American democracy
- 格式:docx
- 大小:25.39 KB
- 文档页数:5
巨石强森在美国民主党党代表大会英语演讲稿Arnold Schwarzenegger:Thank you very much. Thank you.What a greeting. What a greeting. Wow!This -- This is like winning an Oscar. As if I would know! Speaking of acting, one of my movies was called "True Lies." And thats what the Democrats should have called their convention.You know, on the way up here to the podium, a gentlemen came up to me and said, "Governor, you are as good a politician as you were an actor." What a cheap shot. Cannot believe it.Anyway, my fellow Americans, this is an amazing moment for me. To think that a once scrawny boy from Austria could grow up to become Governor of the State of California and then stand here -- and stand here in Madison Square Garden and speak on behalf of the President of the United States. That is an immigrants dream! Its the American dream.You know, I was born in Europe and Ive traveled all over the world, and I can tell you that there is no place, no country, that is more compassionate, more generous, more accepting, and more welcoming than the United States of America.As long as I live -- As long as I live, I will never forget the day 21 years ago when I raised my right hand and I took the oath of citizenship. You know how proud I was? I was so proud that I walked around with the American flag around my shoulder all day long.Tonight, I want to talk to you about why Im even more proud to be an American -- why I am proud to be a Republican, and why I believe that this country is in good hands.When I was a boy, the Soviets occupied part of Austria. I saw their tanks in the streets. I saw communism with my own eyes. I remember the fear we had when we had to cross into the Soviet sector. Growing up, we were told, "Dont look the soldiers in the eye. Just look straight ahead." It was common belief that the Soviet soldiers could take a man out of his own car and ship him back to the Soviet Union as slave labor.Now my family didnt have a car -- but one day we were in my uncles car. It was near dark as we came to the Soviet checkpoint. I was a little boy. I was not an action hero back then. But I remember -- I remember how scared I was that the soldiers would pull my father or my uncle out of the car and I would never see them again. My family and so many others lived in fear of the Soviet boot. Today, the world no longer fears the Soviet Union and it is because of the United States of America!As a kid -- As a kid I saw socialist -- the socialist country thatAustria became after the Soviets left. Now dont misunderstand me: I love Austria and I love the Austrian people. But I always knew that America was the place for me. In school, when the teacher would talk about America, I would daydream about coming here. I would daydream about living here.I would sit there and watch for hours American movies, transfixed by my heroes, like John Wayne. Everything about America -- Everything about America seemed so big to me, so open, so possible.I finally arrived here in 1968. What a special day it was. I remember I arrived here with empty pockets, but full of dreams, full of determination, full of desire. The presidential campaign was in full swing.I remember watching the Nixon and Humphrey presidential race on TV. A friend of mine who spoke German and English translated for me. I heard Humphrey saying things that sounded like socialism, which I had just left. But then I heard Nixon speak. Then I heard Nixon speak. He was talking about free enterprise, getting the government off your back, lowering the taxes and strengthening the military.Listening to Nixon speak sounded more like a breath of fresh air. I said to my friend, I said, "What party is he?" My friend said, "Hes a Republican." I said, "Then I am a Republican." And I have been a Republican ever since! And trust me -- And trust me in my wifes family, thats no small achievement. But I am proud to be with the Party of Abraham Lincoln, the Party of Teddy Roosevelt, the Party of Ronald Reagan and the Party of George W. Bush!To my fellow immigrants listening tonight, I want you to know how welcome you are in this party. We Republicans admire your ambition. We encourage your dreams. We believe in you[r] future. And one thing I learned about America is that if you work hard and if you play by the rules, this country is truly open to you. You can achieve anything.Everything I have -- my career, my success, my family -- I owe to America.In this country, it doesnt make any difference where you were born. It doesnt make any difference who your parents were. It doesnt make any difference if youre like me and you couldnt even speak English until you were in your twenties.America gave me opportunities and my immigrant dreams came true. I want other people to get the same chances I did, the same opportunities. And I believe they can. Thats why I believe in this country. Thats why I believe in this Party, and thats why I believe in this President.Now, many of you out there tonight are "Republican" like me -- in your hearts and in your belief. Maybe youre from Guatemala. Maybe youre from the Philippines. Maybe youre from Europe or the Ivory Coast. Maybe you live in Ohio, Pennsylvania, or New Mexico. And maybe -- And maybe, just maybe, you dont agree with this Party on every single issue. I say to you tonight that I believe thats not only okay, but thats whats great aboutthis country. Here -- Here we can respectfully disagree and still be patriotic, still be American, and still be good Republicans.My fellow immigrants, my fellow Americans, how do you know if you are a Republican? Well, I[ll] tell you how.If you believe that government should be accountable to the people, not the people to the government, then you are a Republican.If you believe that a person should be treated as an individual, not as a member of an interest group, then you are a Republican.If you believe that your family knows how to spend your money better than the government does, then you are a Republican.If you believe that our educational system should be held accountable for the progress of our children, then you are a Republican.If you believe -- If you believe that this country, not the United Nations, is best hope for democracy, then you are a Republican.And ladies and gentlemen -- And ladies and gentlemen, if you believe that we must be fierce and relentless and terminate terrorism, then you are a Republican!Now theres another way you can tell youre [a] Republican. You have faith in free enterprise, faith in the resourcefulness of the American people, and faith in the U.S. economy. And to those critics who are so pessimistic about our economy, I say: "Dont be economic girlie men!"The U.S. -- The U.S. economy remains the envy of the world. We have the highest economic growth of any of the worlds major industrialized nations. Dont you remember the pessimism of 20 years ago when the critics said that Japan and Germany are overtaking the U.S.? Ridiculous!Now they say that India and China are overtaking us. Now dont you believe it. We may hit a few bumps -- but America always moves ahead. Thats what Americans do.We move prosperity ahead -- We move prosperity ahead. We move freedom ahead. And we move people ahead. And under President Bush and Vice President Cheney, Americas economy is moving ahead in spite of the recession they inherited and in spite of the attack on our homeland.Now -- Now the other Party says that we are two Americas. Dont you believe that either. I have visited our troops in Iraq, Kuwait, Bosnia, Germany and all over the world. Ive visited our troops in California, where they train before they go overseas. I have visited our military hospitals. And I tell you this: that our men and women in uniform do not believe there are two Americas. They believe theres one America and they are fighting for it!We are one America -- We are one America and President Bush is defending it with all his heart and soul.Thats what I admire most about the President: He is a man of perseverance. Hes a man of inner strength. Hes a leader who doesnt flinch, who doesnt waiver, and does not back down.My fellow Americans -- My fellow Americans, make no mistake about it: Terrorism is more insidious than communism, because it yearns to destroy not just the individual, but the entire international order. The President did not go into Iraq because the polls told him it was popular. As a matter of fact, the polls said just the opposite. But leadership isnt about polls. Its about ma -- Its about making decisions you think are right and then standing behind those decisions. Thats why America is safer with George W. Bush as President.He knows -- He knows you dont reason with terrorists. You defeat them. He knows you cant reason with people blinded by hate. You see, they hate the power of the individual. They hate the progress of women. They hate the religious freedom of others. And they hate the liberating breeze of democracy. But ladies and gentlemen, their hate is no match for Americas decency.We are -- We are the America that sends out the Peace Corps volunteers to teach our village children. We are the America that sends out the missionaries and doctors to raise up the poor and the sick. We are the America that gives more than any other country to fight AIDS in Africa and the developing world. And we are -- And we are the America that fights not for imperialism but for human rights and democracy.You know, when the Germans brought down the Berlin Wall, Americas determination helped wield the sledgehammers. And when the lone, young Chinese man stood in front of those tanks in Tiananmen Square, America stood with him. And when Nelson Mandela smiled in election victory after all those years in prison, America celebrated, too.We are still the lamp lighting the world, especially [for] those who struggle. No matter in what labor camp they slave, no matter in what injustice theyre trapped, they hear our call; they see our light; and they feel the pull of our freedom.They come here as I did because they believe. They believe in us. They come because their hearts say to them, as mine did, "If only I can get to America." You know, someone once wrote: "There are those who say that freedom is nothing but a dream." They are right. Its the American dream.No matter the nationality, no matter the religion, no matter the ethnic background, America brings out the best in people. And as Governor -- as Governor of the great state of California, I see the best in Americans every day -- I see the best in Americans everyday -- our police, our firefighters, our nurses, doctors, and teachers, our parents.And what about the extraordinary men and women who have volunteered to fight for the United States of America. I have such great respect for them and their heroic families.Let me tell you about a sacrifice and the commitment that I have seen firsthand. In one of the military hospitals I visited, I met a young guy who was in bad shape. Hed lost a leg; he had a hole through his stomach,and his shoulder had been shot through, and the list goes on and on and on.I could tell that there was no way he could ever return to combat. But when I asked him, "When do you think youll get out of the hospital?" He said to me, "Sir, in three weeks." And you know what he said to me then? He said he was going to get a new leg, and then he was going to get some therapy, and then he was going to go back to Iraq and fight alongside his buddies. And you know what he said to me then? You know what he said to me then? He said, "Arnold, Ill be back!"Well, ladies and gentlemen -- ladies and gentlemen, America is back. Back from the attack on our homeland, back from the attack on our economy, and back from the attack on our way of life. We are back because of the perseverance, character, and leadership of the 43rd President of the United States, George W. Bush!My fellow Americans, I want you to know that I believe with all my heart that America remains "the great idea" that inspires the world. It is a privilege to be born here. It is an honor to become a citizen here. It is a gift to raise your family here, to vote here and to live here.Our President, George W. Bush, has worked hard to protect and preserve the American dream for all of us.And thats why I say, send him back to Washington for four more years!Four more years! Four more years! Four more years! Four more years! For more years!Thank you, America. Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you. Thank you.。
Chief Justice Roberts, Vice President Harris, Speaker Pelosi, Leader Schumer, Leader McConnell, Vice President Pence, my distinguished guests, my fellow Americans. This is America’s day. This is democracy’s day, a day of history and hope, of renewal and resolve.Through a crucible for the ages, America has been tested anew and America has risen to the challenge. Today, we celebrate the triumph, not of a candidate, but of a cause, the cause of democracy. The will of the people has been heard, and the will of the people has been heeded (留心). We have learned again that democracy is precious. Democracy is fragile. And at this hour, my friends, democracy has prevailed.So now, on this hallowed (神圣的) ground where just a few days ago, violencesought to sha ke the Capitol’s very foundation, we come together as one nation under God, indivisible, to carry out the peaceful transfer of power as we have for more than two centuries. As we look ahead in our uniquely American way – restless, bold, optimistic, and set our sights on the nation we know we can be and we must be.I thank my predecessors of both parties for their presence here today. I thank them from the bottom of my heart. And I know the resilience of our Constitution and the strength of our nation. As does President Carter, who I spoke with last night but who cannot be with us today, but whom we salute for his lifetime in service. I have just taken the sacred oath each ofthose patriots (爱国者) have taken –the oath first sworn by George Washington.But the American story depends not on any one of us, not on some of us, but on all ofus, on we the people who seek a more perfect Union. This is a great nation. We are good people. And over the centuries through storm and strife (冲突), in peace and in war, we have come so far. But we still have far to go. We’ll press forward with speed and urgency, for we have much to do in this winter of peril (严重危险) and significant possibilities. Much to repair. Much to restore. Much to heal. Much to build, and much to ga in. Few people in our nation’s history have been more challenged or found a time more challenging or difficult than the time we’re in now. A once-in-a-century virus that silently stalks (潜进)the country. It’s taken as many lives in one year as America lost in all of World War II. Millions of jobs have been lost. Hundreds of thousands of businesses closed.A cry for racial justice some 400 years in the making moves us. The dream of justicefor all will be deferred (推迟) no longer. A cry for survival comes from the planet itself. A cry that can’t be any more desperate or any more clear. And now, a rise of political extremism, white supremacy, domestic terrorism that we must confront (对抗) and we will defeat.To overcome these challenges, to restore the soul and secure the future of America, requires so much more than words. It requires the most elusive (难以捉摸的) of all things in a democracy: unity. In another January, on New Year’s Day 1863, Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation.When he put pen to paper, the President said, and I quote, “If my name ever goes down into history, it’ll be for this act and my whole soul is in it.” Today, on this January day, my whole soul is in this: bringing America together, uniting our people, uniting our nation. And I ask every American to join me in this cause. Uniting to fight the foes (仇敌) we face: anger, resentment (愤恨), and hatred, extremism, lawlessness, violence, disease, joblessness, and hopelessness.With unity, we can do great things, important things. We can right wrongs. We canput people to work in good jobs. We can teach our children in safe schools. We can overcome the deadly virus. We can reward work, and rebuild the middle class, and make health care secure for all. We can deliver racial justice. And we can make America, once again, the leading force for good in the world.I know speaking of unity can sound to some like a foolish fantasy these days. I knowthe forces that divide us are deep and they are real. But I also know theyare not new. Our history has been a constant struggle between the American ideal that we are all created equal and the harsh (残酷的), ugly reality that racism, nativism (本土主义), fear, and demonization have long torn us apart. The battle is perennial, and victory is never assured. Through the Civil War, the Great Depression, World War, 9/11, through struggle,sacrifice, and setbacks, our “better angels” have always prevailed. In each of these moments, enough of us have come together to carry all of us forward. And, we can do that now. History, faith, and reason show the way, the way of unity. We can see each other not as adversaries (对手) but as neighbors. We can treat each other with dignity and respect. We can join forces, stop the shouting, and lower the temperature.For without unity, there is no peace, only bitterness and fury (狂怒). No progress, only exhausting outrage (愤怒). No nation, only a state of chaos. This is our historic moment, of crisis and challenge, and unity is the path forward. And, we must meet this moment as the United States of America. If we do that, I guarantee you, we will not fail.We have never, ever, ever failed in America when we have acted together. And so today,at this time, in this place, let’s start afresh. All of us. Let us begin to listen to one another again. Hear one another. See one another. Show respect to one another. Politics doesn’t have to be a raging fire, destroyingeverything in its path. Every disagreement doesn’t have to be a cause for total war. And we must reject the culture in which facts themselves are manipulated and even manufactured.My fellow Americans, we have to be different than this. America has to be better thanthis. And, I believe America is so much better than this. Just look around. Here we stand,in the shadow of the Capitol dome, as it was mentioned earlier, completed amid (在…中) the Civil War, when the Union itself was literally hanging in the balance. Yet we endured. We prevailed. Here we stand, looking out on the Great Mall where Dr. King spoke of his dream.Here we stand, where 108 years ago at another inaugural (就职典礼), thousands of protestors tried to block brave women marching for the right to vote. And today, we mark the swearing-in of the first woman in American history elected to national office – Vice President Kamala Harri. Don’t tell me things can’t change. Here we stand, across the Potomac from Arlington Cemetery, where heroes who gave the last full measure of devotion rest in eternal (永恒的) peace.And here we stand, just days after a riotous mob (暴徒) thought they could use violenceto silence the will of the people, to stop the work of our democracy, to drive us from this sacred ground. It did not happen. It will never happen.Not today. Not tomorrow. Not ever. To all those who supported our campaign, I’m humbled (感到卑微) by the faith you have placed in us. To all those who did not support us, let me say this: Hear me out as we move forward. Take a measure of me and my heart.And if you still disagree, so be it. That’s democracy. That’s America. The right todissent (持异议) peaceably, within the guardrails of our republic, is perhaps this nation’s greatest strength. Yet hear me clearly: Disagreement must not lead to disunion. And I pledge (保证) this to you: I will be a president for all Americans. And I promise you, I will fight as hard for those who did not support me as for those who did.Many centuries ago, Saint Augustine, a saint of my church, wrote that a people was a multitude (群体) defined by the common objects of their love. What are the common objects we as Americans love, that define us as Americans? I think we know, opportunity, security, liberty, dignity, respect, honor. And, yes, the truth. The recent weeks and monthshave taught us a painful lesson. There is truth and there are lies. Lies told for power and for profit.And each of us has a duty and responsibility, as citizens, as Americans, and especiallyas leaders –leaders who have pledged to honor our Constitution and protect our nation, to defend the truth and defeat the lies. Look, Iunderstand that many of my fellow Americans view the future with fear and trepidation (惶恐). I understand they worry about their jobs. I understand, like my dad, they lay in bed staring at night, staring at the ceiling, wondering, “Can I keep my health care? Can I pay my mortgage (按揭贷款)?”Thinking about their families, about what comes next. I promise you: I get it. But the answer is not to turn inward, to retreat into competing factions (派系), distrusting those who don’t look like you, or worship the way you do, or don’t get their news from the same sources you do. We must end this uncivil war that pits red against blue, rural versus urban, conservative versus liberal. We can do this if we open our souls instead of hardening our hearts.If we show a little tolerance and humility. And if we’re willing to stand in the other person’s shoes, as my mom would say, “just for a moment, stand in their shoes.” Because here is the thing about life: There is no accounting for what fate will deal you. Some days when you need a hand. There are other days when we’re called to lend a hand. That’s how it has to be. That’s what we do for one another. And, if we are this way, our country will be stronger, more prosperous, more ready for the future. And we can still disagree.My fellow Americans, in the work ahead of us, we’re going to need each other. Weneed all our strength to persevere (坚持) through this dark winter. We are entering what may be the toughest and deadliest period of the virus. We must set aside politics and finally face this pandemic (流行病) as one nation. And I promise you this: as the Bible says weeping may endure for a night but joy comes in the morning. We will get through this together.Look, folks, all my colleagues I served with in the House and the Senate (参议院) uphere, we all understand the world is watching, watching all of us today. So here is my message to those beyond our borders: America has been tested and we have come out stronger for it. We will repair our alliances (同盟) and engage with the world once again. Not to meet yesterday’s challenges, but today’s and tomorrow’s challenges. And we will lead not merely by the example of our power but by the power of our example.We’ll be a strong and trusted partner for pea ce, progress, and security. Look, you all know we’ve been through so much in this nation. And in my first act as President, I’d like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent prayer to remember all those who we lost in this past year to the pandemic. Those 400,000 fellow Americans –moms, dads, husbands, wives, sons, daughters, friends, neighbors, and co-workers. We’ll honor them by becoming the people and the nation we know we can and should be.So I ask you, let’s say a silent prayer for those who ha ve lost their lives and those left behind and for our country. Amen. Folks, this is a time of testing. We face an attack on our democracy and on truth. A raging virus, growing inequity, the sting (痛苦) of systemic racism, a climate in crisis. America’s role in the world. Any one of these would be enough to challenge us in profound ways.But the fact is, we face them all at once, presenting this nation with one of thegravest responsibilities we’ve had. Now we’re going to be tested. Are we going to step u p, all of us? It’s time for boldness, for there is so much to do. And this is certain. I promise you, we will be judged, you and I, by how we resolve these cascading crises of our era.Will we rise to the occasion, is the question. Will we master this rare and difficult hour? Will we meet our obligations (义务), and pass along a new and better world to our children? I believe we must. I’m sure you do as well. I believe we will. And when we do, we’ll write the next great chapter in the history of the United States of America, the American story, a story that might sound something like a song that means a lot to me. It’s called "American Anthem (国歌)."And there’s one verse that stands out, at least for me and it goes like this: "Thework and prayers of a century have brought us to this day. What shall beour legacy (遗产)? What will our children say? Let me know in my heart when my days are through. America, America, I gave my best to you."Let us add our own work and prayers to the unfolding story of our great nation.If we do this, then when our days are through, our children and our children’s children will say of us, they gave their best, they did their duty, they healed a broken land. My fellow Americans, I close the day where I began, with a sacred oath before God and all of you. I give you my word, I will always level with you. I will defend the Constitution.And I’ll give all, all of you, keep everything I do in your service, thinking not of powerbut of possibilities, not of personal interest but the public good. And together we shall write an American story of hope, not fear. Of unity, not division (分裂). Of light, not darkness. A story of decency (正派) and dignity, love and healing, greatness and goodness.May this be the story that guides us, the story that inspires us, and the story that tells ages yet to come that we answered the call of history, we met the moment. Democracy and hope, truth and justice, did not die on our watch, but thrived (兴旺发达), that America secured liberty at home and stood once again as a beacon (灯塔) to the world. That is what we owe our forebears, one another, and generations to follow.So, with purpose and resolve, we turn to those tasks of our time,sustained by faith, driven by conviction (坚定的信念), and devoted to one another and the country we love with all our hearts. May God bless America and may God protect our troops (军队).Thank you, America.。
Deliberative Democracy Networks: A Resource GuideThe recent growth in popularity of deliberative democracy has been a grassroots phenomenon. Practitioners and scholars of deliberation are not always aware of what others are doing in the field. In 2002, however, the William and Flora Hewlett foundation funded a National Conference on Dialogue and Deliberation. A group of sixty, rang-ing from graduate students in conflict resolution to directors of leading dialogue organizations, con-vened to plan a highly participatory, high-energy conference that would bring together 240 scholars and practitioners of dialogue and deliberation for the very first time. The conference was successful in introducing practitioners and scholars to the vast array of models, tools, and techniques that are being used by their colleagues; identifying key issues facing the dialogue and deliberation community; and developing a blueprint for action for strengthening this emerging field.Several formal networks have since been organized to facilitate collaboration among organizations and individuals interested in advancing the theory and practice of deliberative democracy. These networks are a valuable resource for those interested in build-ing capacity for deliberation and dialogue in American democracy.The National Coalition for Dialogue and Deliberation The organizations and individuals who collaborated to make the 2002 conference happen decided to continue and expand on their work by establishing the National Coalition for Dialogue and Deliberation. In the two years since the conference, the coalition’s membership has grown sixfold to include more than three hundred organizations and individuals who, collectively, regularly engage and mobilize millions of people around today’s most critical issues.The coalition’s activities in the past two years have begun the work of developing a common knowledge base in the dialogue and deliberation community. NCDD’s activities since the 2002 conference have primarily focused on providing practitioners and scholars with important resources, information, news, and tools; initiating and running collaborative projects with other dialogue and deliberation pro-grams to build knowledge in the field; and affording members of the dialogue and deliberation communi-ty the means to collaborate on projects.The NCDD Website () is a popu-lar hub for practitioners and scholars in this emerg-ing field. It houses a comprehensive and up-to-date collection of resources, news, events, and opportu-nities related to dialogue and deliberation. The site includes hundreds of pages of resources, news, and user-generated content—everything from a section that categorizes and describes high-tech tools, prod-ucts, and programs that can enhance online and face-to-face dialogue and deliberation programs to a glossary defining more than one hundred key terms relating to dialogue and deliberation. The NCDDB Y S A N D Y H E I E R B AC H E R,T O N YA G O N Z A L E Z,B R UC E F E U S T E L,A ND D AV I D E.B O O HE R64National Civic ReviewWebsite is visited by more than twelve hundred peo-ple each day.NCDD is helping to develop and strengthen major dialogue and deliberation efforts that are addressing the extreme political polarization in our country. NCDD keeps in touch monthly with nearly seven thousand members of the dialogue and deliberation community; our communication and networking efforts have helped to spread the word and increase the effectiveness of dozens of innovative programs. The coalition has also focused much of its energy this past year on the 2004 National Conference on Dialogue and Deliberation, which took place in Denver in October. Through the conference and other activities, NCDD strives to help scholars and practitioners jointly address some of the key issues facing the field.The Deliberative Democracy ConsortiumAnother collaborative effort funded by Hewlett Foundation, the Deliberative Democracy Con-sortium (), brings together practitioners and scholars from the United States and around the world working to share infor-mation, build knowledge, and effectively promote citizen voice in government decision making.In 2003, the consortium convened a meeting of thir-ty leading researchers and practitioners to share per-spectives and concerns about these and other issues. Together they developed a prioritized research agen-da to address critical issues facing the field from the standpoint of both research and practice. The con-sortium awarded grants to five practitioner-researcher teams, each addressing one of the identified issues. In 2005 the consortium will recon-vene these teams to learn from this unprecedented experiment in collaboration, share the knowledge generated, and make another round of grants to fur-ther build upon the developed research agenda.Supporters of the consortium come from related streams of practice, notably deliberation, dialogue, election reform, and the field of conflict resolution. With Demos and the Hewlett Foundation, the con-sortium recently convened a meeting across disci-plines to address how the deliberative democracy field and the election reform movement can leverage and pool resources to support common goals.The consortium connects to international practice and research as well, primarily through its members and a partnership with LogoLink, an organization comprising sister entities in the global “south.”Through these collaborative relationships, the con-sortium seeks to increase the visibility and use of deliberation and other forms of civic engagement and to promote mutual understanding.The consortium is led by a diverse steering commit-tee consisting of leaders of the field as well as others from related streams of practice. The work of the consortium is accomplished via its task groups, which include the Online Deliberative Democracy Consortium as well as the Link to Government and the Knowledge Building task groups. The Link to Government task group includes representatives from the Centers for Disease Control, the EPA, and international organizations such as the Danish Board of Technology. This task group is working to support the federal champions of deliberative democracy within the government by creating a net-work and awards program at that level. The work of65 Winter 2004the task group also focuses on increasing the use of deliberation in federal agencies. The consortium is also partnering with elected officials in search of innovative ways to engage their constituencies, using both online and face-to face deliberative methods. The consortium’s monthly e-bulletin reaches more than five hundred subscribers, and its Website receives more than five thousand visits monthly.The Legislative Conflict Resolution and Citizen Input ProjectThe National Conference of State Legislatures () is the bipartisan organization that conducts research, offers technical assistance, holds meetings, and lobbies the U.S Congress for the legis-lators and staff who work in the nation’s state legislatures. In its work, funded by the Hewlett and Kettering foundations, NCSL is examining how to bring legislators and citizens closer together and improve legislative conflict resolution processes. Conflict is at the core of legislative work, yet leg-islative decisions often leave both citizens and legis-lators feeling angry and frustrated. NCSL, together with its project partner, the Policy Consensus Initiative, will study a number of legislative conflict resolution processes and publicize some innovative practices. Also, NCSL conducts workshops to teach legislators new skills and approaches in reaching consensus, always emphasizing practical considera-tions that recognize the legislative environment.Working with groups that promote public delibera-tion, NCSL is studying how to improve legislative involvement. The emphasis is on clarifying a valuable role for legislators at “citizen forums” and similar gatherings so lawmakers can observe and listen, with-out dominating or inhibiting public discussion. Experienced legislators watch citizens grapple with key policy issues and learn about the trade-offs, values, and opposing viewpoints involved. Citizens gain a bet-ter understanding of tough legislative choices. NCSL is also examining what factors improve the working relationships of legislators with the people who orga-nize and hold these public deliberation events. Collaborative Democracy NetworkA network of some fifty interdisciplinary and inter-national scholars has been established to focus on enhancing the role of deliberative and collaborative methods in democratic governance. The scholars are interested in research and practice in public pol-icy, public management and administration, politi-cal science, planning, and communication. The Collaborative Democracy Network is being coordi-nated by the Center for Collaborative Policy at California State University, Sacramento (also with the financial assistance of the Hewlett Foundation). This network of scholars is cooperating to explore intellectual linkages and support interdisciplinary research on democratic governance. The scholars are organizing cross-discipline panels and informal dialogues at selected conferences and meetings over the next three years.The premise of the Collaborative Democracy Network is that there are today useful discourses in these disciplines that are converging in some ways. But the discourses are still distinct. The goal is to help bring them together to explore potential syner-gies, around the theme “Collaborative Policy and Democracy: Building Capable Institutions of Governance for Network Society.” The network envisions four outcomes:66National Civic Review1.The participants will learn about each other’spractice and scholarship and make new connec-tions to enhance their future work.2.New directions for research and theory will beidentified to help move collaborative policy mak-ing forward in addressing issues challenging insti-tutions of governance and enhancing democracy and civil society.3.A long-term network of scholars and practition-ers who are interested in the potential of collabo-rative policy making for democracy and governance will be created.4.A collection of interdisciplinary papers on thetopic will be published.This year scholarly papers, panels, and roundtables have been organized by the Collaborative Democracy Network at the conferences of the American Society for Public Administration, Association of European Schools of Planning, International Symposium on Society and Resource Management, American Political Science Association, Association for Conflict Resolution, and Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning. Summaries of these sessions can be viewedat /ccp/.Sandy Heierbacher is the Convener of the National Coalition for Dialogue and Deliberation. Tonya Gonzalez is directorof the Deliberative Democracy Consortium. Bruce Feustel isa Senior Fellow at the National Conference of State Legislatures. David E. Booher is the senior policy advisor of the Collaborative Democracy Network.For bulk reprints of this article, please call (201) 748-8789.67Winter 2004。
奥巴马夫人米歇尔的演讲稿First Lady Michelle Obama:Thank you so much, Elaine…we are so grateful for your family’s service and sacrifice…and we will always have your back.Over the past few years as First Lady, I have had the extraordinary privilege of traveling all across this country.And everywhere I’ve gone, in the people I’ve met, and the stories I’ve heard, I have seen the very best of the American spirit.I have seen it in the incredible kindness and warmth that people have shown me and my family, especially our girls.I’ve seen it in teachers in a near-bankrupt school district who vowed to keep teaching without pay.I’ve seen it in people who become heroes at a moment’s notice, diving into harm’s way to save others…flying across the country to put out a fire…driving for hours to bail out a flooded town.And I’ve seen it in our men and women in uniform and our proud military families…in wounded warriors who tell me they’re not just going to walk again, they’re going to run, and they’re going to run marathons…in the young man blinded by a bomb in Afghanistan who said, simply, “…I’d give my eyes 100 times again to have the chance to do what I have done and what I can still do.”Every day, the people I meet inspire me…every day, they make me proud…every day they remind me how blessed we are to live in the greatest nation on earth.Serving as your First Lady is an honor and a privilege…but back when we first came together four years ago, I still had some concerns about this journey we’d begun.While I believe d deeply in my husband’s vision for this country…and I was certain he would make an extraordinary President…like any mother, I was worried about what it would mean for our girls if he got that chance.How would we keep them grounded under the glare of the national spotlight?How would they feel being uprooted from their school, their friends, and the only home they’d ever known?Our life before moving to Washington was filled with simple joys…Saturdays at soccer games, Sundays at grandma’s house…and a da te night for Barack and me was either dinner or a movie, because as an exhausted mom, I couldn’t stay awake for both.And the truth is, I loved the life we had built for our girls…I deeply loved the man I had built that life with…and I didn’t want that to change if he became President.I loved Barack just the way he was.You see, even though back then Barack was Senator and a presidential candidate…to me, he was still the guy who’d picked me up for our dates in a car that was so rusted out, I could actua lly see the pavement going by through a hole in the passenger side door…he was the guy whose proudest possession was a coffee table he’d found in a dumpster, and whose only pair of decent shoes was half a size too small.But when Barack started telling me about his family that’s when I knew I had found a kindred spirit, someone whose values and upbringing were so much like mine.You see, Barack and I were both raised by families who didn’t have much in the way of money or material possessions but who had given us something far more valuable their unconditional love, their unflinching sacrifice, and the chance to go places they had never imagined for themselves.My father was a pump operator at the city water plant, and he was diagnosed with Multiple Sclerosis when my brother and I were young.And even as a kid, I knew there were plenty of days when he was in pain…I knew there were plenty of mornings when it was a struggle for him to simply get out of bed.But every morning, I watched my father wake up with a smile, grab his walker, prop himself up against the bathroom sink, and slowly shave and button his uniform.And when he returned home after a long day’s work, my brother and I would stand at the top of the stairs to our little apartment, patiently wa iting to greet him…watching as he reached down to lift one leg, and then the other, to slowly climb his way into our arms.But despite these challenges, my dad hardly ever missed a day of work…he and my mom were determined to give me and my brother the kind of education they could only dream of.And when my brother and I finally made it to college, nearly all of our tuition came from student loans and grants.But my dad still had to pay a tiny portion of that tuition himself.And every semester, he was determined to pay that bill right on time, even taking out loans when he fell short.He was so proud to be sending his kids to college…and he made sure we never missed a registration deadline because his check was late.You see, for my dad, that’s what i t meant to be a man.Like so many of us, that was the measure of his success in life being able to earn a decent living that allowed him to support his family.And as I got to know Barack, I realized that even though he’d grown up all the way across the country, he’d been brought up just like me.Barack was raised by a single mother who struggled to pay the bills, and by grandparents who stepped in when she needed help.Barack’s grandmother started out as a secretary at a community bank…and she moved qu ickly up the ranks…but like so many women, she hit a glass ceiling.And for years, men no more qualified than she was men she had actually trained were promoted up the ladder ahead of her, earning more and more money while Barack’s family continued to scrape by.But day after day, she kept on waking up at dawn to catch the bus…arriving at work before anyone else…giving her best without complaint or regret.And she would often tell Barack, “So long as you kids do well, Bar, that’s all that really matters.”Like so many American families, our families weren’t asking for much.They didn’t begrudge anyone else’s success or care that others had much more than they did…in fact, they admired it.They simply believed in that fundamental American promise that, even if you don’t start out with much, if you work hard and do what you’re supposed to do, then you should be able to build a decent life for yourself and an even better life for your kids and grandkids.That’s how they raised us…that’s what we learned fr om their example.We learned about dignity and decency that how hard you work matters more than how much you make…that helping others means more than just getting ahead yourself.We learned about honesty and integrity that the truth matters…that you don’t take shortcuts or play by your own set of rules…and success doesn’t count unless you earn it fair and square.We learned about gratitude and humility that so many people had a hand in our success, from the teachers who inspired us to the janitors who ke pt our school clean…and we were taught to value everyone’s contribution and treat everyone with respect.Those are the values Barack and I and so many of you are trying to pass on to our own children.That’s who we are.And standing before you four year s ago, I knew that I didn’t want any of that to change if Barack became President.Well, today, after so many struggles and triumphs and moments that have tested my husband in ways I never could have imagined, I have seen firsthand that being president do esn’t change who you are it reveals who you are.You see, I’ve gotten to see up close and personal what being president really looks like.And I’ve seen how the issues that come across a President’s desk are always the hard ones the problems where no amount of data or numbers will get you to the right answer…the judgment calls where the stakes are so high, and there is no margin for error.And as President, you can get all kinds of advice from all kinds of people.But at the end of the day, when it comes time to make that decision, as President, all you have to guide you are your values, and your vision, and the life experiences that make you who you are.So when it comes to rebuilding our economy, Barack is thinking about folks like my dad and like his grandmother.He’s thinking about the pride that comes from a hard day’s work.That’s why he signed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act to help women get equal pay for equal work.That’s why he cut taxes for working families and small businesses and fought to get the auto industry back on its feet.That’s how he brought our economy from the brink of collapse to creating jobs again jobs you can raise a family on, good jobs right here in the United States of America.When it comes to the health of our families, Barack refused to listen to all those folks who told him to leave health reform for another day, another president.He didn’t care whether it was the easy thing to do politically that’s not how he was raised he cared that it was the right thing to do.He did it because he believes that here in America, our grandparents should be able to afford their medicine…our kids should be able to see a doctor when they’re sick…and no one in this country should ever go broke because of an accident or illness.And he believes that women are more than capable of making our own choices about our bodies and our health care…that’s what my husband stands for.When it comes to giving our kids the education they deserve, Barack knows that like me and like so many of you, he never could’ve attended college without financial aid.And believe it or not, when we were first married, our combined monthly student loan bills were actually higher than our mortgage.We were so young, so in love, and so in debt.That’s why Barac k has fought so hard to increase student aid and keep interest rates down, because he wants every young person to fulfill their promise and be able to attend college without a mountain of debt.So in the end, for Barack, these issues aren’t political they’re personal.Because Barack knows what it means when a family struggles.He knows what it means to want something more for your kids and grandkids.Barack knows the American Dream because he’s lived it…and he wants everyone in this country to have that same opportunity, no matter who we are, or where we’re from, or what we look like, or who we love.And he believes that when you’ve worked hard, and done well, and walked through that doorway of opportunity…you do not slam it shut behind you…you reach ba ck, and you give other folks the same chances that helped you succeed.So when people ask me whether being in the White House has changed my husband, I can honestly say that when it comes to his character, and his convictions, and his heart,Barack Obama is still the same man I fell in love with all those years ago.He’s the same man who started his career by turning down high paying jobs and instead working in struggling neighborhoods where a steel plant had shut down, fighting to rebuild those communiti es and get folks back to work…because for Barack, success isn’t about how much money you make, it’s about the difference you make in people’s lives.He’s the same man who, when our girls were first born, would anxiously check their cribs every few minutes to ensure they were still breathing, proudly showing them off to everyone we knew.That’s the man who sits down with me and our girls for dinner nearly every night, patiently answering their questions about issues in the news, and strategizing about middle school friendships.That’s the man I see in those quiet moments late at night, hunched over his desk, poring over the letters people have sent him.The letter from the father struggling to pay his bills…from the woman dying of cancer whose insurance c ompany won’t cover her care…from the young person with so much promise but so few opportunities.I see the concern in his eyes…and I hear the determination in his voice as he tells me, “You won’t believe what these folks are going through, Michelle…it’s not right. We’ve got to keep working to fix this. We’ve got so much more to do.”I see how those stories our collection of struggles and hopes and dreams I see how that’s what drives Barack Obama every single day.And I didn’t think it was possible, but t oday, I love my husband even more than I did four years ago…even more than I did 23 years ago, when we first met.I love that he’s never forgotten how he started.I love that we can trust Barack to do what he says he’s going to do, even when it’s hard es pecially when it’s hard.I love that for Barack, there is no such thing as “us” and “them” he doesn’t care whether you’re a Democrat, a Republican, or none of the above…he knows that we all love our country…and he’s always ready to listen to good ideas…he’s always looking for the very best in everyone he meets.And I love that even in the toughest moments, when we’re all sweating it when we’re worried that the bill won’t pass, and it seems like all is lost Barack never lets himself getdistracted by the chatter and the noise.Just like his grandmother, he just keeps getting up and moving forward…with patience and wisdom, and courage and grace.And he reminds me that we are playing a long game here…and that change is hard, and change is slow, and it never happens all at once.But eventually we get there, we always do.We get there because of folks like my Dad…folks like Barack’s grandmother…men and women who said to themselves, “I may not have a chance to fulfill my dreams, but maybe my children will…maybe my grandchildren will.”So many of us stand here tonight because of their sacrifice, and longing, and steadfast love…because time and again, they swallowed their fears and doubts and did what was hard.So today, when the challenges we face start to seem overwhelming or even impossible let us never forget that doing the impossible is the history of this nation…it’s who we are as Americans…it’s how this country was built.And if our parents and grandparents could toil and struggle for us…if they could r aise beams of steel to the sky, send a man to the moon, and connect the world with the touch of a button…then surely we can keep on sacrificing and building for our own kids and grandkids.And if so many brave men and women could wear our country’s unifor m and sacrifice their lives for our most fundamental rights…then surely we can do our part as citizens of this great democracy to exercise those rights…surely, we can get to the polls and make our voices heard on Election Day.If farmers and blacksmiths c ould win independence from an empire…if immigrants could leave behind everything they knew for a better life on our shores…if women could be dragged to jail for seeking the vote…if a generation could defeat a depression, and define greatness for all time…i f a young preacher could lift us to the mountaintop with his righteous dream…and if proud Americans can be who they are and boldly stand at the altar with who they love…then surely, surely we can give everyone in this country a fair chance at that great American Dream.Because in the end, more than anything else, that is the story of this country the story of unwavering hope grounded in unyielding struggle.That is what has made my story, and Barack’s story, and so many other American storiespossible.A nd I say all of this tonight not just as First Lady…and not just as a wife.You see, at the end of the day, my most important title is still “mom-in-chief.”My daughters are still the heart of my heart and the center of my world.But today, I have none of those worries from four years ago about whether Barack and I were doing what’s best for our girls.Because today, I know from experience that if I truly want to leave a better world for my daughters, and all our sons and daughters…if we want to give al l our children a foundation for their dreams and opportunities worthy of their promise…if we want to give them that sense of limitless possibility that belief that here in America, there is always something better out there if you’re willing to work for it…then we must work like never before…and we must once again come together and stand together for the man we can trust to keep moving this great country forward…my husband, our President, President Barack Obama.Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.孩子们应该受到很好的教育,说道这个问题,barack懂得,就像我们中很多人一样,没有助学金他就也不可能上大学。
democracy读法Democracy is a system of government in which power is vested in the people, who rule either directly or through elected representatives. It is derived from the Greek words "demos," meaning "people," and "kratos," meaning "rule." Democracy is often considered as the most ideal form of government, as it ensures the participation of citizens in decision-making processes and promotes freedom and equality. One of the fundamental principles of democracy is the protection of individual rights and freedoms. In a democratic society, citizens are granted certain rights and liberties, such as freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of the press. These rights allow individuals to express their opinions, engage in peaceful protests, and hold the government accountable for its actions. Democracy provides a platform for diverse voices to be heard and for different perspectives to be considered in the decision-making process.Another important aspect of democracy is the concept of majority rule with respect for minority rights. While the majority holds the power to make decisions, it is crucialto ensure that the rights and interests of minorities are protected. This is achieved through the establishment of a system of checks and balances, which prevents the abuse of power and ensures that the rights of all citizens are respected. In a democracy, the rule of law is paramount, and no one is above it, including government officials. Democracy also promotes political participation and civic engagement. Citizens have the right to vote and participate in the political process, either by running for office or by supporting candidates who align with their values and beliefs. This active participation allows citizens to have a say in shaping the policies and laws that govern their lives. Moreover, democracy encourages citizens to be informed and educated about political issues, enabling them to make informed decisions and contribute to the development of society.In addition to political participation, democracy fosters social and economic development. It provides a framework for economic growth by promoting entrepreneurship, innovation, and competition. In a democratic society, individuals have the freedom to start their own businesses,pursue their economic interests, and benefit from a fair and open market. Furthermore, democracy promotes social progress by advocating for equal opportunities, social justice, and the protection of vulnerable groups. It ensures that everyone has access to education, healthcare, and basic services, regardless of their socioeconomic status.While democracy has many advantages, it also faces challenges and criticisms. One of the main criticisms is the potential for the tyranny of the majority, where the majority imposes its will on the minority without regard for their rights and interests. This highlights the importance of protecting minority rights and ensuring that decision-making processes are inclusive and representative of all citizens. Additionally, democracy requires an informed and engaged citizenry to function effectively. Lack of education, political apathy, and the influence of money and special interests can undermine the democratic process.。
民主集中制的英语Democracy and Centralized Leadership: A Delicate BalanceDemocracy, a concept revered and upheld by many nations, is a system of governance that empowers the people to have a voice in the decisions that shape their society. At the same time, the principle of centralized leadership, often referred to as "democratic centralism," has been adopted by various political systems as a means of ensuring cohesion, efficiency, and effective implementation of policies. This intricate balance between democracy and centralized leadership is a topic worthy of exploration, as it highlights the complexities and nuances inherent in the governance of modern societies.The foundation of democratic centralism lies in the idea that the collective will of the people should guide the decision-making process, while a centralized leadership structure ensures the effective implementation of those decisions. This approach is rooted in the belief that the masses, when organized and mobilized, possess the wisdom and foresight to chart the course of their nation. However, the centralized leadership structure also serves to maintain a degree of control and coordination, ensuring that the collective will istranslated into tangible actions and policies.One of the primary advantages of democratic centralism is its potential to harness the collective intelligence and expertise of the people. By encouraging open dialogue, debate, and the free exchange of ideas, this system allows for the emergence of innovative solutions and the consideration of diverse perspectives. The centralized leadership then acts as a conduit, synthesizing these inputs and formulating comprehensive strategies that address the needs and aspirations of the populace.Moreover, democratic centralism can foster a sense of unity and national purpose. When the people feel that their voices are heard and their interests are being served, they are more likely to rally behind the decisions made by the centralized leadership. This cohesion can be particularly valuable in times of crisis or when tackling complex challenges that require a coordinated and concerted effort.However, the delicate balance between democracy and centralized leadership is not without its challenges. Proponents of pure democracy might argue that the centralized leadership structure can lead to the concentration of power and the marginalization of dissenting voices. There is a valid concern that the centralized leadership, if left unchecked, could become authoritarian and stiflethe very democratic principles it claims to uphold.Conversely, advocates of centralized leadership might contend that a decentralized system could result in a lack of cohesion and the inability to effectively implement critical policies. They may argue that the centralized structure is necessary to maintain national unity, ensure the efficient allocation of resources, and respond swiftly to emerging threats or crises.Striking the right balance between these two principles is a constant and complex endeavor. It requires a nuanced understanding of the specific cultural, historical, and political contexts of a nation, as well as a willingness to adapt and evolve the governance system to meet the changing needs of the people.Ultimately, the debate surrounding democratic centralism underscores the inherent tension between the desire for individual liberty and the need for collective action. It challenges us to consider how we can create a system of governance that empowers the people while also maintaining the cohesion and efficiency necessary to address the pressing issues of our time.As we navigate this delicate balance, it is crucial to remain vigilant, engage in open and honest dialogue, and continuously strive to refine and improve our democratic institutions. Only through thisongoing process of reflection and refinement can we hope to create a system of governance that truly serves the interests of the people and ensures the prosperity and stability of our nations.。
News Course hand-in1 刘彬焱2013-11-03DemocracyThis topic is totally a disaster for me! When I first get this word “democracy”I knew I have a great difficult job to do. And it is. My understanding to this “democracy” is simply to its literal meaning, and it is something from America and something to do with politics. After searching on the Internet, I had a better acquaintance with this word.Democratic party along with republican party are the two major political groups in America, which have fight against each other for centuries. It was estabulished by Andrew Jackson, the first democratic president in the United States, in 1828. Democrats and Republicans take donkey and elephant as their symbols respectively, so the competition between the two parties often be called “competition between donkey and elephant”. The symbol of donkey came from the 7th election when Jackson’s opponents criticized him as stupid as a donkey. While the democrats considered donkey as an animal of clever and brave, and they began to use it as a symbol since 1880. I have learned via the Internet that democratic party, whose major members were people of the lower level, was the party of the poor, while republican party, the rich. Therefore, the governing idea of the democrats is to act to the benifit of the poor.I can’t continue this topic any more, these are the things I came up with by racking my mind again and again. Actually, I am thinking if I will have a headache or nightmare tonight because of this essay.。
American democracyPowering downVoters have chosen change, but America’s political system makes that far too hardNov 8th 2014 | WASHINGTON, DC | From the print editionFOR anyone interested in how a free society governs itself there is nothing quite as spectacular as an American election. The country has just spent nearly $4 billion on a fierce contest that has changed the balance of power in Congress (see article). Add to this the races for governors, statehouses, attorneys general, judges and so on—well over 10,000 offices in total—and it seems that America’s democracy is in fine fettle.Furthermore, optimists believe the mid-term elections will usher in a period of compromise: Republicans, having captured the Senate and increased their majority in the House, will want to prove that they can govern; Barack Obama will have little choice but to work with them. Polls show that, in general, voters increasingly favour politicians who seek consensus over those who do not. Deals on things like trade and tax reform seem possible.The next Congress could hardly accomplish less than its predecessor, which comes to a close in December and is likely to be remembered as one of the least productive in history (see chart 1). It has shut down the government once and flirted with a sovereign default twice. But the low standard by which progress is judged and the limited expectations of even the most cockeyed optimists are signs of deeper trouble in America’s political system. Designed to make legislating difficult, it has recently looked dysfunctional. In a new book, “Political Order and Political Decay”, Francis Fukuyama of Stanford University argues persuasively that America “suffers from the prob lem of political decay in a more acute form than other democratic political systems”, a statement that not long ago would have seemed ludicrous.Sand in the cogsThere is no shortage of explanations for why this might be: the only thing generally agreed upon is that the trouble started at some point between 1787, when the Founding Fathers determined that their new creation would not be pushed around by an overmighty government, and 2010, when the Supreme Court loosened the rules on campaign spending. But two explanations for the sorry state of American politics stand out. The first is that small, increasingly partisan groups wield vetoes over the federal government, blocking it from moving forward or back except in exceptional circumstances, such as economic crisis or war. The second is that much of the federal bureaucracy was created at a point in the middle of the 20th century that was, in political terms, highly unusual. Under more normal conditions it struggles.Begin with the vetoes. For reasons that include the sorting of the electorate into like-minded folks, redistricting and the cultural divide between cities and prairies, only 5% of the House’s 435 districts were truly competitive on November 4th. There were 69 congressional districts where the candidate faced no opponent. This means that the main threat to the jobs of congressmen comes from primary elections, in which fewer than 20% of the electorate vote, about the same proportion who describe themselves as holding consistently conservative or consistently liberalviews. Few congressmen lost to primary challengers in 2014, but results like the defeat of Eric Cantor, the House Majority Leader, in Virginia’s seventh district remind them that such voters are not wild about anything that smells of compromise with the other side. These voters have the first veto.Getting a bill safely through the House, something that has become harder since Republicans adopted the idea that bills should have the support of a majority of their caucus to pass, is straightforward compared with getting one through the Senate, thanks to the filibuster rule. Since a filibuster requires a bill to gain a 60-vote majority, a group of 41 senators can halt almost any piece of legislation. Even the smallest state has two senators, so those 41 sometimes represent a small chunk of the electorate: Larry Sabato of the University of Virginia has worked out that states that are home to just 11% of Americans can elect the senators needed to block legislation. This potent weapon gives the minority party in the Senate the second veto.Other delaying tactics and procedural quirks enhance the power of small groups, and even individual politicians, to stall congressional action. These were once used sparingly, but the gulf between the parties and their policies has grown so wide that they are now wielded to block minor legislation. The founders feared such a development. “There is nothing which I dread so much as a division of the republic into two great parties,” wrote John Adams in 1780. “This, in my humble apprehension, is to be dreaded as the greatest political evil under our constitution.” In the decades since America’s two great parties were remade by the fight over civil rights in the 1960s, they have steadily become more ideologically consistent. Congressional Republicans and Democrats have withdrawn from each other, to the point where there is now hardly any common ground between them (see chart 2).Voting patterns in Congress suggest that the parties are even further apart now than they were in the mid-1990s, when Republicans tried to impeach Bill Clinton, or the middle of the past decade, when Democrats denounced George W. Bush as a warmonger. Over the past 20 years, the share of Americans who express consistently liberal or consistently conservative opinions has doubled, according to a study by the Pew Research Centre. Most of these people now believe that the other party’s policies “are so misguided that they threaten the nation’s well-being”. The results of the mid-terms, far from repudiating this dynamic, have reflected it. The defeat of John Barrow in Georgia leaves just one white Democratic congressman in the deep South; most of the Senate seats picked up by Republicans were at the expense of moderate Democrats in states that voted for Mitt Romney.This degree of political polarisation is often described as unprecedented, but that is mistaken. The parties were similarly divided at the end of the 19th century, following the civil war. The difference then was that Republicans won most federal elections, so the restraints built into the constitution did not resemble leg-irons, as they do now.When Congress is stuck, presidents often try to get their way by issuing executive orders. Earlier this year Barack Obama announced that 2014 would be “a year of action” during which he would use his pen to get things done if Congress stood in his way. Nine months later, how has thisaction-packed approach to bypassing Congress transformed America? Aside from the designation of a large marine reserve in the Pacific, which costs nothing and offends no one, the president’s biggest solo accomplishment has been to issue an edict raising the pay of minimum-wage employees doing contract work for the federal government. The president can act with more freedom abroad and has done so in Libya, Iraq and Syria; by imposing sanctions on Russia and sending troops to west Africa to help contain the spread of Ebola. At home, though, his power to overcome an obstructionist Congress is limited.For those who favour more limited government, all this might sound like a good thing. But the vetoes that hamper the passage of laws make it just as hard to stop the federal government from doing anything.Birth of the kludgeocracyThe growth of entitlements is a good example. Spending on public pensions (Social Security) and federal health-care programmes (such as Medicare and Medicaid) increases automatically every year with no need for a vote. Without changes this bit of the budget will account for 14% of GDP by 2039, double the average level of the past 40 years, sending public debt to over 100% of GDP. Many countries face similar problems, but in America the preponderance of vetoes makes the mix of spending cuts and revenue increases needed to deal with it impossible. Maintaining some budgetary discipline while entitlement spending grows and revenues do not requires hacking back everything else, from scientific research to road building. Discretionary spending, the kind Congress does vote on every year, has shrunk to just 15% of the budget once military expenditure is taken out. Thus neither Congress nor the White House imposes much meaningful control over most of what the federal government spends each year.The accusation, generally made by conservatives, that the federal bureaucracy is out of control is, in this sense, true. The federal government imagined by the founders was mainly responsible for running post offices, custom houses and giving away land, rather than the regulation of health care or the administration of the National Security Agency. One way to think about the federal bureaucracies now, and to understand their frequent failings, is as a collection of institutions put together when there was a lot of co-operation between parties, trying to function when there is very little. The New Deal and Great Society programmes of the mid-20th century were created by legislators with shared memories of two big national traumas, the Depression and the second world war, when party divisions were blurred. Lyndon Johnson may have been extremely cunning, but the kind of dealmaking he was able to practise was the product of a moment that, in political terms, was an anomaly compared with what went before or came after.These mid-century institutions have subsequently been asked to run a plethora of new programmes, each layered on top of the next because Congress finds it so hard to undo legislation. The House budget committee reckons there are at least 92 separate federal anti-poverty programmes, which overlap in ways that are baffling. This patchwork approach to problem solving leads to what Steven Teles of Johns Hopkins University cal ls “kludgeocracy”. Mr Teles compares the government’s veto points to toll booths, with the toll-takers extracting promises of pork-barrel spending and the protection of favoured programmes in exchange forpassage. Needing the approval of so many, often ideologically opposed actors makes it almost impossible to craft coherent policy. Inaction is often the result, but also the creation over time of confusing systems for education, health care, taxes, welfare, etc.This complexity obscures the beneficiaries of federal policies—businesses, for example, gain more from abstruse regulations that favour them than from more obvious hand-outs—and makes it difficult for voters to pinpoint who is to blame for failures. The anger directed at the system is therefore diffuse, says Mr Teles, leading to a broad loss of trust in the public sector. From inside the machine that lack of trust feels oppressive. Each year the federal government’s employees are asked for their opinion on the agencies where they work. Only 56% say they are encouraged to come up with new and better ways of doing things; 36% report that creativity and innovation are rewarded where they work. The Pentagon, which has to produce more than one report a day for Congress, is frequently forced to buy kit it does not want and keep bases open that it would rather close. The urge to bind the bureaucracies, born of frustration at their inefficiency and waste, often makes them even worse.Wasting time, tooFaced with a malfunctioning government, voters have concluded that the politicians in Washington are scoundrels. Trust in Congress has tumbled to 7%. This is unfair: compared with past occupants of Capitol Hill the current lot are strikingly uncorrupt and hardworking. But much of their effort is aimed at raising money for their next campaign, which for House members is just two years away. A presentation to incoming freshmen in 2012 by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee recommended that they spend four hours each day making fundraising calls. Republicans in tight House races this year were given similar instructions. There is a lot of misplaced anxiety about the corrosive effect of fundraising on politics—sacks of cash are rarely traded for votes; donors and their political beneficiaries tend already to be aligned—but what is unarguable is that the amount of time it takes up prevents congressmen from doing their jobs properly.The shortage of time further increases politicians’ reliance on lobbyists, who thrive in part because congressmen are usually too pressed to think for themselves. In a city marked by a deep partisan divide, the one place in Washington where political foes will happily work together is in the city’s lobbying firms, many of which employ a senior Democrat and a senior Republican to maintain ties with both sides.Even when government is stuck, lobbyists are able to prosper by heading off threats to incumbent firms. Comcast, the biggest provider of cable TV and broadband internet services, which is in talks to buy another media firm, Time Warner, employs 126 different lobbyists, according to the Centre for Responsive Politics, a watchdog. All but a handful of these people are former congressmen, congressional staffers or members of the executive branch. Lobbyists in turn donate to or organise donations for congressmen. Mr Fukuyama likens this reciprocal gift-giving to the kind of patrimonial politics seen in 18th-century France. No lobbyists are to be guillotined for their part in it, but there is something rococo about the business. A few months after the Treasury announced sanctions against Russian banks in July, Gazprombank hired twoformer senators, one from each party, to represent it in Washington.One of the best things about democracies is that voters in each one seem to believe that their system is uniquely flawed. This is a helpful sort of paranoia, which usually prevents bad things from happening. America’s federal institutions have shown an ability to correct themselves before. The partisan warfare of the 1890s turned out to be a prelude to a triumphant century. This may take a long time, though, and there are no signs of it beginning yet. America has so many things working in its favour—new sources of energy, a tolerant society, the world’s most innovative companies—that progress will not be halted by the federal government. Yet no country can hand a fifth of its economy over to an authority that works only intermittently and not expect to suffer for it.。