with the Muck-rake"PDF FLASH10 Oct 1906 Mary Church Terrell "What it Means to be Colored in the...U.S." PDF FLASH23 May 1908 Eugene Victor Debs"The Issue"1911-192004 Mar 1913 Thomas Woodrow WilsonFirst Inaugural AddressPDF FLASH21 Jun 1915Anna Howard Shaw"The Fundamental Principle of a Republic" PDF FLASH07 Sep 1916 Carrie Chapman Catt "The Crisis"PDF FLASH02 Apr 1917 Thomas Woodrow Wilson War MessagePDF FLASH09 Jul 1917 Emma GoldmanAddress to the JuryPDF FLASH06 Oct 1917 Robert Marion La Follette "Free Speech in Wartime"PDF FLASH?? Nov 1917 Carrie Chapman Catt Address to the U.S. Congress PDF FLASH08 Jan 1918 Thomas Woodrow Wilson "The Fourteen Points"PDF FLASH14 Sep 1918 Eugene Victor Debs 1918 Statement to the Court PDF FLASH06 Sep 1919 Thomas Woodrow Wilson "For the League of Nations"PDF FLASH25 Sep 1919 Thomas Woodrow WilsonLeague of Nations Final AddressPDF FLASH1921-1930Sep-Oct 1920 Crystal Eastman "Now We Can Begin"1921-1922Margaret Higgins Sanger"The Morality of Birth Control" PDF FLASHAug 1924 Clarence Seward Darrow "Mercy for Leopold and Loeb"PDF FLASHMar 1925 Margaret Higgins Sanger"The Children's Era"1931-194023 Sep 1932 Franklin Delano RooseveltCommonwealth Club AddressPDF FLASH04 Mar 1933 Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Inaugural Address mp3PDF FLASH12 Mar 1933 Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Fireside Chat mp3PDF FLASH23 Feb 1934 Huey Pierce Long "Every Man a King"PDF FLASH07 Mar 1935 Huey Pierce Long "Share Our Wealth"PDF FLASH03 Sep 1937 John Llewellyn Lewis "The Rights of Labor"PDF FLASH04 Jul 1939 Henry Louis ("Lou") Gehrig Farewell to Baseball AddressPDF FLASH29 Dec 1940 Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Arsenal of Democracy"mp3PDF FLASH1941-195008 Dec 1941Franklin Delano RooseveltPearl Harbor Address to the Nation mp3PDF FLASH 06 Jan 1941 Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Four Freedoms"mp3PDF FLASH12 Mar 1947Harry S. Truman"The Truman Doctrine" mp3PDF FLASH05 Jun 1947George Catlett Marshall"The Marshall Plan"mp3PDF FLASH14 Jul 1948Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address Off-site Audio PDF FLASH09 Dec 1948Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights mp3PDF FLASH28 Dec 1948Anna Eleanor Roosevelt"The Struggle for Human Rights"PDF FLASH01 Jun 1950Margaret Chase Smith"Declaration of Conscience"PDF FLASH10 Dec 1950William Cuthbert Faulkner Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech Real Audio PDF FLASH1951-196019 Apr 1951(General) Douglas MacArthur Farewell Address to Congress mp3PDF FLASH26 Jul 1952Adlai Ewing Stevenson Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3PDF FLASH23 Sep 1952Richard Milhous Nixon"Checkers"mp3PDF FLASH02 Feb 1953Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial PDF FLASH08 Dec 1953Dwight David Eisenhower"Atoms for Peace"mp3PDF FLASH09 Jun 1954Joseph N. Welch"Have You No Sense of Decency"mp3PDF FLASH12 Sep 1960John Fitzgerald Kennedy Houston Ministerial Association Speech mp3PDF FLASH1961-197017 Jan 1961Dwight David Eisenhower Farewell Address mp3PDF FLASH20 Jan 1961John Fitzgerald Kennedy Inaugural Address mp3PDF FLASH09 May 1961Newton Norman Minow"Television and the Public Interest" mp3PDF FLASH12 May 1962(General) Douglas MacArthur"Duty, Honor, Country" mp3PDF FLASH10 Jun 1963John Fitzgerald Kennedy American University Commencement Address mp3PDF FLASH11 Jun 1963John Fitzgerald Kennedy Civil Rights Address mp3PDF FLASH22 Oct 1962John Fitzgerald Kennedy Cuban Missile Crisis Address mp3PDF FLASH26 Jun 1963John Fitzgerald Kennedy"Ich bin ein Berliner"mp3PDF FLASH28 Aug 1963Martin Luther King, Jr. "I Have A Dream"mp3PDF FLASH03 Apr 1964Malcolm X"The Ballot or the Bullet"mp327 Oct 1964Ronald Wilson Reagan"A Time for Choosing"mp3PDF FLASH22 May 1964Lyndon Baines Johnson"The Great Society"mp3PDF FLASH16 Jul 1964Barry Morris Goldwater Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3PDF FLASH10 Nov 1963Malcolm X"Message to the Grassroots"27 Nov 1963Lyndon Baines Johnson"Let Us Continue"mp3PDF FLASH02 Dec 1964Mario Savio"Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History"mp3PDF FLASH15 Mar 1965Lyndon Baines Johnson"We Shall Overcome"mp3PDF FLASH?? Oct 1966Stokely Carmichael"Black Power"mp3PDF FLASH10 Mar 1968Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast31 Mar 1968Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election mp3PDF FLASH04 Apr 1967Martin Luther King, Jr."A Time to Break Silence"mp3PDF FLASH03 Apr 1968Martin Luther King, Jr. "I've Been to the Mountaintop"Real Audio PDF FLASH04 Apr 1968Robert Francis Kennedy Remarks on the Assassination of MLK mp3PDF FLASH08 Jun 1968Edward Moore Kennedy Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy mp3PDF FLASH25 Jul 1969Edward Moore Kennedy"Chappaquiddick" mp3PDF FLASH 03 Nov 1969Richard Milhous Nixon"The Great Silent Majority" mp3PDF FLASH13 Nov 1969Spiro Theodore Agnew"Television News Coverage"mp3-ExcerptPDF FLASH30 Apr 1970 Richard Milhous NixonCambodian Incursion Address mp3PDF FLASH10 Aug 1970 Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm"For the Equal Rights Amendment"PDF FLASH1971-198025 Jul 1974 Barbara Charline JordanStatement on the Articles of Impeachment mp3PDF FLASH08 Aug 1974Richard Milhous NixonResignation Speechmp3PDF FLASH09 Aug 1974 Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Officemp3PDF FLASH08 Sep 1974 Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Nixon mp3-ExcerptPDF FLASH12 Jul 1976 Barbara Charline Jordan 1976 DNC Keynote Address mp3PDF FLASH15 Jul 1979 Jimmy Earl Carter "A Crisis of Confidence"mp3PDF FLASH12 Jul 1980 Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Addressmp3PDF FLASH1981-199020 Jan 1981 Ronald Wilson ReaganFirst Inaugural Address mp3PDF FLASH08 Mar 1983 Ronald Wilson Reagan "The Evil Empire"mp3PDF FLASH22 May 1983 Ursula Kroeber Le Guin "A Left-Handed Commencement Address"PDF FLASH03 Oct 1983 Edward Moore Kennedy "Truth and Tolerance in America"mp3PDF FLASH06 Jun 1984 Ronald Wilson Reagan 40th Anniversary of D-Day Address mp3PDF FLASH17 Jul 1984 Jesse Louis Jackson 1984 DNC AddressPDF FLASH17 Jul 1984 Mario Matthew Cuomo 1984 DNC Keynote Address mp3PDF FLASH19 Jul 1984 Geraldine Anne Ferraro Vice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech mp3PDF FLASH13 Sep 1984 Mario Matthew Cuomo "Religious Belief and Public Morality"28 Jan 1986 Ronald Wilson Reagan Shuttle ''Challenger'' Disaster Address mp3PDF FLASH12 Jun 1987 Ronald Wilson ReaganBrandenburg Gate Addressmp3PDF FLASH18 Jul 1988 Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Address mp3PDF FLASH20 Jul 1988Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC AddressPDF FLASH01 Jun 1990 Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address mp3PDF FLASH1991-200011 Oct 1991 Anita Faye HillStatement to the Senate Judiciary Committee mp3PDF FLASH14 Jul 1992 Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Addressmp3PDF FLASH19 Aug 1992 Mary Fisher"A Whisper of AIDS"mp3PDF FLASH23 Apr 1995 William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address mp3PDF FLASH05 Sep 1995 Hillary Diane Rodham ClintonWomen's Rights Are Human Rights mp3PDF FLASH 12 Apr 1999Eliezer ("Elie") Wiesel"The Perils of Indifference"mp3PDF FLASH/top100speechesbydecade.html /caoxinqun。
美国20世纪经典英语演讲稿美国20世纪经典英语演讲稿(精选)演讲稿是作为在特定的情境中供口语表达使用的文稿。
随着社会不断地进步,演讲稿在演讲中起到的作用越来越大,相信许多人会觉得演讲稿很难写吧,下面是小编帮大家整理的.美国20世纪经典英语演讲稿(精选),供大家参考借鉴,希望可以帮助到有需要的朋友。
I'm Elizabeth Glaser. Eleven years ago, while giving birth to my first child, I hemorrhaged and was transfused with seven pints of blood. Four years later, I found out that I had been infected with the AIDS virus and had unknowingly passed it to my daughter, Ariel, through my breast milk, and my son, Jake, in utero.Twenty years ago I wanted to be at the Democratic Convention because it was a way to participate in my country. Today, I am here because it's a matter of life and death. Exactly —— Exactly four years ago my daughter died of AIDS. She did not survive the Reagan Administration. I am here because my son and I may not survive four more years of leaders who say they care, but do nothing. I -- I am in a race with the clock. This is not about being a Republican or an Independent or a Democrat. It's about the future -- for each and every one of us.I started out just a mom -- fighting for the life of her child. But along the way I learned how unfair America can be today, not just for people who have HIV, but for many, many people -- poor people, gay people, people of color, children. A strange spokesperson for such a group: a well-to-do white woman. But I have learned my lesson the hard way, and I know that America has lost her path and is at risk of losing her soul. America wake up: We are all in a struggle between life and death.I understand -- I understand the sense of frustration and despair in our country, because I know firsthand about shouting for help and getting no answer. I went to Washington to tell Presidents Reagan and Bush that much, much more had to be done for AIDS research and care, and that children couldn't be forgotten. The first time, when nothing happened, I thought, "They just didn't hear me." The second time, when nothing happened, I thought, "Maybe I didn't shout loud enough." But now I realize they don't hear because they don't want to listen.When you cry for help and no one listens, you start to lose your hope. I began to lose faith in America. I felt my country was letting me down -- and it was. This is not the America I was raised to be proud of. I was raised to believe that other's problems were my problems as well. But when I tell most people about HIV, in hopes that they will help and care, I see the look in their eyes: "It's not my problem," they're thinking. Well, it's everyone's problem and we need a leader who will tell us that. We need a visionary to guide us -- to say it wasn't all right for Ryan White to be banned from school because he had AIDS, to say it wasn't alright for a man or a woman to be denied a job because they're infected with this virus. We need a leader who is truly committed to educating us.I believe in America, but not with a leadership of selfishness and greed -- where the wealthy get health care and insurance and the poor don't. Do you know -- Do you know how much my AIDS care costs? Over 40,000 dollars a year. Someone without insurance can't afford this. Even the drugs that I hope will keep me alive are out of reach for others. Is their life any less valuable? Of course not. This is not the America I was raised to be proud of -- where rich people get care and drugs that poor people can't.We need health care for all. We need a leader who will say this and do something about it.I believe in America, but not a leadership that talks about problems but is incapable of solving them -- two HIV commission reports with recommendations about what to do to solve this crisis sitting on shelves, gathering dust. We need a leader who will not only listen to these recommendations, but implement them.I believe in America, but not with a leadership that doesn't hold government accountable. I go to Washington to the National Institutes of Health and say, "Show me what you're doing on HIV." They hate it when I come because I try to tell them how to do it better. But that's why I love being a taxpayer, because it's my money and they must feel accountable.I believe in an America where our leaders talk straight. When anyone tells President Bush that the battle against AIDS is seriously under-funded, he juggles the numbers to mislead the public into thinking we're spending twice as much as we really are. While they play games with numbers, people are dying.I believe in America, but an America where there is a light in every home. A thousand points of light just wasn't enough: My house has been dark for too long.Once every generation, history brings us to an important crossroads. Sometimes in life there is that moment when it's possible to make a change for the better. This is one of those moments.For me, this is not politics. This is a crisis of caring.In this hall is the future -- women, men of all colors saying, "Take America back." We are -- We are just real people wanting a more hopeful life. But words and ideas are not enough. Goodthoughts won't save my family. What's the point of caring if we don't do something about it? A President and a Congress that can work together so we can get out of this gridlock and move ahead, because I don't win my war if the President cares and the Congress, or if the Congress cares and the President doesn't support the ideas.The people in this hall this week, the Democratic Party, all of us can begin to deliver that partnership, and in November we can all bring it home.My daughter lived seven years, and in her last year, when she couldn't walk or talk, her wisdom shone through. She taught me to love, when all I wanted to do was hate. She taught me to help others, when all I wanted to do was help myself. She taught me to be brave, when all I felt was fear. My daughter and I loved each other with simplicity. America, we can do the same.This was the country that offered hope. This was the place where dreams could come true, not just economic dreams, but dreams of freedom, justice, and equality. We all need to hope that our dreams can come true. I challenge you to make it happen, because all our lives, not just mine, depend on it.Thank you.。
美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一:最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speechesTop100 speeches 美国20世纪最伟大演讲100篇Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25SpeakerMartin Luther King, Jr. John Fitzgerald Kennedy Franklin Delano Roosevelt Franklin Delano Roosevelt Barbara Charline Jordan Richard Milhous Ni某on Malcolm 某 Ronald Wilson Reagan John Fitzgerald Kennedy Lyndon Baines Johnson Mario Matthew Cuomo Jesse Louis Jackson Barbara Charline Jordan (General) Douglas MacArthur Martin Luther King, Jr. Theodore Roosevelt Robert Francis Kennedy Dwight David Eisenhower Thomas Woodrow Wilson (General) Douglas MacArthur Richard Milhous Ni某on John Fitzgerald Kennedy Clarence Seward Darrow Russell H. Conwell Ronald Wilson ReaganTitle/Te某t/MultiMediaI Have A Dream Inaugural Address First Inaugural Address Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation 1976 DNC Keynote Address CheckersThe Ballot or the BulletShuttle Challenger Disaster Address Houston Ministerial Association Speech We Shall Overcome 1984 DNC Keynote Address 1984 DNC AddressStatement on the Articles of Impeachment Farewell Address to Congress Ive Been to the Mountaintop The Man with the Muck-rake Remarks on the Assassination of MLK Farewell Address War Message Duty, Honor, Country The Great Silent Majority Ich bin ein Berliner Mercy for Leopold and Loeb Acres of Diamonds A Time for ChoosingAudiomp3 mp3 mp3.1 mp3.2 mp3 mp3 mp3 TranscriptPDF F FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF F FLASH PDF F FLASHmp3mp3mp3-E某cerpt26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35Huey Pierce Long Anna Howard Shaw Franklin Delano Roosevelt Ronald Wilson Reagan Ronald Wilson Reagan Franklin Delano Roosevelt Harry S. Truman William Cuthbert Faulkner Eugene Victor Debs Hillary Diane Rodham ClintonEvery Man a KingThe Fundamental Principle of a Republic The Arsenal of Democracy The Evil Empire First Inaugural Address First Fireside Chat The Truman Doctrine Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech 1918 Statement to the Court Womens Rights are Human Rightsmp3mp3PDF F FLASH PDF FLASHPDF FLASH36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50Dwight David Eisenhower John Fitzgerald Kennedy Dorothy Ann Willis Richards Richard Milhous Ni某on Thomas Woodrow Wilson Margaret Chase Smith Franklin Delano Roosevelt Martin Luther King, Jr. William Jennings Bryan Barbara Pierce Bush John Fitzgerald Kennedy John Fitzgerald Kennedy Spiro Theodore Agnew Jesse Louis Jackson Mary FisherAtoms for PeaceAmerican University Commencement Address 1988 DNC Keynote Address Resignation Speech The Fourteen Points Declaration of Conscience The Four Freedoms A Time to Break Silence Against Imperialism1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address Civil Rights Address Cuban Missile Crisis Address Television News Coverage 1988 DNC Address A Whisper of AIDSmp3PDF FLASHOff-Site.mp3 mp3 mp3.1 mp3.2PDF FLASH51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74Lyndon Baines Johnson George Catlett Marshall Edward Moore Kennedy Adlai Ewing Stevenson Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Geraldine Anne Ferraro Robert Marion La Follette Ronald Wilson Reagan Mario Matthew Cuomo Edward Moore Kennedy John Llewellyn Lewis Barry Morris Goldwater Stokely Carmichael Hubert Horatio Humphrey Emma Goldman Carrie Chapman Catt Newton Norman Minow Edward Moore Kennedy Anita Faye Hill Thomas Woodrow Wilson Hey Louis (Lou) Gehrig Richard Milhous Ni某on Carrie Chapman Catt Edward Moore KennedyThe Great Society The Marshall PlanTruth and Tolerance in America Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address The Struggle for Human RightsVice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech Free Speech in Wartime 40th Anniversary of D-Day Address Religious Belief and Public Morality Chappaquiddick The Rights of LaborPresidential Nomination Acceptance Address Black Power 1948 DNC Address Address to the Jury The CrisisTelevision and the Public Interest Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee League of Nations Final Address Farewell to Baseball Address Cambodian Incursion Address Address to the U.S. Congress 1980 DNC Addressmp3 mp3PDF F FLASHPDF F FLASHmp3mp3Off-Site mp3PDF FLASHPDF F FLASHmp3mp3mp3PDF F FLASH75 Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election76 Franklin Delano Roosevelt Commonwealth Club Address 77 Thomas Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address78 Mario Savio Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History 79 Elizabeth Glaser 1992 DNC Address 80 Eugene Victor Debs The Issue 81 Margaret Higgins Sanger Childrens Era82 Ursula Kroeber Le Guin A Left-Handed Commencement Address 83 Crystal Eastman Now We Can Begin 84 Huey Pierce Long Share Our Wealth85 Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Office 86 Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast 87 Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial 88 Jimmy Earl Carter A Crisis of Confidence 89 Malcolm 某 Message to the Grassroots 90 William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address 91 Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm For the Equal Rights Amendment 92 Ronald Wilson Reagan Brandenburg Gate Address 93 Eliezer (Elie) Wiesel The Perils of Indifference94 Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Ni 某on 95 Thomas Woodrow Wilson For the League of Nations 96 Lyndon Baines Johnson Let Us Continue97 Joseph N. Welch Have You No Sense of Decency 98 Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights 99 Robert Francis Kennedy Day of Affirmation100John Forbes KerryVietnam Veterans Against the WarPDF FLASHmp3mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASH mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASHmp3mp3PDF FLASH篇二:美国20世纪100个经典英文演讲MP3RankSpeakerTitle/Te某tAudio1Martin Luther King, Jr. I Have A Dreammp3 Stream2John Fitzgerald KennedyInaugural Addressmp3Stream3Franklin Delano RooseveltFirst Inaugural Addressmp3Stream4Franklin Delano RooseveltPearl Harbor Address to the Nationmp3Stream5Barbara Charline Jordan1976 DNC Keynote Addressmp3Stream6Richard MilhousNi某onCheckersmp3 Stream7Malcolm 某The Ballot or theBulletmp3.1 mp3.28Ronald Wilson ReaganShuttle Challenger Disaster Addressmp3 Stream9John Fitzgerald KennedyHouston Ministerial Association Speechmp3 Stream10Lyndon Baines JohnsonWe Shall Overcomemp3 Stream11Mario Mathew Cuomo1984 DNC Keynote Addressmp3 Stream12Jesse Louis Jackson1984 DNC Addressmp3.1 mp3.2 mp3.313Barbara Charline JordanStatement on the Articles ofImpeachmentmp3 Stream14(General) Douglas MacArthurFarewell Address to Congressmp3 Stream15Martin Luther King, Jr. Ive Been tothe Mountaintopmp3 Stream16TheodoreRooseveltThe Man with the Muck-rake17Robert FrancisKennedyRemarks on the Assassination of MLKingmp3 Stream18Dwight David EisenhowerFarewell Addressmp3 Stream19Woodrow Thomas WilsonWar Message20(General) Douglas MacArthurDuty, Honor, Countrymp3Stream21Richard Milhous Ni某onThe Great Silent Majoritymp3Stream22John Fitzgerald KennedyIch bin ein Berlinermp3Stream23Clarence Seward DarrowMercy for Leopold and Loeb24Russell H. ConwellAcres of Diamondsmp3 Stream25Ronald Wilson ReaganA Time for Choosingmp3Streamw26Huey Pierce LongEvery Man a King27Anna Howard ShawThe Fundamental Principle of a Republic28Franklin Delano RooseveltThe Arsenal of Democracymp3 Stream29Ronald Wilson ReaganThe Evil Empiremp3 Stream30Ronald Wilson ReaganFirst Inaugural Addressmp3Stream31Franklin Delano RooseveltFirst Fireside Chatmp3Stream32Harry S. TrumanThe Truman Doctrinemp3 Stream33William Cuthbert FaulknerNobel Prize Acceptance Speechmp3Stream34Eugene Victor Debs1918 Statement to the Court35Hillary Rodham ClintonWomens Rights are Human Rights36Dwight David EisenhowerAtoms for Peacemp3 Stream37John FitzgeraldKennedyAmerican University Commencement Addressmp338Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Addressmp339Richard Milhous Ni某onResignation Speechmp340Woodrow ThomasWilsonThe Fourteen Points41Margaret Chase SmithDeclaration of Conscience42Franklin Delano RooseveltThe Four Freedomsmp343MartinLuther King, Jr.A Time to Break Silencemp344Mary Church TerrellWhat it Means to be Colored in the... Jennings BryanAgainstImperialismReal Audio Stream46Margaret Higgins SangerThe Morality of Birth Control47Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College Commencement Addressmp348John Fitzgerald KennedyCivil Rights Addressmp349John Fitzgerald KennedyCuban Missile CrisisAddressmp350Spiro Theodore AgnewTelevision News Coveragemp3 w51Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC Addressmp3.1mp3.252Mary FisherA Whisper of AIDSmp353Lyndon Baines JohnsonThe Great Societymp3 Stream54George Catlett MarshallThe MarshallPlanmp355Edward Moore KennedyTruth and Tolerance in Americamp356Adlai Ewing StevensonPresidential Nomination AcceptanceAddress57Anna Eleanor RooseveltThe Struggle for HumanRights58Geraldine AnneFerraroVice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speechmp359Robert Marion La FolletteFreeSpeech in Wartime60Ronald Wilson Reagan40th Anniversary of D-Day Addressmp361Mario Mathew CuomoReligious Belief and PublicMorality62Edward MooreKennedyChappaquiddickmp363John Llewellyn LewisThe Rights ofLabor64Barry Morris GoldwaterPresidential Nomination Acceptance Addressmp365Stokely CarmichaelBlackPower66Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address67Emma GoldmanAddress to the Jury68Carrie Chapman CattThe Crisis69Newton Norman MinowTelevision and the Public InterestReal AudioStream70Edward Moore KennedyEulogy for Robert Francis Kennedymp3 Stream71Anita Faye HillStatement to the Senate Judiciary Committeemp372Woodrow Thomas WilsonLeague of Nations FinalAddress73Hey Louis (Lou) GehrigFarewell to BaseballAddressmp374Richard Milhous Ni某onCambodian IncursionAddressmp375CarrieChapman CattAddress to the U.S.Congresssw76Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Addressmp377Lyndon Baines JohnsonOn Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Electionmp378Franklin Delano RooseveltCommonwealth ClubAddress79Woodrow Thomas WilsonFirst Inaugural Address80Mario SavioAn End toHistory81Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Addressmp382Eugene Victor DebsThe Issue83Margaret Higgins SangerThe Childrens Era84Ursula Le GuinA Left-Handed CommencementAddress85Crystal EastmanNow We Can Begin86Huey Pierce LongShare Our Wealth87Gerald Rudolph FordAddress on Taking the Oath of Officemp388Cesar Estrada ChavezSpeech on Ending His 25 Day Fast89Elizabeth Gurley FlynnStatement at the Smith Act Trial90Jimmy Earl CarterA Crisis of Confidencemp391Malcolm 某Message to the Grassrootsmp392William Jefferson ClintonOklahoma Bombing Memorial Addressmp393Shirley Anita St. Hill ChisholmFor the Equal RightsAmendment94Ronald Wilson ReaganBrandenburg GateAddressmp395Eliezer (Elie) WieselThe Perils ofIndifferencemp396Gerald Rudolph FordNational Address Pardoning Richard M.Ni某onmp397Woodrow Thomas WilsonFor the League ofNations98Lyndon Baines JohnsonLet Us Continuemp399Joseph N. WelchHave You No Sense of Decencymp3100Anna EleanorRooseveltAdopting the Declaration of Human Rightsmp3From:/wzylc/ /df888/ b某/slpylc/ b某/wl某e/ /yfgj/ 篇三:经典英文演讲100篇13Barbara Jordan: Statement on the Articles of ImpeachmentIf the impeachment provision in the Constitution of the United States will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that18th century Constitution should be abandoned to a 20th century paper shredder. Mr. Chairman, I join my colleague Mr. Rangel in thanking you for giving the junior members of this committee the glorious opportunity of sharing the pain of this inquiry. Mr. Chairman, you are a strong man, and it has not been easy but we have tried as best we can to give you as much assistance as possible.Earlier today, we heard the beginning of the Preamble to theConstitution of the United States, We, the people. Its a veryeloquent beginning. But when that document was completed, on the seventeenth of September in 1787, I was not included in that We, the people. I felt somehow for many years that George Washington and Ale 某ander Hamilton just left me out by mistake. But through the process of amendment, interpretation, and court decision, I have finally been included in We, the people.Today I am an inquisitor. An hyperbole would not be fictional and would not overstate the solemnness that I feel right now. My faith in the Constitution is whole; it is complete; it is total. And I am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction, of the Constitution.Who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as therepresentatives of the nation themselves? (Federalist, no. 65). The subject of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men. That is what we are talking about. In other words, the jurisdiction comes from the abuse of violation of some public trust. It is wrong, I suggest, it is a misreading of theConstitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. The Constitution doesnt say that. The powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislatureagainst and upon the encroachments of the e某ecutive. The division between the two branches of the legislature, the House and theSenate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other theright to judge, the framers of this Constitution were very astute. They did not make the accusers and the judges the same person.We know the nature of impeachment. We have been talking about it awhile now. It is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. It is designed tobridle the e某ecutive if he engages in e某cesses. It is designed as a method of national inquest into the public men. The framers confined in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the e某ecutive. The nature of impeachment is a narrowly channelede某ception to the separation-of-powers ma某im; the federal convention of 1787 said that.The framers limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term maladministration. It is to be used only for great misdemeanors, so it was said in the North Carolina ratification convention. And in the Virginia ratificationconvention: We do not trust our liberty to a particular branch. We need one branch to check the others.The North Carolina ratification convention: No one need be afraid that officers who commit oppression will pass with immunity.Prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community, said Hamilton in the Federalist Papers, no.65. And to divide it into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused. I do not mean political parties in that sense.The drawing of political lines goes to the motivation behindimpeachment; but impeachment must proceed within the confines of the constitutional term high crimes and misdemeanors. Of theimpeachment process, it was Woodrow Wilson who said that nothing short of the grossest offenses against the plain law of the land will suffice to give them speed and effectiveness. Indignation so great as to overgrow party interest may secure a conviction; but nothing else can.Common sense would be revolted if we engaged upon this processfor petty reasons. Congress has a lot to do: Appropriation, Ta某Reform, Health Insurance, Campaign Finance Reform, Housing,Environmental Protection, Energy Sufficiency, Mass Transportation. Pettiness cannot be allowed to stand in the face of such overwhelming problems. So today we are not being petty. We are trying to be big because the task we have before us is a big one. This morning, in a discussion of the evidence, we were told that the evidence which purports to support the allegations of misuse of the CIA by the President is thin. We are told that that evidence isinsufficient. What that recital of the evidence this morning did not include is what the President did know on June the 23rd, 1972. The President did know that it was Republican money, that it was money from the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, which was found in the possession of one of the burglars arrested on June the 17th. What the President did know on the 23rd of June was the prior activities of E. Howard Hunt, which included his participation in the break-in of Daniel Ellsbergs psychiatrist, which included Howard Hunts participation in the Dita Beard ITT affair, which includedHoward Hunts fabrication of cables designed to discredit the Kennedy administration.We were further cautioned today that perhaps these proceedings ought to be delayed because certainly there would be new evidence forthcoming from the president of the United States. There has not even been an obfuscated indication that this committee would receiveany additional materials from the President. The committee subpoenais outstanding, and if the president wants to supply that material, the committee sits here. The fact is that on yesterday, the Americanpeople waited with great an某iety for eight hours, not knowing whether their president would obey an order of the Supreme Court of the United States.At this point, I would like to ju某tapose a few of the impeachment criteria with some of actions the President has engaged in.Impeachment criteria: James Madison, from the Virginiaratification convention. If the president be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believethat he will shelter him, he may be impeached.We have heard time and time again that the evidence reflects the payment to defendants of money. The president had knowledge that these funds were being paid and these were funds collected for the 1972 presidential campaign. We know that the president met with Mr. Hey Petersen twenty-seven times to discuss matters related to Watergate and immediately thereafter met with the very persons who were implicated in the information Mr. Petersen was receiving and transmitting to the president. The words are if the president be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter that person, he may be impeached.Justice Story: Impeachment is intended for occasional ande某traordinary cases where a superior power acting for the whole people is put into operation to protect their rights and rescue their liberties from violations.We know about the Huston plan. We know about the break-in of the psychiatrists office. We know that there was absolute completedirection in August 1971 when the president instructed Ehrlichman to do whatever is necessary. This instruction led to a surreptitious entry into Dr. Fieldings office.Protect their rights. Rescue their liberties from violation.The South Carolina ratification convention impeachment criteria: those are impeachable who behave amiss or betray their public trust.Beginning shortly after the Watergate break-in and continuing to the present time, the president has engaged in a series of publicstatements and actions designed to thwart the lawfulinvestigation by government prosecutors. Moreover, the president has made public announcements and assertions bearing on the Watergate case which the evidence will show he knew to be false. These assertions, false assertions, impeachable, those who misbehave. Those who behave amiss or betray their public trust.James Madison again at the Constitutional Convention: A president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the Constitution.The Constitution charges the president with the task of taking care that the laws be faithfully e某ecuted, and yet the president has counseled his aides to commit perjury, willfully disregarded the secrecy of grand jury proceedings, concealed surreptitious entry, attempted to compromise a federal judge while publicly displaying his cooperation with the processes of criminal justice.A president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert theConstitution.If the impeachment provision in the Constitution of the United States will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that18th century Constitution should be abandoned to a 20th century paper shredder.Has the president committed offenses, and planned, and directed, and acquiesced in a course of conduct which the Constitution will not tolerate? Thats the question. We know that. We know the question. We should now forthwith proceed to answer the question. It is reason, and not passion, which must guide our deliberations, guide our debate, and guide our decision.。
英语演讲稿美国20世纪百大英语演讲02:Inaugural Address by 约翰·肯尼迪(mp3下载+中英)John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address约翰·肯尼迪就职演说Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、楚门总统、尊敬的神父以及同胞们:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利,而是自由的胜利。
这象征着一个结束,也象征着一个开端;意味着延续也意味着变革。
因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.现在的世界已大不相同了。
Eugene V. DebsThe Issue[NOTE—Girard, Kansas, is a quiet little city built about a capacious plaza or square. This plaza is carpeted with Nature’s emerald and roofed with the protecting branches of the catalpa and the elm tree. When the news came that Debs had again been chosen as the candidate of the Socialists for that station in our public affairs of most comprehensive service to the people, the citizens, without reference to political faiths, gathered upon this green out of compliment to their fellow-townsman who had been thus honored for the third time by such signal confidence on the part of so many earnest people of the nation at large. These good people of Girard had seen bevies of children following this arch “undesirable citizen” to and from his work, and about the town in his resting hours, for almost the entire period of his residence here, and now it had come to pass that he was loved by every man, woman and child here. They sent for him. Eli Richardson, the “Hot Cinders”Socialist, affectionately known for so long a time as “Baldy,” explained in a few dramatic words the occasion of the gatherIng, and presented Debs with the remark, “You can pin your faith to a man loved by children.”The address which follows, wholly impromptu, Is perhaps the most remarkable ever delivered, and came hot from the foundry of his mighty genius and fresh from the loom of his kindly, loyal, loving soul.]Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen: When I made some inquiry a few moments ago as the cause of this assembling I was told that it was the beginning of another street fair. I am quite surprised, and agreeably so, to find myself the central attraction. Allow me in the very beginning to express my heartiest appreciation of the more than kind and generous words which have been spoken here for me this afternoon There are times when words—mere words—no matter how fitly chosen or eloquently expressed—are almost meaningless. As the rosebud under the influence of sunshine and shower opens, so does my heart to receive your benediction ibis afternoon.I am a new resident of Girard; have been here but a comparatively short time, and yet I feel myself as completely at home among you, most of whom disagree with me upon vital public questions, as I do in the town in which I was born and reared and have lived all the days of my life. Since the day I first came here I have been treated with uniform kindness. I could not have been treated more hospitably anywhere. I have met practically all of your people, and all of them have taken me by the hand and treated me as cordially as if I had been neighbor and friend with them, and to say that I appreciate this is but to express myself in trite and unsatisfactory terms.As to the PresidencyThe honor to which reference has been made has come to me through no fault of my own. It has been said that some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them. It is even so with what are called honors. Some have honors thrust upon them. I find myself in that class. 1 did what I could to prevent myself from being nominated by the convention now in session at Chicago, but the nomination sought me out, and in spite of myself I stand in yourpresence this afternoon the nominee of the Socialist party for the presidency of the United States. Long, long ago I made up my mind never again to be a candidate for any political office within the gift of the people. But I have had to violate that vow, because when I joined the Socialist party I was taught that the wish of the individual was subordinate to the party will, and that when the party commanded it was my duty to obey.There was a time in my life when I. had all the vanities of youth, when I sought the bauble called fame. I have outlived all that. I have at last reached that point when I am capable of placing the right estimate upon my own relative insignificance. I have come to realize that there is no honor in any real sense to any man unless he is capable of consecrating himself to the service of his fellowmen. To the extent that I am able to help others to help themselves, to that extent, and to that extent alone, do I honor myself and the party to which I belong. So far as the presidency of the United States is coneerned, I would spurn it were it not that it conferred the power to serve the working class, and he who enters that office with any other conception of its functions prostitutes and does not honor that office.The Bounty of Nature.Now, my friends, I am opposed to the system of society in which we live today, not because I lack the natural equipment to do for myself, but because I am not satisfied to make myself eomfottable knowing that there are thousands upon thousands of my fellow men who suffer for the barest necessities of life. We were taught under the old ethic that man’s business upon this earth was to look out for himself. That was the ethic of the jungle the ethic of the wild beast. Take care of yourself, no matter what may become of your fellowman. Thousands of years ago the question was asked: “Am I my brother’s keeper?” That question has never yet been answered in a way that is satisfactory to civilized society. Yes, I am my brother’s keeper. I am under a moral obligation to him, inspired, not by any maudlin sentimentality, but by the higher duty I owe to myself. What would you think of me if I were capable of seating myself at a table and gorging myself with food and saw about me the children of my fellow beings starving to death?Allow me to say to you, my fellowmen, that Nature has spread a great table bounteously for all of the children of men. There is room for all and there is a plate and a place and food for all, and any system of society that denies a single one the right and the opportunity to freely help himself to Nature’s bounties is an iniquitous system that ought to be abolished in the interest of a higher humanity and a civilization worthy of the name. And here let me observe, my fellow men, that while the general impression is that human society is stationary—a finality as it were—it is not so for a single instant. Underlying society there are great material forces that are in operation all of the circling hours of the day and night, and at certain points in the social development these forces outgrow the forms that hold them and these forms spring apart and then a new social system comes into existence and a new era dawns for the human race. The great majority of mankind have always been, in darkness. The overwhelming majority of the children of men have always been their own worst enemies. In every age of this world’s history, the kings and emperors and czars and potentates, in alliance with the priests have sought by all the means at their command to keep the people in darkness that they might perpetuate the system in which they riot and revel inluxury while the great mass are in a state of slavery and degradation, and he who has spoken out courageously against the existing order, he who has dared to voice the protest of the oppressed and down-trodden, has had to pay the penalty, all the way from Jesus Christ to Fred Warren.Coronation and Crucifixion.Do you know, my friends, it is so easy to agree with the ignorant majority? It is so easy to make the people applaud an empty platitude. It takes some courage to face that beast called the Majority, and tell him the truth to his teeth! Some men do so and accept the consequences of their acts as becomes men, and they live in history—every one of them. I have said often, and I wish to repeat it on this occasion, that mankind have always crowned their oppressors, and they have as uniformly crucified their saviors, and this has been true all along the highway of the centuries. But it will not always be so. When the great majority have become enlightened; when the great mass know the troth, they will treat an honest man decently while he lives and not crucify him, and a century afterward rear a monument above the dust of the murdered hero.I am in revolt against capitalism because I love my fellow men, and if I am opposing you it is for what I believe to be your good, and though you spat upon me with contempt I would still oppose you to the extent of my power.New System Needed,I don’t hate the workingman because he has turned against me. I know the poor fellow is too ignorant to understand his own interest, and I know that as a rule the workingman is the friend of his enemy and the enemy of his friend. He votes for men who represent a system in which labor is simply merchandise; in which the man who works the hardest and longest has the least to show for it. If there is a man on earth who is entitled to all the comforts and luxuries of life in abundance it is the man whose labor produces them. If he is not, who is? Does he get them in the present system?I appreciate the fact that you have come here as republicans and democrats as well as Socialists to do me personal honor, and I would be ungrateful, indeed, if I took advantage of such an occasion to speak to you in any offensive sense. I wish to say in the broadest possible way that I am opposing the system under which we live today because I believe it is subversive of the best interests of the people. I am not satisfied with things as they are, and I know that no matter what administration is in power, even were it a Socialist administration, there will be no material change in the condition of the people until we have a new social system based upon the mutual economic interests of the people: until you and I and all of us collectively own those things that we collectively need and use.As long as a relatively few men own the railroads, the telegraph, the telephone, the oil fields and the gas fields and the steel mills and the sugar refineries and the leather tanneries—own, in short, the sources and I*eans of life—they will corrupt our politics, they will enslave the working class, they will impoverish and debase society, they will do all things that are needful to perpetuate theirpower as the economic masters and the political rulers of the people. Not until these great agencies are owned and operated by the people can the people hope for any material, improvement in their social condition.Is the condition fair today, and satisfactory to any thinking man?The Unemployed.According to the most reliable reports at our command, as I speak here this afternoon there are at least four millions of workingmen vainly searching for employment. Have you ever found yourself in that unspeakably sad predicament? Have you ever had to go city surging with humanity—and, by the way, my friends, people are never quite so strange to each other as when they are forced into the artificial, crowded and stifled relationship imposed upon them in the large cities.I would rather be friendless out on the American desert than to be friendless in New York or Chicago. Have you ever walked up one side of the street and come back on the other side, while your wife, Mary, was waiting at home with three or four children for you to report that you had found work? Quite fortunately for me I had an experience of that nature quite early in life. Quite fortunately I say, because, had I not known from my own experience just what it is to have to beg for work, just what it is to be shown the door as if I were a very offensive intruder, had I not known what it is to suffer for food, had I not seen every door closed and barred in my face, had I not found myself friendless and alone as a boy looking for work, and in vain, perhaps I would not be here this afternoon. I might have grown up, as some others have, who have been, as they regard themselves, fortunate. I might have waved aside my fellowmen and said: “Do as I have done. If you are without work it is your own fault. Look at me; I am selfmade. No man is under the necessity of looking for work if he is willing to work.”Nothing is more humiliating than to have o beg for work, and any system in which any man has to beg for work stands condemned. No man can defend it. The rights of one are as sacred as the rights of a million. Suppose you happen to be that one! up the street, begging for work, in a great This republic is a failure so far as you are concerned. Every man has the inalienable right to work.Evolution of Industry.Here I stand, just as I was created. I have two hands that represent my’ labor power. 1 have some bone and muscle, some sinew and some energy. I want to exchange it for food and clothing and shelter. But between me and the tools with which work is done stands a man who says, “No, no!”Why not? “Because you cannot first make a profit for me.”Now, there has been a revolution in industry during the last fifty years, but the trouble with most people is that they haven’t kept pace with it. They don’t know anything about it and they are especially innocent in regard to it in the small western cities and states where the same old conditions of a century ago still largely prevail. Your grandfather could help himself anywhere. Allhe needed was some cheap, simple, primitive tools and he could then apply his labor to the resources of nature and produce what he needed. That era in our history produced some of our greatest men. Lincoln himself sprang from this primitive state of society. People have said, “Why, he had no chance. See how great he became.”Yes’but Lincoln had for his comrades great green-plumed forest monarchs. He could put his arms about them and hear their heart-throbs, as they said: “Go on, Abe, a great destiny awaits you.”He was in partnership with nature. He mingled with the birds and bees and flowers in the green fields and he heard the rippling music of the laughing brooks and streams. Nature took him to her bosom. Nature nourished him and from his unpolluted heart there sprang his noble aspirations.Had Lincoln been born in a sweatshop he would never have been heard of.How is it with the babe that is born in Mott street, or in the lower Bowery, in the east side of New York City? That is where thousands, tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands of babes are born who are to coastitute our future generations.I have seen children in New York City who had never seen a live chicken. They don’t know what it is to put their tiny feet on a blade of grass. It is the most densely popiilated spot on earth.You have seen your bee-hive—just fancy a human bee-hive of which yours is the miniature and you have the social hive under capitalism. If you have never seen this condition you are perhaps excusable for not being a Socialist. Come to New York, Chicago, San Francisco with me; remain with me just twenty-four hours, and then look into my face as I shall look into yours when I ask: “What about Socialism now?” These children by hundreds and thousands are born in sub-cellars where a whole grown family is crowded together in on room, where modesty between the sexes is absolutely impossible. They are surrounded by filth and vermin. From their birth they see nothing but ill-morality and vice and crime. They are tainted in the cradle. They are inoculated by their surroundings and they are doomed from the beginning. This system takes their lives just as certainly as if a dagger were thrust into their quivering little hearts, and let me say to you that it were better for many thousands of them if they had never seen the light of day.Now I submit, my friends, that such a condition as this is indefensible in the twentieth century. Time was when everything had to be done in a very primitive way, and most men had to work all their days, all their lives, to feed and shelter themselves. They had no title, they had no opportunity for a higher development, and se they were what the world calls “illiterate.” They had little chance. It took all their time and energy to feed the animal; but how is it today? Upon the average twenty men can today, with the aid of modern machinery, produce as much wealth as a thousand did a half century ago. Can you think of a single thing that enters into our daily existence that cannot be easily produced in abundance for all? If you can I wish you would do me the kindness to name it.Why Suffer Amid Abundance.I don’t know it all. I am simply a student of this great question. I am serving as best I can and myeyes are ready for the light, and I thank that man, no matter who he be, who can add to the flame of the torch I bear. If there is a single thing you can think of that cannot be produced in abundance, name it. Bread, clothing’ fuel-everything.Nature’s storehouse is full to the surface of the earth. All of the raw materials are deposited here in abundance. We have the most marvelous machinery the world has ever known. Man has long since become master of the natural forces and made them work for him. Now he has but to touch a button and the wheels begin to spin and the machinery to whir, and wealth is produced on every hand in increasing abundance. Why should any man, woman or child suffer for food, clothing or shelter? Why? The question cannot be answered. Don’t tell me that some men are too lazy to work. Suppose they are too lazy to work, what do you think of a social system that produces men too lazy to work? If a man is too lazy to work don’t treat him with contempt. Don’t look down upon him with scorn as if you were a superior being. If there is a man too lazy to work there is something the matter with him, He wasn’t born right or he was perverted in this system. You could not, if you tried, keel) a normal man iiiactive, and if you did he would go stark mad. Go to any penitentiary and you will find the men there begging for the privilege of doing work.I know by very close study of the question exactly how men become idle. I don’t repel them when I meet them. I have never yet seen the tramp I was not able to receive with open arms. He is less fortunate than I. He is made the same as I am made. He is the child of the same Father. Had I been born in his environment, had I been subjected to the same things he was I should be where he is.Tools and Tramps.Can you tell me why there wasn’t a tramp in the United States in 1860? In that day, if some one had said “tramp,” no one would have known what was meant by it. If human nature is innately depraved and men would rather ride on brake-beams and sleep in holes and caves instead of comfortable beds, if they would do that from pure choice and from natural depravity, why were they not built that way fifty years ago? Fifty years ago capitalism was in its earlier stages. Fifty years ago work was still mainly done by hand, and every boy could learn a trade and master the tools and go to work. That is why there were no tramps. In fifty years that simple tool has become a mammoth machine. It grows larger and costlier all the time. It has crowded the hand tool put of production. With the machine came the capitalist. There were no capitalists nor was there such a thing as capital before the beginning of the present system. Capitalists came with machinery. Up to the time that machinery supplanted the hand tool the little employer was himself a workingman. No matter what the shop or factory, you would find the einployer side by side with his men. He was a superior workman who got more orders than he could fill and employed others to help him, but he had to pay them about the equivalent of what they produced because if he did not they could pack up their tools and go into business for themselves.Now, the individual tool has become a mammoth social machine. It has multiplied production many times. The old tool was individually owned and used. The modern tool, in the form of a great machine, is social in every conception of it. Look at one of these giant machines. Come to the Appeal office and look at the press in operation. Here the progressive conception of the ages isrystalized. What individual shall put his band on this social machine and say, “This is mine! He who would apply labor here mu,t first pay tribute to me.”The hand tool has been largely supplanted by this machine. Not many individual tools re left. You are still producing in a very small way here in Girard, but your production is flickering out gradually. It is but a question of time until it will expire entirely. In spite of all that can be said or done to the contrary production is organizing upon a larger an.] larger scale and becoming entirely Co.. operative. This has crowded out the smaller competitor and gradually opened the way fur a new social order.Will Make Home Possible.Your material interest and mine in the society of the future will be the same. Instead of having to fight each other like animals, as we do today, and seeking to glorify the brute struggle for existence—of which every civilized human being ought to be ashamed—instead of this, our material interests are going to be mutual. We are going to jointly own these mammoth machines, and we are going to operate them as joint partners and we are going to divide the products among ourselves.We are not going to send our surplus to the Jim Hills, Goulds and V anderbilts of New York. We are not going to pile up a billion of dollars in John Li. Rockefeller’s hands—a vast pyramid from the height of wtiich he can look down with scorn and contempt upon the “common herd.” John D. Rockefeller’s great fortune is built upon your ignorance. When you know enough to know what your interest is you will support the party that is organized upon the basis of the collective ownership of the means of life. This party will sweep into power upon the issue of wageslavery just as republicanism swept into power upon the issue of chattel slavery half a century ago.In the meantime, don’t have any fear of us Socialists. We don’t mean any harm! Many of you have been taught to look upon us as dangerous people. It is amazing to what extent this prejudice has struck root. The capitalist press tells you of a good many things that we Socialists are going to do that we do not intend to do. They tell you we are going to break up the home. Great heavens! What about the homes of the four million tramps that are looking for work today? How about the thousands and thousands of miserable shacks in New York and every great city where humanity festers? It would be a good thing if they were torn down and obliterated completely, for tl’ty are not fit for human habitation. No, we are ’lot going to destroy the home, but we are going to make the home possible fo all for the first time in history.Progress Born of Ag&Lttion.You may think you are very comfortable. You may not agree with me. I don’t expect you to and don’t ask you to. I am going to ask you to remember what k say this afternoon and perhaps before I art elected president of the United States you will know it is true. Now there are those of you who are fairly comfortable under the present standard. Isn’t it amazing to you how little theaverage man is satisfied with? You go out here to the edge of town and you will find a small farmer who has a cabin with just soom enough to keçp himself and wife and two or three chil,dren, which has a mortgage on it, and he works early and late and gets just enough in net returns, to keep him in working order, and he will enthuse about the wonderful prosperity of the country.He is satisfied, and that is his calamity.Now the majority of you would say that is his good fortune. “It is a blessing that he is satisfied.”As a matter of fact it is a curse to him and to society that he is satisfied.If it had not been for the discontent of the few fellows who have not been satisfied with their condition you would still be living in caves. You never would have emerged from the jungle. Intelligent discontent is the mainspring of civilization.Progress is born of agitation. It is agitation or stagnation. I have taken my choice.This farmer works all day long, works hard enough to produce enough to live the life of a man; not of an animal, but of a man. Now there is an essential difference between a man and an animal.I admire a magnificent animal in any form except in the human form. Suppose you had everything that you could possibly desire, so far as your physical wants are concerned. Suppose you had a million to your credit in bank, a palatial home and relations to suit yourself, but no soul capacity for real enjoyment. If you were denied knowing what sorrow is, what real joy is, what music is, and literature and sculptpre, and all of those subtle influences that touch the heart and quicken the pulses and fire the senses, and so lift and ennoble a man that he can feel his head among the stars and in high communion with God himself—if you are denied these, no matter how sleek or fat or contented you may he, you are still as base and sordid and repulsive a being as walks God’s green earth.The Farmer’s Needs.You may have plenty of money. The poorest people on this earth are those who have most money.A man is said to be poor when he has none, but he is a pauper who has nothing else. Now this farmer, what does he know about literature? After his hard day’s woik he sits in his little shack. He is fed and his animal wants are satisfied. It is at this time that a man ought to begin to live. It is not while you work and slave that you live. It is when you have done your work honestly, when you have contributed your share to the common fund, that you begin to live. Then, as Whitman said, you take out your soul; you can commune with yourself; you can take a comrade by the hand and you can look into his eyes and down into his soul, and in that communion you live. And if you don’t know what that is, or if you are not at least on the edge of it, it is denied you to even look into the promised land.Now this farmer knows nothing about the literature of the world. All its libraries are sealed to him. So far as he is concerned, Homer and Dante and Dickens might as well not have lived; Beethoven, Liszt and Wagner, and all those musicians whose art makes the common atmosphere rich withmelody, never have been for this farmer. He knows nothing about literature or art. Never rises above the animal plane. Within fifteen minutes after he has ceased to live he is forgotten; the next generation doesn’t know his name, and the world doesn’t know he ever lived. This is life under the present standard.You tell me this is all the farmer is fit for? What do I propose to do for that farmer. Nothing. I simply want to awaken that farmer to the fact that he is robbed every day in the week and if I can do that he will fall into line with the Socialist movement, and will march to the polls on election day, and, instead of casting his vote to fasten the shackles upon his limb more firmly, he will vote for his emancipation. All I have to do is to show that farmer, that day laborer, that tramp, that they are victims of this system, that their interests are identical, that they constitute the millions and that the millions. have the votes. The Rockefellers have the dollars, but we have the votes; and when we, have sense enough to know how to use the votes we will have not only the votes but Lhe dollars for all the children of men.Who Will Save Us From Congress?This seems quite visionary to some of you, and especially to those of you who know absolutely nothing about economics. I could not begin to tell you the story of social evolu.tion this afternoon; of how these things are doing day by day, of how the world is being pushed into Socialism, and how it is bound to arrive, no matter whether you are for it or against it. It is the next inevitable phase of civilization. It isn’t a scheme; it isn’t a contrivance. It isn’t anything that is made to order. The day is coming when you will be pushed into it by unseen hands whether you will or not.I venture the prophecy that within the next few years you will be almost completely dispossessed. You are howling against the trusts, and the trusts are laughing at you. You keep on voting in the same old way, and the trusts will keep on getting what you produce. You say congress will give you relief. Good heavens! Who will save us from congress? Don’t you know that congress is made up almost w1olly of trust lawyers and corporation attorneys? I don’t happen to have the roll of this one, but with few exceptions they are al lawyers. Now, in the competitive system the lawyer sells himself to the highest bidder, the same as the workingman does. Who is the highest bidder? The corporation, of course. So the trust buys the best lawyer and the common herd gets the worst one.Politics Reflex of Economics.Now it is a fact that politics is simply the reflex of economics. The material foundation of society determines the character of all social institutions—political, educational, ethical and spiritual. In proportion as the economic foundation of society changes the character of social institutions changes to correspond. Half of this country was in favor of chattel slavery, and half was opposed to it, geographically speaking. Why was the church of the south in favor of chattel slavery? Why was the church of the north opposed to chattel slavery? The northern capitalist wasn’t a hit more opposed to chattel slavery from any moral sense than was the southern plantation owner. The south produced cotton for the market by the hand labor of negro slaves. On the other hand, the north wasn’t dependent upon cotton—could raise no cotton. In the north it was the small capitalist。
美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate AddressRonald ReaganRemarks at the Brandenburg Gatedelivered 12 June 1987, West Berlin[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]Thank you. Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same -- still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizsäcker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Well today -- today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State -- as you've been told -- George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign -- the sign on aburnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West -- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium -- virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty -- that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders -- the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance -- food, clothing, automobiles -- the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²]In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you."But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind -- too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.And now -- now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economicenterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty -- the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr. Gorbachev -- Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Soviets agreed tonegotiate a better solution) -- namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then -- I invite those who protest today -- to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative -- research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -- has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats -- the Soviet attempts to impose theEast-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challengesimplicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life -- not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says "yes" to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin -- is "love." Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner (quote):"This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality."Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you.。
美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一:美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:”Black Power”Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by ourappearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing h olding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is a[n] autobiography.” Dig yourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree withCamus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn himself.1 Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught andincarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves. In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You standcondemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built upon racism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said thatintegration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that som e negroes have been walking down a dream streettalking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what thiscountry does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, “He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bil l was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed, beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Powe r, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemnthe country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on we ought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how theyrun rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalization for Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to start stopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate?That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power” -- and let them address themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one wasautomatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not because we are lazy, not because we’re apat hetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, notbecause we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we haveto be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration, then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in the re by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.篇二:美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!来源:梁志埠的日志???????????????????????????????????????·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇(MP3+文本)·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Addre ss ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acce ptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choo sing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-i n Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address篇三:美国经典英文演讲100篇Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...delivered 2 December 1964, The University of California at Berkeley [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]You know, I just wanna say one brief thing about something the previous speaker said. I didn’t wanna spend too much time on that ‘cause I don’t think it’s important enough. But one thing is worth considering.He’s the -- He’s the nominal head of an organization supposedly representative of the undergraduates. Whereas in fact under the currentdirector it derives -- its authority is delegated power from the Administration. It’s totally uepresentative of the graduate students and TAs.1But he made the following statement (I quote): “I would ask all those who are not definitely committed to the FSM2 cause to stay away from demonstration.” Alright, now listen to this: “For all upper division students who are interested in alleviating the TA shortage problem, I would encourage you to offer your services to Department Chairmen and Advisors.” That has two things: A strike breaker and a fink. I’d like to say -- like to say one other thing about a union problem. Upstairs you may have noticed they’re ready on the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall, Locals 40 and 127 of the Painters Union are painting the inside of the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. Now, apparently that action had been planned some time in the past. I’ve tried to contact those unions. Unfortunately -- and [it] tears my heart out -- they’re asbureaucratized as the Administration. It’s difficult to get through toanyone in authority there. Very sad. We’re still -- We’re still making an attempt. Those people up there have no desire to interfere with what we’re doing. I would ask that they be considered and that they not be heckled in any way. And I think that -- you know -- while there’s unfortunately no sense of -- no sense of solidarity at this pointbetween unions and students, there at least need be no -- you know -- excessively hard feelings between the two groups.Now, there are at least two ways in which sit-ins and civil disobedience and whatever -- least two major ways in which it can occur. One, when a law exists, is promulgated, which is totally unacceptable to people and they violate it again and again and again till it’s rescinded, app ealed. Alright, but there’s another way. There’s another way. Sometimes, theform of the law is such as to render impossible its effective violation -- as a method to have it repealed. Sometimes, the grievances of people are more -- extend more -- to more than just the law, extend to a whole mode of arbitrary power, a whole mode of arbitrary exercise of arbitrary power.And that’s what we have here. We have an autocracy which -- which runs this university. It’s managed. We were told the following: IfPresident Kerr actually tried to get something more liberal out of the Regents in his telephone conversation, why didn’t he make somepublic statement to that effect? And the answer we received -- from a well-meaning liberal -- was the following: He said, “Would you ever imagine the manager of a firm making a statement publicly in opposition to his Board of Directors?” That’s the answer.Well I ask you to consider -- if this is a firm, and if the Board of Regents are the Board of Directors, and if President Kerr in fact is the manager, then I tell you something -- the faculty are a bunch of employees and we’re the raw material! But we’re a bunch of rawmaterials that don’t mean to be -- have any process upon us. Don’t mean to be made into any product! Don’t mean -- Don’t mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We’re human beings!And that -- that brings me to the second mode of civil disobedience. There’s a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can’t take part! You can’t even passively take part! And you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus -- and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the peoplewho run it, to the people who own it -- that unless you’re free the machinewill be prevented from working at all!!That doesn’t mean -- I know it will be interpreted to mean,unfortunately, by the bigots who run The Examiner, for example -- That doesn’t mean that you have to break anything. One thousand people sitting down some place, not letting anybody by, not [letting] anything happen, can stop any machine, including this machine! And it will stop!!We’re gonna do the following -- and the greater the number of people, the safer they’ll be and the more effective it will be. We’re going, once again, to march up to the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. And we’re gonna conduct our lives for awhile in the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. We’ll show movies, for example. We tried to get -- and [they] shut them off. Unfortunately, that’s tied up in the court because of a lot of squeamish moral mothers for a moral America and other people on the outside. The same people who get all their ideas out of the San Francisco Examiner. Sad, sad. But, Mr. Landau -- Mr. Landau has gotten us some other films. Likewise, we’ll do something -- we’ll do something which hasn’toccurred at this University in a good long time! We’re going to have real classes up there! They’re gonna be freedom schools conducted up there! We’re going to have classes on [the] 1st and 14thamendments!! We’re gonna spend our time learning about the things this University is afraid that we know! We’re going to learn about freedom up there, and we’re going to learn by doing!!Now, we’ve had some good, long rallies. [Rally organizers inform Savio that Joan Baez has arrived.] Ju st one moment. We’ve had some good, long rallies. And I think I’m sicker of rallies than anyone else here. She’s not going to be long. I’d like to introduce one last person -- one last person before we enter Sproul Hall. Yeah. And the person is Joan Baez.。
美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一:美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:"Black Power"Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966,Berkeley,CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED:Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]Thank you very much.It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West.We wanted to do a couple of things before we started.The first is that,based on the fact that SNCC,through the articulation of its program by its chairman,has been able to win elections in Georgia,Alabama,Maryland,and by our appearance here will win an election in California,in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States.I just can't make it,'cause I wasn't born in the United States.That's the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference,as it should be,held on a campus,and that we're not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power.That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselvesreporters.Oh,for my members and friends of the press,my self-appointed white critics,I was reading Mr.Bernard Shaw two days ago,and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you.He says,"All criticism is a[n]autobiography."Dig yourself.Okay.The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself.The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic,Frantz Fanon,answered the question.He said that man could not.Camus and Sartre was not.We in SNCC tend to agree withCamus and Sartre,that a man cannot condemn himself.1 Were he to condemn himself,he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself.An example would be the Nazis.Any prisoner who --any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted,after he was caught andincarcerated,that mitted crimes,that he killed all the many people that he killed,mitted suicide.The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that mitted a crimes [sic]against people --that is,the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to be killed,or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene,the officials and the population --the white population --in Neshoba County,Mississippi --that’s where Philadelphia is --could not --could not condemn [Sheriff]Rainey,his。
美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four FreedomsFranklin Delano RooseveltThe Four FreedomsMr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it isstill a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictat or’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfishmen who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this:First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own securitywill never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.To give you two illustrations:We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons --a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. Noone can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantlyrising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” oftyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.。
美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇(MP3+文本)
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance..
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下)
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary...∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ...
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination...
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上)
∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address。