Designing with Care:
Adapting Cultural Probes to Inform Design in Sensitive Settings
Andy Crabtree, Terry Hemmings and
Tom Rodden
The School of Computer Science & IT, The University of Nottingham,
Jubilee Campus, Wollaton Road,
Nottingham, NG8 1BB,
United Kingdom.
andy.crabtree@https://www.doczj.com/doc/a018812498.html, Keith Cheverst, Karen Clarke, Guy Dewsbury, John Hughes and Mark
Rouncefield
Department of Computing,
SECAMS Building,
Lancaster University,
Lancaster LA1 4YR,
United Kingdom.
m.rouncefield@https://www.doczj.com/doc/a018812498.html,
Abstract
We report on the methodological process of developing computer support for former psychiatric patients living in residential care settings, for older members of the community, and disabled people living at home. Methods for identifying user needs in such sensitive settings are underdeveloped and the situation presents a very complex set of design challenges. In particular, the highly personal character of such settings presents conventional observational techniques, such as ethnography, with obdurate problems that make direct observation intrusive, disruptive and inappropriate on occasion. Direct observation requires supplementation in sensitive settings. Accordingly, we report on our experiences of adapting Cultural Probes to explore care settings, to develop a design dialogue with participants, and to gather information about their unique needs.
1. A New Challenge
Visions of what technology can do… are rarely based on any comprehensive understanding of needs.
(Tweed & Quigley 2000)
This paper reports on the adaptation of Cultural Probes (Gaver et al. 1999a) to facilitate research in the long-term and ongoing interdisciplinary research project, Digital Care. The project is concerned to develop ‘enabling’ or ‘assistive’ technologies for user groups with different support needs in a variety of residential care settings. Assistive and smart home technology has been shown to enable differently-abled people to lead a better quality of life and to augment the care process (Dewsbury 2001, Dewsbury and Edge 2001). However, many people do not receive appropriate support (Gottlieb and Caro 2000) and there is little evidence of methodological guidance to facilitate the matching of technology to user needs (Doughty 2000, Curry et al. 2001). This paper is concerned to address the methodological problems that we have encountered in our research and to articulate the solutions we have devised for handling them by adapting Cultural Probes to include a range of unconventional end-users in a formative process of design.
The settings for our project include a hostel for former psychiatric patients, a number of elderly people living at home, and a stroke victim and her family. As a general and important principle, we take it that any technology introduced into sensitive settings such as these should seek to empower users rather than foster dependence on new technology. A technology that merely completes a task for users in care settings does little to promote their independence, but merely shifts reliance onto the technology. This goal raises the very real problem of identifying requirements in highly complex and unconventional domains.
Requirement elicitation in sensitive settings demands that we draw a line between the perceptions of designers - who are often seen to construct solutions and thereby design for people essentially like themselves - and the perceptions of ‘the other’, which in our case includes a wide range of people who are differently-abled and whose views are effectively excluded from design. As Clarkson and Keates (2001) put it,
It is known that many products are not accessible to large sections of the population. Designers instinctively design for able-bodied users and are either unaware of the needs of users with different capabilities, or do not know how to accommodate their needs into the design cycle.
Consequently, the challenge as design broadens its horizons, moving out of the workplace and into everyday life more generally, is one of including and
providing support for a wide range of differently-abled users, rather than creating new technological forms of dependence predicated on remote and abstract philosophies of care.
Developing elicitation techniques that embed a responsive and responsible philosophy of care in the design process requires that we devise new methods for unearthing and accommodating the divergent needs of users with different capabilities. Naturally, this is not a straightforward project, even in light of the long history of participatory design methods developed in the HCI and CSCW communities.
If we take, for example, the hostel and supported housing service for former psychiatric patients and people with severe and enduring mental health problems. It is at one and the same time an organization governed by formal care procedures, a workplace for a company of staff who carry out duties of care, and a home for a heterogeneous collection of patients. It might be taken as a relatively straightforward matter to adopt an organizational perspective and conduct a range of ethnographic studies of staffs’ cooperative work with patients in order to facilitate user-centred workshops identifying a host of user requirements informing the iterative development of prototypes (Greenbaum and Kyng 1991). However, staffs’ cooperative work is work-with-psychiatric-patients, much as the work of carers for the elderly is work-with-the-elderly and the work of the stroke victim’s family is work-with-a-stroke victim. In other words, when we start to investigate the cooperative work of care, we are inevitably and immediately confronted by people with a range of infirmities, disabilities, and impairments, who for variety of highly understandable reasons may be reticent to subject their lives to the inquisitive gaze of strangers and outsiders - and who can blame them?
The identification of requirements in care settings presents researchers with some obdurate and interesting problems of observation and inclusion, which existing participatory design methods developed in the workplace are ill suited to meet. Concerns with such phenomena as workflow, production and efficiency – albeit mediated through direct user participation - give us little purchase on user needs in care settings. Developing methods that are faithful to the special and unique character of care settings has long been a general problem for researchers studying differently-abled user groups and are still widely underdeveloped (Gearing and Dant 1990). The paucity of appropriate methods may be attributed to the development of theoretical concepts of need, which are typically abstract, decontextualised, or generic and largely derived from service providers’ perspectives, in contrast to the point of view of recipients (ibid.).
Our own preference to the general problem of fidelity is to adopt an ethnographic approach in order that we might develop an appreciation of needs from the point of view of end-users (Crabtree 2003). However, we have found that like existing participatory design methods, the use of ethnographic methods developed in work environments can be problematic in care settings, particularly in the psychiatric hostel where ‘observation’ can have detrimental effects on the residents. Research
in these contexts is often regarded as not merely difficult but often inappropriate and intrusive. The deeply personal, perhaps tragic, nature of such settings places constraints on what can be investigated, as well as how it can be investigated, and raises a very different set of methodological and design challenges as to those occasioned by workplace design. Gathering requirements in care settings demands that we respect the unique needs of end-users and their individual care regimes. Accordingly, we have developed a distinct methodology that combines tried and tested methods of ethnographic study and user-centred workshops with adapted Cultural Probes to explore the care settings and identify needs through the active participation of end-users.
2. Responding to the Challenge:
Cultural Probes
They may seem whimsical, but it would be a mistake
to dismiss them on that ground: for unless we start to
respect the full range of values that make us human,
the technologies we build are likely to be dull and
uninteresting at best, and de-humanising at worst.
(Gaver 2001)
Cultural Probes (Gaver et al. 1999a) have recently gained some prominence in interactive systems design, where they have been employed to explore the design space as computing moves out of the workplace. They were initially deployed in the Presence Project (Gaver et al. 1999b), which was dedicated to exploring the design space for the elderly. Gaver has subsequently argued that
in moving out into everyday life more generally, design needs to move away from such concepts as production and efficiency and instead focus and develop support for
‘ludic pursuits’. The concept is intended to draw attention to the ‘playful’ character of human life, which might best be understood in a post-modern sense. Accordingly, the notion of ‘playfulness’ is not restricted
to whatever passes as entertainment, but is far more subtle and comprehensive, directing attention to the highly personal and diverse ways in which people “explore, wonder, love, worship, and waste time” together and in other ways engage in activities that are “meaningful and valuable” to them (Gaver 2001).
This emphasis on the ludic derives from the conceptual arts, particularly the influence of Situationist and Surrealist schools of thought (Gaver et al. 1999a). Cultural Probes draw on the conceptual arts to provoke
or call forth the ludic and so illuminate the ‘local culture’ in which people are located and play out there lives. Cultural Probes are not analytic devices but
‘reflect’ the local culture of participants and are drawn upon to inspire design (ibid.). As Gaver puts it,
[Cultural Probes] offer fragmentary glimpses into
the rich texture of people’s lives. They allow us to
build semi-factual narratives, from which design proposals emerge like props for a film. (Gaver 2002)
Recent work in the Interliving Project (Hutchinson et al. 2002) has seen the adaptation of Cultural Probes to Technology Probes to embed inspiration in the design process, in contrast to providing inspiration for design. Technology Probes situate existing technologies in users homes in order to inspire design by exposing users to new experiences. In this respect, technology is taken to
‘act as catalysts for new design ideas’ (ibid.). While this new participatory design method may be of broad benefit, we have to be very careful about introducing new technologies into sensitive care settings. There are number of reasons for exercising caution, ranging from moral concerns with unforeseeable and potentially disturbing disruptions to the fabric of the local culture,
to practical concerns with the theft of expensive equipment - a very real concern in the hostel, for example, where residents were often attacked and robbed or might otherwise sell the equipment to get a little extra income. Whatever the reason, caution needs
to be exercised where the introduction of technology into care settings is concerned - a situation that raises a distinct challenge for participatory design approaches, many of which are predicated on exploring the design space through direct technological intervention.
Wary of the potential risks of hasty technological intervention, we have elected to adapt Cultural Probes through the use of social research methods to sensitise design to participant’s local cultures and so inform the elicitation exercise. We are particular concerned to understand the practical activities, practical circumstances, and practical reasoning ‘at work’ in our participant’s local cultures in order that we might understand user needs within the context of their daily lives (Garfinkel 1967). We wish to adapt Cultural Probes, then, into devices with which we might pay the most commonplace activities of daily life the attention usually accorded extraordinary events and so come to learn of the needs of differently-abled users as phenomena in their own right. Combined with more traditional ethnographic methods, we see adapted Cultural Probes as vehicles enabling researchers working in sensitive settings to maintain fidelity to the phenomenon.
Developing an understanding of such phenomena as old age, disability and mental impairment from within the settings they inhabit, and from the point of view of people effected by them, is no easy matter since care environments in general tend to be much more private and personal places than work settings. Indeed, the presence of an ethnographer kitted out with standard research tools - tape recorders, videos, and notebooks – may, on occasion, not only be unwelcomed and disconcerting, but also highly damaging: consider the potential effects of such an intrusion for somebody suffering from paranoid schizophrenia, for example. Adapting Cultural Probes allows researchers to supplement the understandings developed through ethnographic research in situations where intrusion and disruption are likely to arise. In the following section we report on the ways in which our adapted probes have served as provocative resources, calling forth and illuminating the rich textures of our participants everyday lives.
3. Adapting Cultural Probes: Moving
From Inspiration to Information
For Gaver and the other members of the Presence Project, Cultural Probes inspire design by providing …
… a rich and varied set of materials that … let us ground [our designs] in the detailed textures of the local cultures. (Gaver et al. 1999a).
These materials are products of the probe packs, each consisting of a variety of artefacts including:
Postcards with questions concerning participants’
attitudes to their lives, cultural environment and
technology.
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
Maps asking participants to highlight important
areas in their cultural environment.
Cameras with instructions asking participants to
photograph things of interest to them and things
that bored them.
Photo Albums asking participants to assemble a
small montage telling a story about participant’s
lives.
Media Diaries asking participants to record the
various media they use, when, where and in
whose company.
These artefacts provide a range of materials reflecting important aspects of the participant’s local cultures and, on being returned to the investigators, these reflections inspire design.
Our own probe packs (Figure 1) consisted of a similar but more extensive array of devices, including:
A set of postcards addressed to the researcher -
for residents to write about their daily concerns,
interests and ideas.
A map of the local area - to provide some sense
of geographical routine as well as areas residents
felt unsafe.
A polaroid camera - to take photos of their room,
their friends and visitors, things that were
important to them - that they could then put in the
photo-album and annotate with post-it notes
A disposable camera - to take more photos for
the researcher to develop and provide a focus of
interest for subsequent discussions and interviews
A photo album
A voice activated dictaphone - for residents to record a diary of their activities, ideas and thoughts Figure 1. Informational Probes Pack
?
Our probes kits, whilst consisting of many of the same artefacts, perform a different function to Gaver’s Cultural Probes. Where Gaver’s probes are intended to reflect participant’s local cultures in material detail and in that detail somehow - but unaccountably just how - inspire design, ours are intended to meet the more modest and traceable aim of supplying information to inform and shape design. While inspiration would undoubtedly be a bonus, our prime concern is informational – a matter of gaining insights into how people live their lives, their everyday circumstances, their routines and rhythms, their practical concerns, and so on. We have an analytic concern in our participant’s lives – one that is concerned to explicate and make visible the situated character of old age, disability and mental impairment (Garfinkel 2002). The analytic contrasts with theoretical approaches, which seek to develop abstract, decontextualised, or general models of disability and provides the opportunity to develop technologies that are responsive to the real world, real time context of use.
A visitors book - to provide some sense of the
rhythm of activities and visiting ? ? ? A scrapbook, 'post-it' notes, pens, pencils and
crayons - to enable residents to draw diagrams of their homes and its layout, as well as present ideas in pictorial form. A personal diary to record the participant’s daily
activities.
These were handed out, much like a birthday or Christmas present, and their use was explained to the participants: "These items are 'cultural probes' - but don't worry - they're just a way for us to find out more about you, your everyday life, what you think and feel. We'd like you to use them to tell us about yourself - and below are a few ideas you might want to think about. Ignore these if you like - nothing is compulsory - do as much or as little as you like. We hope its fun. I'll come back to collect them in about a week".
The probe packs also contained a set of instructions and some suggestions as to how the various devices in the probe pack might be used. For example,
In contrast to Gaver’s approach, rather being treated as ‘reflections’ of participant’s local cultures, the materials returned by our probes were instead treated as resources facilitating cooperative analysis using the materials to facilitate and focus various user workshops. These in turn supported the ‘co-realization’ of design solutions supporting and attuned to their needs (Hartswood et al. (to appear)) and reflecting some of the processes of 'domestication' and 'innofusion' (Fleck 1988, Williams et al 2000 ).
Draw on the maps and use post-it notes to indicate where you feel safe or threatened, favourite places, or places you avoid.
The diary can be used to record daily events and activities as well as visitors that you get. You can write in it whatever you like and wish to tell the team. In the case of the elderly, a booklet was provided rather than a set of instructions in order to provide a more enjoyable focus the activity and also to provide a gift that we could return as a reminder at the end of the project. The booklet asked elderly participants to describe which rooms were used most often, their favourite activities, activities they would like to do or missed being able to do, the various kinds of technology they used, and so on. The stroke victim and her husband also allowed a researcher to record parts of their daily household routines on video.
However, we would not like to make too many claims about the novelty of our methodological approach - though there is novelty in its application to these settings. Cooperative analysis of the material exploited several existing and related methods of social research, including biographical interviews (Gearing and Dant 1990), visual biographies (Prosser 1992, Harper 1996), and technology biographies (Blythe et al 2002). Technology biographies, for example, are designed to generate critical and creative responses to questions of home technology development, focusing on past developments and historical trends that are of personal importance to the respondent; current uses, problems and concerns. These methods also have some similarities with longstanding social science diary approaches that have also been employed in HCI research (Brown et al. 2000). Concentrating on the situated character of participant’s local culture rather than their information-seeking activities, however, this combination of complementary methods enabled us to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the ‘life-worlds’ of our
users.
We have found that these analytic methods enable potential users to participate in the design process in a readily accessible way and reflexively trigger a design
dialogue that is deeply attuned to their practical
circumstances and needs. The probe materials on which
the methods trade are resources of a kind that require, as
Harrison (2002) puts it, the collaboration of the
participant to ‘translate’ their meaning. Taken together,
the various biographical approaches we have employed
in our Informational Probes have encouraged
participants to reflect upon and articulate important
personal, social, and technological features of their
everyday lives. These reflections, in turn, have enabled
designers and participants to articulate and elaborate the
role of design in the local cultures that make up our
studies. Figure 2. Dorothy’s Daily Medication
4. Informing Design: The Emergence
of ‘Abiding Concerns’ and attendant medical problems. In Dorothy’s case she has, amongst other things, late onset diabetes, this complicates matters as far as her dietary and medical needs are concerned (Figure 2). The drugs prescribed to treat both her stroke and diabetes are, to a certain degree, mutually antagonistic and require constant monitoring.
Tap into whomsoever, wheresoever and you get much the same thing. (Sacks 1984)
The probe returns – including photographs, maps, drawings, diaries, postcards and the rest - introduced the design team to salient issues in our participant’s lives and provided a concrete and enjoyable focus for subsequent user workshops. Of particular interest, our ethnographic studies and Informational Probes have indicated some major preoccupations or ‘abiding concerns’ that occur across the different care settings we are studying, such as a preoccupation with safety and security.
At the hostel, for example, residents have been subjected to frequent physical and verbal attacks. This has resulted in the gates being locked at four o’clock each day - when the school day ends - and some residents will only travel outside the hostel by taxi. Consequently, residents are increasingly cut-off from the outside community and their friends. A concern with safety and security outside the home is also reflected in the diary entries of elderly people and is manifest in reduced social contact. These unfortunate circumstances pose fascinating, if distressing, problems for design, highlighting the importance of connections between the care environment and the outside world.
Figure 3. Dorothy’s Medication Chart
Her diet, meal times and exercise must be planned and monitored closely as together they not only affect her glucose levels and insulin intake, but also have some bearing on the efficacy of some of the other drugs she takes. In practical terms this means her body signs must be closely checked three times daily in order that future dosages of drugs can be calculated. In short, in light of Dorothy’s past condition, decisions regarding the amounts of each drug that make up the ingredients of her medicinal cocktail - some 30 plus doses of 8 to 10 different drugs - must be made throughout the day. Monitoring this is an abiding daily concern, accomplished by family members who track Dorothy’s medication through the use of a shared medication chart (Figure 3).
Managing medication appears to be another abiding
concern. It is quite common amongst people with
strokes, for example, for them to have other illnesses
In the hostel, medication issues are similarly a focus
of much concern. The medication regime plays a central
role in the maintenance of ‘normal daily life’ for many
persons suffering from psychiatric conditions. Many of
the residents are on daily medication regimes and expressed their concerns about the consequences of forgetting to take their medication. In the semi-independent living area residents are expected to manage their own medication and weekly supplies are provided by the pharmacy, packaged into individual doses within a plastic container. This arrangement often causes anxiety since residents, who have previously relied on the staff to provide their medication at the correct time, must now depend on themselves. These concerns are echoed in the returns from the probe packs - in the postcards, for example, which persistently focus on issues of illness and pain (Figure 4) and in such things as photographs of food cabinets, where a list is displayed of foods particular residents need to be wary of for medical
reasons (Figure 5).
Figure 5: Food Instructions - what to avoid In the everyday life of the hostel residents, for example, a number of rhythms can be readily perceived - visiting rounds, movement of residents into, around and out of the site at various times of day, medication delivery, resident and staff meetings, and so on. Such rhythms were not only important to the staff for coordinating their work but also for the residents, serving both a communicative and a therapeutic function. Knowing that events should happen in some sort of regular and predictable order, what people were doing, and where they were from, was of value to both staff and residents. Amongst the elderly we have found that such rhythms played out in visits to the Church, the visits of friends and relatives and the 'pottering about' of daily routine that are documented in the diaries (Figures 6 and 7). The rhythms and modulations within the home produce differing messages as people age. While certain aspects of daily life appear characteristically standardized such as getting up after going to bed, having meals at certain times etc, the detail of such patterns change throughout the life cycle. Eating times and bedtimes, for example, change with age as do most activity patterns, for example, a doctor's appointment at 9.30am may require that an elderly person get up two hours earlier in order to get ready.
Figure 4. Postcard from a resident
The probes also provide us with insight into the daily routines that provide for the ‘articulation’ (Schmidt and Bannon 1992) or coordination of activities making up ‘daily life’ in particular settings. As Tolmie et al. (2002) suggest,
There is a sense in which routines are the very glue of everyday life, encompassing innumerable things we take for granted such that each ordinary enterprise can be undertaken unhesitatingly. Routines help provide the grounds whereby the business of life gets done.
Routines reveal what Zerubavel (1985) regards as the ‘temporal rhythms’ of social life - a notion that provides a way for us to think about person’s everyday activities: visiting people, going shopping, taking medication, etc., repeating activities over time until they get absorbed into and become part of the routines making up and articulating particular care settings. The notion helps us understand aspects of everyday life in these settings by highlighting its intrinsically temporal and cyclical nature.
The rhythms of daily activity not only orient people to their present activities, but to their future activities and the requirements of those activities. Knowledge of the setting’s daily routines allows them to plan their activities. Technology is required to fit into these temporal regularities or rhythms in order to provide some degree of predictability and, with that, stability to the inhabitant’s life (Tanzi 2000, Edwards and Grinter 2001). The temporal rhythms within a setting are organizing rhythms and technology is obliged to support them if it is to be responsive to the subtle changes that occur throughout the participant’s day.
Figure 6:Diary entry describing daily rhythms
Through the adaptation of Cultural Probes to Informational Probes we have been able to illuminate the rhythms of daily life at work in the various settings in our study as well as the possible problems and difficulties that individuals face therein. What has emerged from our investigations, even those as unconventional as community care settings, is that everyday life is made orderly by members through the accomplishment of routine activities that reflexively give rhythm to their lives. What transpires from the Informational Probes, what is made visible then, is the gross transparency of social order in each and every domain within which participant’s lives are organized, both by themselves and in their interactions with others.
From our perspective, design interventions are unavoidably interventions into the orderliness of everyday life - an orderliness that is massively obvious in, for example, the diary entries. Design directly affects everyday activities in various ways by impacting on timeliness, reliability, dependability, safety or security, for example. Figure 7, for example illustrates the daily rhythms of a respondent who notes in her diary that her life is punctuated by periods of rest. Consequently any technology support must be sensitive to the times when she needs to rest and when she has the strength to continue.
Figure 7: Diary entry
By paying careful attention to the orderly features of participants daily lives in sensitive settings – by attending to the rhythms, routines, and abiding concerns manifest in participants daily lives – an appropriate philosophy of care might be developed and integrated into the design of technologies for sensitive settings in much the same way as other philosophies, such as the Scientific and the Modern, have already been incorporated.
Although our research is ongoing, following the issues raised through observation, interview and the items coming back from the cultural probes a number designs and prototypes have been developed and deployed. They focus on various forms of awareness to support a variety of abiding concerns and temporal rhythms, such as supporting the timely taking of medication. This includes the design of a GPS 'panic alarm' for residents; a prototype medication manager and the design and deployment of a messaging system. The medication manager, for example (reported in more detail in Kember et al 2002) was a product of staff and residents concern about the possible grave consequences of them forgetting to take their (often powerful doses of) medication. Observation and interview and the probes confirmed the important role of the medication regime in the maintenance of normal everyday life. The kinds of issues that emerged from the research included dosage, delivery, reminders and reassurance and were highlighted by some readily expressed and graphic fears and anxieties, from residents and staff, over the possible consequences of forgetting their medication or overdosing. Our prototype focused in particular on the residents in the semi-independent living site who have previously relied on the staff to provide their medication who must now - as part of the move to independent living - remember what to take and when. The paradox (at least for technology designers) was that the technology needed to fit in with the professed aims of the unit - moving towards developing independent living skills - to act as simple 'reminders' to residents to take their medication rather than shifting their dependence from the staff to the technology. Special consideration needed to be given to the design of the application, that took these factors into account as well as others such as the place for the artefact within the lifestyle and living space of the user (as revealed in the probes). As the focus of this paper is methodological, however, this technical work, and the precise ways in which the probes and ethnographic studies informed the designs, is reported elsewhere (Cheverst et al. 2001, 2003; Kember et al. 2002).
5. Problems with Probes
Despite our successes, the use of probes has not been entirely problem free. It is the analytic problems that we are primarily interested in, rather than what might be regarded as the apparent triviality of the returned probe material. (And it would be surprising if much of the material would seem, at least to an outsider, as trivial) With probes, Cultural and Informational alike, there
seems to be an inherent problem of confusing just what the data is and, with that, just what the focus of analysis is. It is not the material artefacts of the probes - the tapes, the photos, the booklets and diaries, etc. – but rather, the situated character of everyday life in various care settings as elaborated by participant’s accounts of their daily rhythms, routines, and abiding concerns. Such accounts supplement and augment insights gained from direct observation and are generated through cooperative analysis of the returned probe material. Probe materials serve as triggers for analysis then and in asking people to administer them we transform participants into active enquirers into their everyday lives, rather than passive subjects of our research. 6. New Directions in Interaction
Design
I can tell you something but you have to be careful
what you make of it. (Sacks 1992)
"..it is now apparent that the 'universal types' of much 20th century design failed those on the margins of society - especially as assumptions about what is 'average' or 'normal' have been too often based on the stereotype of the young, fit, white, affluent male. "
(Clarkson et al 2003)
It appears to us that there are interesting and challenging changes occurring in the design landscape and, as Clarkson et al (2003) suggest in their work on 'inclusive design', this challenge may well be "one of the defining business priorities of the age'. Of course, our interests lie in research rather than business but the messages that have emerged from investigating new and ubiquitous technologies in novel settings are compelling nevertheless as we look for resonance between design and the diverse needs of different groups, for applications and artefacts that are of inherent value rather than merely new. As Clarkson et al (2003) cogently put it:
While we believe that overall the probes have proved successful as a means of including our unusual and often ignored groups of users in collaborative analysis of the design domain, and of elaborating that domain from within, we acknowledge the problems we have faced and recognise the need to think carefully about the claims and expectations for any method. So far it is undoubtedly the case that our respondents have enjoyed using - and misusing - the probe packs: one camera has been stolen and in another case the polaroid was used to take naked pictures (primarily of bottoms), for example. Nonetheless, and as Gaver puts it, the probes have …
… provoked the groups to think about the roles they play and the pleasures they experience, hinting to them that our designs might suggest new roles and new experiences. In the end, the probes helped establish a conversation with the groups, one that has continued throughout the project. ' A growing interest in how people interact with products and services, especially in terms of emotional engagement, combined with a awareness of the breadth of individual capabilities across the life course and the cultural diversity of modern communities, has obliged designers to rethink assumptions about who their typical consumer is likely to be." (Clarkson et al (2003)
For our part we would add that they have also provided a great deal of information and insight into
participant’s daily lives in sensitive settings, which provides the basis for ‘continuing conversation’. We would be wary, however, of making any grand claims for the methods we have presented – that it enables us to engage in some kind of emancipatory programme of reform, for example. Such things have always seemed to us to be an outcome rather than precursor to research. In a similar fashion, we would dispute any suggestion that in lacking the personal circumstances or disability of those we study, our accounts are biased and partial. Whilst we make no claims to be Geertz’s (1973) chameleon fieldworkers - some ‘walking miracle of empathy, tact, patience and cosmopolitanism’ - nor will we confuse experience with understanding. Instead, we share Fennel et als. (1989) preference:
In moving out of the workplace towards design in sensitive settings - or ‘design with care’ as we have called it - we are required to make a perceptual shift in order to determine the needs of the differently-abled and to reflect these within the design process. Designing with care demands the development of inclusive strategies and elicitation methods. While there is great promise that technology will enable and assist users in care settings, it is of fundamental importance that designers recognise that solutions devised on the basis of inappropriate investigative strategies and methods can be debilitating, dis-empowering, and de-humanising.
When considering design for care environments, we have found that traditional technological approaches such as ethnography need to be supplemented. Informational Probes may prove a useful part of the researcher’s repertoire, particularly where information and insight into the unique needs of novel domains is required. Our use of Informational Probes in a number of sensitive settings has led us to appreciate their value as an important first stage in the requirements gathering process. Promoting collaboration, they work to actively
For studies which bring researchers into direct contact with their field, but the real criteria for research studies are that they should be systematic, open-minded and openly reported. If these criteria are met, readers can decide safely for themselves how to treat the results.
involve users in the design process, rather than cast them as docile victims of research and passive recipients of design. It should be said, however, that these clear benefits aside, Informational Probes like Cultural Probes before them provide no ‘silver bullet’ for design: they do not tell designers what to build or provide a convenient recipe for translating fieldwork insights into technical applications. But then, as far as we are aware, neither does any approach to date and the problems of moving from study to practical design recommendations and applications remains as obdurate as ever. As we suggest, probes are, or can be, the first stage in an ongoing and difficult process of design but they at least provide some insights into user needs and perceptions as well as a method for ensuring the early, active, involvement of users in the whole design process. 8. References
Blythe, M., Monk, A. F. and Park, J. (2002) “Technology biographies: field study techniques for home use product development” Proceedings of the 2002 CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, pp. 658-659, Minneapolis: ACM Press.
Brown, B., Sellen A. and O’Hara, K. (2000) “A diary study of information capture in working life”, Proceedings of the 2000 CHI Conference on Human Factors and Computing Systems, pp. 438-445, The Hague, The Netherlands: ACM Press.
Cheverst, K. Cobb, S., Hemmings, T Kember S., Mitchell, K., Phillips, P., Procter, R., Rodden T. and Rouncefield, M.
(2001) “Design with care”, Journal of New Technology in the Human Services, vol. 14, (1) pp 39-47.
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We have long been strong supporters and
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THE COLUMNS ON THE FINAL PAGE SHOULD BE THE SAME LENGTH.
The International Convention On Salvage, IMO 1989 Chapter I - General provisions Article 1 - Definitions Article 2 - Application of the Convention Article 3 - Platforms and drilling units Article 4 - State-owned vessels Article 5 - Salvage operations controlled by public authorities Article 6 - Salvage contracts Article 7 - Annulment and modification of contracts Chapter II - Performance of salvage operations Article 8 - Duties of the salvor and of the owner and master Article 9 - Rights of coastal States Article 10 - Duty to render assistance Article 11 - Co-operation Chapter III - Rights of salvors Article 12 - Conditions for reward Article 13 - Criteria for fixing the reward Article 14 - Special compensation Article 15 - Apportionment between salvors Article 16 - Salvage of persons Article 17 - Services rendered under existing contracts Article 18 - The effect of salvor's misconduct Article 19 - Prohibition of salvage operations Chapter IV - Claims and actions Article 20 - Maritime lien Article 21 - Duty to provide security Article 22 - Interim payment Article 23 - Limitation of actions Article 24 - Interest Article 25 - State-owned cargoes Article 26 - Humanitarian cargoes Article 27 - Publication of arbitral awards Chapter V - Final clauses Article 28 - Signature, ratification, acceptance approval and accession Article 29 - Entry into force Article 30 - Reservations Article 31 - Denunciation Article 32 - Revision and amendment Article 33 - Depositary Article 34 - Languages The International Convention On Salvage, IMO 1989
With的用法全解 with结构是许多英语复合结构中最常用的一种。学好它对学好复合宾语结构、不定式复合结构、动名词复合结构和独立主格结构均能起很重要的作用。本文就此的构成、特点及用法等作一较全面阐述，以帮助同学们掌握这一重要的语法知识。 一、 with结构的构成 它是由介词with或without+复合结构构成，复合结构作介词with或without的复合宾语，复合宾语中第一部分宾语由名词或代词充当，第二部分补足语由形容词、副词、介词短语、动词不定式或分词充当，分词可以是现在分词，也可以是过去分词。With结构构成方式如下： 1. with或without-名词/代词+形容词； 2. with或without-名词/代词+副词； 3. with或without-名词/代词+介词短语； 4. with或without-名词/代词 +动词不定式； 5. with或without-名词/代词 +分词。 下面分别举例： 1、 She came into the room，with her nose red because of cold.（with+名词+形容词，作伴随状语）
2、 With the meal over ， we all went home.（with+名词+副词，作时间状语） 3、The master was walking up and down with the ruler under his arm。（with+名词+介词短语，作伴随状语。） The teacher entered the classroom with a book in his hand. 4、He lay in the dark empty house，with not a man ，woman or child to say he was kind to me.（with+名词+不定式，作伴随状语）He could not finish it without me to help him.（without+代词 +不定式，作条件状语） 5、She fell asleep with the light burning.（with+名词+现在分词，作伴随状语） Without anything left in the with结构是许多英 语复合结构中最常用的一种。学好它对学好复合宾语结构、不定式复合结构、动名词复合结构和独立主格结构均能起很重要的作用。本文就此的构成、特点及用法等作一较全面阐述，以帮助同学们掌握这一重要的语法知识。 二、with结构的用法 with是介词，其意义颇多，一时难掌握。为帮助大家理清头绪，以教材中的句子为例，进行分类，并配以简单的解释。在句子中with结构多数充当状语，表示行为方式，伴随情况、时间、原因或条件（详见上述例句）。 1.带着，牵着…… (表动作特征)。如： Run with the kite like this.
论国际社会中的人道主义干涉 郑军 目录 中文摘要 (2) 英文摘要 (2) 一、人道主义干涉的内涵 (2) 二、当今国际社会人道主义干涉的实践 (3) （一）单方人道主义干涉 (3) （二）联合国体制下集体人道主义涉 (3) 三、人道主义干涉在国际上面临的困境 (4) （一）单方人道主义干涉面临的困境 (4) （二）人道主义干涉在集体安全体制下的困境 (4) 结语 (5) 参考文献 (6) 【摘要】：在全球化日益深入、国家与国家之间的关系日益密切的21世纪,人道主义干涉成为国际关系领域中的一个焦点问题。不同的国家,因其不同的经济与政治利益诉求、不同的文化背景,必然以不同的态度来审视和对待人道主义干涉。20世纪以来的人道主义干涉,表现为两种形式:一是由联合国授权的、合法的人道主义干涉,符合国际社会在人权方面共同的价值追求;一是单方面的人道主义干涉,反映出国际社会中人权保护与尊重国家主权间的一种紧张、冲突关系。本文从揭示人道主义内涵入手,简要回顾了当今国际社会人道主义干涉的历史,概括了不同形式人道主义干涉的特点,在此基础上,就人道主义干涉进行理论思考与现
实分析。 【关键词】：人道主义干涉；单方面干涉；集体干涉 The international society of humanitarian intervention Abstract In the globalization, the relationship between the state and the state of the increasingly close in twenty-first Century, humanitarian intervention has become a focus in the field of international relations. Different countries, due to the different economic and political interests, different cultural background, is bound to different attitudes to examine and treat humanitarian intervention. Since twentieth Century the humanitarian intervention, which has two forms: one is authorized by the United Nations, legitimate humanitarian intervention, in line with the international community in the field of human rights, common value pursuit; one is the unilateral humanitarian intervention, reflect and respect for human rights protection in international society, national sovereignty of a tension, conflict relationship. This paper starts from the connotation of humanism, a brief review of the international humanitarian intervention history, summarizes the characteristics of different forms of humanitarian intervention, on this basis, it carries on the ponder and the analysis theory of humanitarian intervention Key words Humanitarian intervention；Unilateral intervention；collective intervention 一、人道主义干涉的内涵 “人道主义”从拉丁文 humanists 一词中引申出来，是指具有人道精神，促使个人最大限度发展的制度。人道思想伴随人类进入文明时期而萌发，公元 15世纪，“人道主义”作为一种时代的思潮和理论逐渐形成，从最初的文学艺术方面逐渐渗透到其他领域。 目前，国际社会对“人道主义干涉”争议颇大，多数学者认为：“人道主义干涉”，顾名思义就是为了人道，当他国不愿或者无力保护其国民的生命安全或者给与其人民极不人道的待遇，其严重程度超出了人类正义与理性的标准而对其内部事务进行的强制性介入。 《奥本法国际法》对“人道主义干涉”做了如下阐述：“一般都同意依据国家的属人与属地的最高权力，国家有权自由决定对对国民的待遇。但是，很大一部分的意见却支持另一种见解，认为这种自由决定权是有限度的，而如果犯有对本国人民施行残暴或迫害的罪行，以致否定他们的基本人权并且震骇人类良知，那么，为人道而进行的干涉是法律所允许的。”权威辞典《国际公法百科全书》将“人道主义干涉”定义为：“一个国家由于另一个国家自己不愿意或不能够保护其公民的生命和自由从而对该国使用武力”。 二、当今国际社会人道主义干涉的实践 “人道主义干涉”大致可以分为两种。一种是指当一国国内发生侵犯基本人权的行为，他国为遏制此行为的发生或蔓延而采取的武装干涉行动，此行动未经联合国有关机构的授权，也未得到被干涉国的事先同意，此种干涉也被称之为单方、未授权“人道主义干涉”;另外一种是在出现大规模侵犯人权的前提下，为了“人道主义”目的，由联合国安理会根据《联合国宪章》的规定强制实施或者由其授权而进行的集体干涉行为。 （一）单方人道主义干涉 1、东帝汶事件 1975年,当葡萄牙政府决定撤出东帝汶时,印度尼西亚以制止暴力活动,恢复法律秩序 为理由,武装干涉东帝汶,并在东帝汶犯下强奸、屠杀等大规模严重侵犯人权的暴行。1999
精神分裂症的病因及发病机理 精神分裂症病因：尚未明，近百年来的研究结果也仅发现一些可能的致病因素。（一）生物学因素1．遗传遗传因素是精神分裂症最可能的一种素质因素。国内家系调查资料表明：精神分裂症患者亲属中的患病率比一般居民高6.2倍，血缘关系愈近，患病率也愈高。双生子研究表明：遗传信息几乎相同的单卵双生子的同病率远较遗传信息不完全相同 的双卵双生子为高，综合近年来11项研究资料：单卵双生子同病率（56.7%），是双卵双生子同病率（12.7%）的4.5倍，是一般人口患难与共病率的35-60倍。说明遗传因素在本病发生中具有重要作用，寄养子研究也证明遗传因素是本症发病的主要因素，而环境因素的重要性较小。以往的研究证明疾病并不按类型进行遗传，目前认为多基因遗传方式的可能性最大，也有人认为是常染色体单基因遗传或多源性遗传。Shields发现病情愈轻，病因愈复杂，愈属多源性遗传。高发家系的前瞻性研究与分子遗传的研究相结合，可能阐明一些问题。国内有报道用人类原癌基因Ha-ras-1为探针，对精神病患者基因组进行限止性片段长度多态性的分析，结果提示11号染色体上可能存在着精神分裂症与双相情感性精神病有关的DNA序列。2．性格特征：约40%患者的病前性格具有孤僻、冷淡、敏感、多疑、富于幻想等特征，即内向
型性格。3．其它：精神分裂症发病与年龄有一定关系，多发生于青壮年，约1/2患者于20～30岁发病。发病年龄与临床类型有关，偏执型发病较晚，有资料提示偏执型平均发病年龄为35岁，其它型为23岁。80年代国内12地区调查资料：女性总患病率（7.07%。）与时点患病率（5.91%。）明显高于男性（4.33%。与3.68%。）。Kretschmer在描述性格与精神分裂症关系时指出：61%患者为瘦长型和运动家型，12.8%为肥胖型，11.3%发育不良型。在躯体疾病或分娩之后发生精神分裂症是很常见的现象，可能是心理性生理性应激的非特异性影响。部分患者在脑外伤后或感染性疾病后发病；有报告在精神分裂症患者的脑脊液中发现病毒性物质；月经期内病情加重等躯体因素都可能是诱发因素，但在精神分裂症发病机理中的价值有待进一步证实。（二）心理社会因素1．环境因素①家庭中父母的性格，言行、举止和教育方式（如放纵、溺爱、过严）等都会影响子女的心身健康或导致个性偏离常态。②家庭成员间的关系及其精神交流的紊乱。③生活不安定、居住拥挤、职业不固定、人际关系不良、噪音干扰、环境污染等均对发病有一定作用。农村精神分裂症发病率明显低于城市。2．心理因素一般认为生活事件可发诱发精神分裂症。诸如失学、失恋、学习紧张、家庭纠纷、夫妻不和、意处事故等均对发病有一定影响，但这些事件的性质均无特殊性。因此，心理因素也仅属诱发因
二〇一六年约克—安特卫普规则 作者：叶伟膺译来源：远洋航务网发布时间：2016-05-19 解释规则 共同海损的理算，应适用下列规则，凡与这些规则相抵触的法律和惯例均不适用。 除首要规则和数字规则已有规定者外，共同海损应按字母规则理算。 首要规则 牺牲或费用，除合理作出或支付者外，不得受到补偿。 规则A 1.只有在为了共同安全，使同一航程中的财产脱离危险，有意并合理地作出特殊牺牲或支付额外费用时，才能构成共同海损行为。 2.共同海损牺牲和费用，应按下列规定由各分摊方分担。 规则B 1.如果船舶拖带或顶推其他船舶，并且它们都是在从事商业活动而不是救助作业，则处于同一航程之中。 当所采取的措施是为了使这些船舶及其货物（如果有）脱离共同危险，则应适用本规则。 2.如果船舶处于共同危险之中，而一艘船舶的脱离既可以增加其安全，又可增加同一航程中所有船舶的安全，则该脱离是共同海损行为。
3.如果同一航程中的船舶进入避难港或避难地，则根据本规则的补偿可以给予每一艘船舶。除服从规则G第3和第4款的规定外，共同海损的补偿应在共同航程结束时终止。 规则C 1.只有属于共同海损行为直接后果的损失或费用，才应作为共同海损。 2.环境损害或因同一航程中的财产漏出或排放污染物所引起的损失或费用不得认作同海损。 3.不论是在航程中或其后发生的滞期损失、行市损失和任何因迟延所遭受的损失或支付的费用以及任何间接损失都不得认作共同海损。 规则D 即使引起牺牲或产生费用的事故，可能是由于航程中一方的过失所造成的，也不影响要求分摊共同海损的权利，但这不妨碍非过失方与过失方之间就此项过失可能提出的任何索赔或抗辩。 规则E 1.要求共同海损补偿的一方应负举证责任，证明要求补偿的损失或费用应作为共同海损受偿。 2.航程中的所有方应尽快提供分摊价值的详细资料，如果要求共同海损补偿，则应将要求补偿的损失或费用书面通知海损理算师，并提供支持证据。 3.如果不通知或任何一方在共同航程结束后或费用支付后十二个月内不提供支持所告知的要求补偿的详细资料，则海损理算师可以根据所掌握的材料估算补偿金额。有关分摊价值的资料应在共同航程结束后十二个月提供。如不提供，海损理算师同样可以估算分摊价值。此项估算应书面通知有关方。只有在收到估算书后两个月内并且估算明显不正确的情况下，才可以提出异议。 4.航程中任何一方就要求作为共同海损的牺牲或费用向第三方追偿的，应告知海损理算师，并且应在追
with用法归纳 （1）“用……”表示使用工具，手段等。例如： ①We can walk with our legs and feet. 我们用腿脚行走。 ②He writes with a pencil. 他用铅笔写。 （2）“和……在一起”，表示伴随。例如： ①Can you go to a movie with me? 你能和我一起去看电影'>电影吗？ ②He often goes to the library with Jenny. 他常和詹妮一起去图书馆。 （3）“与……”。例如： I’d like to have a talk with you. 我很想和你说句话。 （4）“关于，对于”，表示一种关系或适应范围。例如： What’s wrong with your watch? 你的手表怎么了？ （5）“带有，具有”。例如： ①He’s a tall kid with short hair. 他是个长着一头短发的高个子小孩。 ②They have no money with them. 他们没带钱。 （6）“在……方面”。例如： Kate helps me with my English. 凯特帮我学英语。 （7）“随着，与……同时”。例如： With these words, he left the room. 说完这些话，他离开了房间。 [解题过程] with结构也称为with复合结构。是由with+复合宾语组成。常在句中做状语，表示谓语动作发生的伴随情况、时间、原因、方式等。其构成有下列几种情形： 1.with+名词(或代词)+现在分词 此时，现在分词和前面的名词或代词是逻辑上的主谓关系。 例如:1)With prices going up so fast, we can't afford luxuries. 由于物价上涨很快，我们买不起高档商品。（原因状语） 2)With the crowds cheering, they drove to the palace. 在人群的欢呼声中，他们驱车来到皇宫。（伴随情况） 2.with+名词(或代词)+过去分词 此时，过去分词和前面的名词或代词是逻辑上的动宾关系。
对外援助理论： 现实主义：发达国家对发展中国家的援助的动机就是本国利益，无论什么类型的对外援助，本质上都是政治性的，摩根索6种类型：人道主义援助、军事援助、用于生计的援助、用于经济发展的援助、为了自身声望而给与的援助、贿赂性援助。（沃尔兹、鲍德温） 自由主义：主要是基于人道义务论，以个人为着眼点、强调尊重别人、倡导人道原则、尊重个人平等自由，承认人的尊严和价值，满足个体的欲求，对外援助有助于发展中国家人民基本需求的实现，这也是发达国家及其公民的道德义务所在。正义论。矫正正义和分配正义，矫正正义是补偿在殖民地犯下的过错，分配正义是指国际社会中富国也应该向弱国提供援助，实现资源公平分配。 依附理论：中心-外围结构，在2个地方存在，发达国家处于中心地位，发展中国家处于外围地区，中心国家通过包括外援在内的资本输出，发达国家使外围形成了对中心的依赖。（普雷维什、多斯桑托斯、弗兰克、阿明） 补充论：发展中国家实现经济起飞的基本条件是投资率是资本积累率达到10%以上，美国政府应该通过剩余产品和基金提供尽可能多的资金援助。这一模型主要是强调资本积累对于经济发展的重要性。发展经济学历史上有若干个极具影响力的经济增长理论，其中之一就是哈罗德·多马模型，国民收入增长率和国内储蓄率成正比，与资本产出率成反比。1966年经济学家钱纳利和斯特劳特提出了双缺口模型，认为多数发展中国家存在储蓄率和外汇不足，因此需要引进外部资源。重点支持工业发展 减贫论：西方经济学家经过多年的观察，发现在贫穷的发展中国家，社会在就业和分配的不平等程度远大于发达国家，发展的成果在很大程度上没有惠及穷人，认为社会发展应该先行于经济发展。因此在这种基础上形成了两种理论：增长中的再分配理论、基本需求理论。重点支持农业发展
独立主格篇 独立主格，首先它是一个“格”，而不是一个“句子”。在英语中任何一个句子都要有主谓结构，而在这个结构中，没有真正的主语和谓语动词，但又在逻辑上构成主谓或主表关系。独立主格结构主要用于描绘性文字中，其作用相当于一个状语从句，常用来表示时间、原因、条件、行为方式或伴随情况等。除名词/代词+名词、形容词、副词、非谓语动词及介词短语外，另有with或without短语可做独立主格，其中with可省略而without不可以。*注：独立主格结构一般放在句首，表示原因时还可放在句末；表伴随状况或补充说明时，相当于一个并列句，通常放于句末。 一、独立主格结构： 1. 名词/代词+形容词 He sat in the front row, his mouth half open. Close to the bank I saw deep pools, the water blue like the sky. 靠近岸时，我看见几汪深池塘，池水碧似蓝天。 2. 名词/代词+现在分词 Winter coming, it gets colder and colder. The rain having stopped, he went out for a walk.
The question having been settled, we wound up the meeting. 也可以The question settled, we wound up the meeting. 但含义稍有差异。前者强调了动作的先后。 We redoubled our efforts, each man working like two. 我们加倍努力，一个人干两个人的活。 3. 名词/代词+过去分词 The job finished, we went home. More time given, we should have done the job much better. *当表人体部位的词做逻辑主语时，不及物动词用现在分词，及物动词用过去分词。 He lay there, his teeth set, his hands clenched, his eyes looking straight up. 他躺在那儿，牙关紧闭，双拳紧握，两眼直视上方。 4. 名词/代词+不定式 We shall assemble at ten forty-five, the procession to start moving at precisely eleven. We divided the work, he to clean the windows and I to sweep the floor.
精神分裂症的发病原因是什么 精神分裂症是一种精神病，对于我们的影响是很大的，如果不幸患上就要及时做好治疗，不然后果会很严重，无法进行正常的工作和生活，是一件很尴尬的事情。因此为了避免患上这样的疾病，我们就要做好预防，今天我们就请广州协佳的专家张可斌来介绍一下精神分裂症的发病原因。 精神分裂症是严重影响人们身体健康的一种疾病，这种疾病会让我们整体看起来不正常，会出现胡言乱语的情况，甚至还会出现幻想幻听，可见精神分裂症这种病的危害程度。 (1)精神刺激：人的心理与社会因素密切相关，个人与社会环境不相适应，就产生了精神刺激，精神刺激导致大脑功能紊乱，出现精神障碍。不管是令人愉快的良性刺激，还是使人痛苦的恶性刺激，超过一定的限度都会对人的心理造成影响。 (2)遗传因素：精神病中如精神分裂症、情感性精神障碍，家族中精神病的患病率明显高于一般普通人群，而且血缘关系愈近，发病机会愈高。此外，精神发育迟滞、癫痫性精神障碍的遗传性在发病因素中也占相当的比重。这也是精神病的病因之一。 (3)自身：在同样的环境中，承受同样的精神刺激，那些心理素质差、对精神刺激耐受力低的人易发病。通常情况下，性格内向、心胸狭窄、过分自尊的人，不与人交往、孤僻懒散的人受挫折后容易出现精神异常。 (4)躯体因素：感染、中毒、颅脑外伤、肿瘤、内分泌、代谢及营养障碍等均可导致精神障碍，。但应注意，精神障碍伴有的躯体因素，并不完全与精神症状直接相关，有些是由躯体因素直接引起的，有些则是以躯体因素只作为一种诱因而存在。 孕期感染。如果在怀孕期间，孕妇感染了某种病毒，病毒也传染给了胎儿的话，那么，胎儿出生长大后患上精神分裂症的可能性是极其的大。所以怀孕中的女性朋友要注意卫生，尽量不要接触病毒源。 上述就是关于精神分裂症的发病原因，想必大家都已经知道了吧。患上精神分裂症之后，大家也不必过于伤心，现在我国的医疗水平是足以让大家快速恢复过来的，所以说一定要保持良好的情绪。
with用法小结 一、with表拥有某物 Mary married a man with a lot of money . 马莉嫁给了一个有着很多钱的男人。 I often dream of a big house with a nice garden . 我经常梦想有一个带花园的大房子。 The old man lived with a little dog on the lonely island . 这个老人和一条小狗住在荒岛上。 二、with表用某种工具或手段 I cut the apple with a sharp knife . 我用一把锋利的刀削平果。 Tom drew the picture with a pencil . 汤母用铅笔画画。 三、with表人与人之间的协同关系 make friends with sb talk with sb quarrel with sb struggle with sb fight with sb play with sb work with sb cooperate with sb I have been friends with Tom for ten years since we worked with each other, and I have never quarreled with him . 自从我们一起工作以来，我和汤姆已经是十年的朋友了，我们从没有吵过架。 四、with 表原因或理由 John was in bed with high fever . 约翰因发烧卧床。 He jumped up with joy . 他因高兴跳起来。 Father is often excited with wine . 父亲常因白酒变的兴奋。 五、with 表“带来”，或“带有,具有”，在…身上，在…身边之意
国际红十字运动与人道主义救援中国红十字会成立于1904年，至今已有108年的历史，做了很多好事善事。中国红十字会是新中国在国际组织中恢复合法席位的第一个组织（1952年）。其活动从战场救护扩大到自然灾害救助以及各种人道主义救助和服务。 工作任务包括：备灾救灾、应急救护培训、开展红十字青少年活动、推动无偿献血、艾滋病防控和关爱、参加国际人道主义救援、组织社区服务、建设造血干细胞资料库、参与对外交往等十多个领域。 ?一个人红十字运动的创始人亨利?¤杜南 （1828－1910） ?一场战役索尔弗利诺战役（1859） ?一本书《索尔弗利诺回忆录》（1862） ?一个国际组织伤兵救护国际委员会（1863) 1875年改名为?°红十字国际委员会?± ?一部国际公约《关于改善战地武装部队伤者境遇之 日内瓦公约》（1864） “白底红十字”标志，是为了对红十字发祥地瑞士表示敬意，掉转瑞士国旗的颜色而成，其中不含有任何政治或宗教因素。 红十字标志的含义 l.标明性标志： 表明与红十字运动有关的人或物。 2.保护性标志： 表明一个受国际人道法保护，不应受到攻击的人或物。
1863年月10月26日至29日，欧洲16个国家的代表在日内瓦举行的首次外交会议决定。使用“白底红十字”作为在战场上从事伤员救护的医务人员、场所及其交通工具的保护标志，并将其列入大会通过的《红十字决议》之中。翌年又在《红十字公约》（即后来的日内瓦公约）中加以明确。 “白底红新月”这个标志在1929年被列入日内瓦公约，在伊斯兰国家广泛使用。 以色列的红大卫盾会使用标志。在不能使用红十字与红新月标志时，使用红水晶标志还可以为处于冲突局势下的战争受害者及人道工作者提供额外的保护。 ?提出保护的概念，保护是人道原则中一个至关重要的概念。 ?我们说如果战争中得不到救治的伤员，得不到救助的平民，在和平时期，得不到医治的病人都是没有尊严的。在所有运动开展的行动中尊重人类的尊严至关重要。 ?通俗的说，人道的原则就是同情，就是伸出援助之手帮助和保护他人，无论他们是谁，或是做了什么，人道的原则就是维护每个人的尊严，甚至包括那些被社会孤立的人。 人道 基本解释 1. [humanity]∶以爱护人的生命、关怀人的幸福、维护人的尊严、保障人的自由等为原则的人事或为人之道. 2.[human;humane]∶中国古代哲学中与“天道”相对的概念。 一般指人事、为人之道或社会规范 ?“人道”这个词语给予我们的第一认识，孽待战俘是不人道的，因为对艾滋病人歧视，不给艾滋病病人提供治疗是不人道的。 ?红十字运动是人类文明进步的产物，是“人道”理念的代名词。
精神分裂症的病因是什么 精神分裂症是一种精神方面的疾病，青壮年发生的概率高，一般 在16～40岁间，没有正常器官的疾病出现，为一种功能性精神病。 精神分裂症大部分的患者是由于在日常的生活和工作当中受到的压力 过大，而患者没有一个良好的疏导的方式所导致。患者在出现该情况 不仅影响本人的正常社会生活，且对家庭和社会也造成很严重的影响。 精神分裂症常见的致病因素： 1、环境因素：工作环境比如经济水平低低收入人群、无职业的人群中，精神分裂症的患病率明显高于经济水平高的职业人群的患病率。还有实际的生活环境生活中的不如意不开心也会诱发该病。 2、心理因素：生活工作中的不开心不满意，导致情绪上的失控，心里长期受到压抑没有办法和没有正确的途径去发泄，如恋爱失败， 婚姻破裂，学习、工作中不愉快都会成为本病的原因。 3、遗传因素：家族中长辈或者亲属中曾经有过这样的病人，后代会出现精神分裂症的机会比正常人要高。 4、精神影响：人的心里与社会要各个方面都有着不可缺少的联系，对社会环境不适应，自己无法融入到社会中去，自己与社会环境不相
适应，精神和心情就会受到一定的影响，大脑控制着人的精神世界， 有可能促发精神分裂症。 5、身体方面：细菌感染、出现中毒情况、大脑外伤、肿瘤、身体的代谢及营养不良等均可能导致使精神分裂症，身体受到外界环境的 影响受到一定程度的伤害，心里受到打击，无法承受伤害造成的痛苦，可能会出现精神的问题。 对于精神分裂症一定要配合治疗，接受全面正确的治疗，最好的 疗法就是中医疗法加心理疗法。早发现并及时治疗并且科学合理的治疗，不要相信迷信，要去正规的医院接受合理的治疗，接受正确的治 疗按照医生的要求对症下药，配合医生和家人，给病人创造一个良好 的治疗环境，对于该病的康复和痊愈会起到意想不到的效果。
1989年国际救助公约 国际公约及惯例发表时间：2009-7-27 10:49:23海上律师事务所点击：12 全国人民代表大会常务委员会关于我国加入《1989年国际救助公约》的决定 （1993年12月29日通过） 第八届全国人民代表大会常务委员会第五次会议决定：中华人民共和国加入《1989年国际救助公约》，同时声明，中华人民共和国根据《1989年国际救助公约》第三十条第1款的规定，保留该条第1款（a）项、（b）项、（d）项不适用该公约的权利。 1989年国际救助公约 目录 第一章总则 第二章救助作业的实施 第三章救助人的权利 第四章索赔与诉讼 第五章最后条款 认识到有必要通过协议制订关于救助作业的统一的国际规则，注意到一些重大发展，尤其是人们对保护环境的日益关心，证明有必要审查1910年9月23日在布鲁塞尔制订的《关于统一海上救助某些法律规定的公约》所确定的国际规则，认识到及时有效的救助作业，对处于危险中的船舶和其他财产的安全以及对环境保护能起重大的作用，相信有必要确保对处于危险中的船舶和其他财产进行救助作业的人员能得到足够的鼓励，兹协议如下： 第一章总则 第一条定义就本公约而言： （a）救助作业系指可航水域或其他任何水域中援救处于危险中的船舶或任何其他财产的行为或活动。 （b）船舶系指任何船只、艇筏或任何能够航行的构造物。 （c）财产系指非永久性和非有意地依附于岸线的任何财产，包括有风险的运费。（d）环境损害系指由污染、沾污、火灾、爆炸或类似的重大事故，对人身健康，对沿海、内水或其毗连区域中的海洋生物、海洋资源所造成的重大的有形损害。（e）支付款项系指按本公约规定应付的任何报酬、酬金、或补偿。 （f）组织系指国际海事组织。 （g）秘书长系指本组织的秘书长。 第二条适用范围 本公约适用于在一缔约国提起的有关公约所辖事项的诉讼或仲裁。
中国对外人道主义援助案例的分析 印度洋海啸和菲律宾台风”海燕”是 21 世纪比较严重的区域性自然灾害,给受灾地区造成了极大的破坏,生命及财产损失难以预估。灾难发生后,国际社会纷纷对受灾地区施以援手,而中国也秉持着人道主义精神向受灾国提供人道主义援助。两次援助中国政府都在第一时间宣布提供现汇及物资以帮助受灾国度过难关,但两次援助也有所不同。一是民间援助在两次灾难中展现的态度有所不同,印度洋海啸中国民间全力参与,捐钱捐物,而在菲律宾台风中中国民间基本未开展任何援助活动。二是两次灾难中国人道主义援助在国际社会产生的反响不禁相同,印度洋海啸中国受到国际社会广泛称赞,而菲律宾台风则产生了对中国的质疑声。分析来看,中国的对外人道主义援助受中国外交形势的影响很大,西方部分国家仍从意识形态出发看待中国援助,使中国对外人道主义援助具有了政治博弈的色彩。 第一节中国对外人道主义援助案例--印度洋海啸 20XX 年 12 月 26 日,格林威治时间(UTC)0 点 58 分,一场巨大的地震伴随着海啸从苏门答腊西海岸开始,以急剧的速度席卷东南亚、南亚、西亚,最终结束于非洲东海岸。此次灾难共波及到 14 个国家,数亿人口。据震后推算,此次地震和海啸释放的能量估计在×1017焦耳,或 2600 万吨 TNT 炸药, 或 1500颗广岛原子弹爆炸的能量。这是自 20 世纪有记录以来第三大能量规模的地震。 地震引起了对地球表面 20-30 公分的震荡,相当于太阳和月亮导致的潮汐力引起的地球震荡的效果。地震引起的冲击波传播到世界各地,甚至连远在美国的俄克拉荷马州也记录到 3 毫米的垂直振动。地震最初被记录为 级,20XX 年初被修改为级,但美国地质调查局至今仍坚持应将地震震级更改为级。 1这场史无前例的地震和海啸给受灾国及当地居民带来了难以估 计的严重后果。灾难造成将近 30 万人死亡(最严重的海啸死亡人数记录),其中有近四分之一是儿童,数百万人无家可归流落街头,基础设施及房屋大面积损毁,公路及海岸线均遭到严重破坏,数十万艘渔船倾覆海底。地震海啸所过之处千疮百孔,满目疮痍,惨不忍睹。(表 4-1 为部分受灾国家伤亡失踪情况不完全统计)。经济方面,受灾地区的经济被摧毁殆尽。特别是依靠渔业及旅游业作为主要收入的国家,经济发展受到极大影响。像斯里兰卡主要的经济活动即为渔业,为大约
第二章海难救助 第一节绪论 一、救助法律 1. 2. 法律 1）统一海上救助若干法律规则的国际公约（1910年救助公约） Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules of Law Relation to Assistance and Salvage at Sea, 1910 1910年9月23日订立于布鲁塞尔，1913年3月1日生效 生效条件：签字之日起一年内，比利时政府与拟批准缔约国联系，决定应否生效 86个国家和地区批准（至2010年12月） 中国没有加入 1967年议定书 1967年5月27日制订，1977年8月15日生效 10个国家批准（至2010年12月） 2）1989年国际救助公约（1989年救助公约） International Convention on Salvage, 1989 1989年4月28日制订，1996年7月14日生效 生效条件：15个国家表示同意 59个国际和地区批准 中国没有加入 3）中国海商法第九章 二、概念 1. 定义 1）1910年救助公约 对于遇难的海船、船上财物和客货运费的救助，以及海船和内河船舶相互之间的救助，也不论发生在何种水域， 2）1989年救助公约 在通航水域或其他任何水域，援救处于危险中的船舶或其他财产的行为或活动 船舶，指任何船只、艇筏或任何能够航行的构造物 3）中国海商法 在海上或者与海相通的可航水域，对遇险的船舶和其他财产进行的救助 4）传统的定义 海船与海船，海船与内河船在任何水域开展的救助 海船？ 2.雇佣救助（打捞）
第二节构成要件 一、合法的获救财产 1. 通常的海事财产maritime property vessels and their apparel, bunkers, wreck cargo and merchandise freight at risk 1）1910年救助公约 海船、如果是海船和内河船相互之间的救助，则扩大到内河船 船上财物 客货运费 2）1989年救助公约 A 非永久性和非有意地依附于岸线的任何财产 property not permanently and intentionally attached to the shoreline B 有风险的运费 C 船舶是 任何船只（ship） 艇筏（craft） 能航行的构造物（any structure capable of navigation） D 特殊的适用财产 固定式或浮动式平台（拖航中） fixed or floating platform 移动式近海钻井装置（拖航中） mobile offshore drilling units E 环境损害（damage to the environment） 第四海事财产 污染、玷污、火灾、爆炸或类似的重大事故，对人身健康、对沿海、内水或其毗连区域中的海洋生物海洋资源所造成的重大的有形损害 2. 飞机和直升飞机 落海的飞机和直升飞机 1）国际公约 没有规定 1989年救助公约财产的范围广大，能否包容？ 2）1938年统一对水上飞机的海难援助和救助及由水上飞机施救的某些规定的国际公约International Convention for the unification of Certain Rules Relating to Assistance and
with[wIT] prep.1.与…(在)一起，带着：Come with me. 跟我一起来吧。/ I went on holiday with my friend. 我跟我朋友一起去度假。/ Do you want to walk home with me? 你愿意和我一道走回家吗 2.(表带有或拥有)有…的，持有，随身带着：I have no money with me. 我没有带钱。/ He is a man with a hot temper. 他是一个脾气暴躁的人。/ We bought a house with a garden. 我们买了一座带花园的房子。/ China is a very large country with a long history. 中国是一个具有历史悠久的大国。3.(表方式、手段或工具)以，用：He caught the ball with his left hand. 他用左手接球。/ She wrote the letter with a pencil. 她用铅笔写那封信。4.(表材料或内容)以，用：Fill the glass with wine. 把杯子装满酒。/ The road is paved with stones. 这条路用石头铺砌。5.(表状态)在…的情况下，…地：He can read French with ease. 他能轻易地读法文。/ I finished my homework though with difficulty. 虽然有困难，我还是做完了功课。6.(表让步)尽管，虽然：With all his money, he is unhappy. 尽管他有钱，他并不快乐。/ With all his efforts, he lost the match. 虽然尽了全力，他还是输了那场比赛。7.(表条件)若是，如果：With your permission, I’ll go. 如蒙你同意我就去。8.(表原因或理由)因为，由于：He is tired with work. 他工作做累了。/ At the news we all jumped with joy. 听到这消息我们都高兴得跳了起来。9.(表时间)当…的时候，在…之后：With that remark, he left. 他说了那话就离开了。/ With daylight I hurried there to see what had happened. 天一亮我就去那儿看发生了什么事。10. (表同时或随同)与…一起，随着：The girl seemed to be growing prettier with each day. 那女孩好像长得一天比一天漂亮。11.(表伴随或附带情况)同时：I slept with the window open. 我开着窗户睡觉。/ Don’t speak with your mouth full. 不要满嘴巴食物说话。12.赞成，同意：I am with you there. 在那点上我同你意见一致。13.由…照看，交…管理，把…放在某处：I left a message for you with your secretary. 我给你留了个信儿交给你的秘书了。/ The keys are with reception. 钥匙放在接待处。14 (表连同或包含)连用，包含：The meal with wine came to ￡8 each. 那顿饭连酒每人8英镑。/ With preparation and marking a teacher works 12 hours a day. 一位老师连备课带批改作业每天工作12小时。15. (表对象或关系)对，关于，就…而言，对…来说：He is pleased with his new house. 他对他的新房子很满意。/ The teacher was very angry with him. 老师对他很生气。/ It’s the same with us students. 我们学生也是这样。16.(表对立或敌对)跟，以…为对手：The dog was fighting with the cat. 狗在同猫打架。/ He’s always arguing with his brother. 他老是跟他弟弟争论。17.(在祈使句中与副词连用)：Away with him! 带他走！/ Off with your clothes! 脱掉衣服！/ Down with your money! 交出钱来！ 【用法】1.表示方式、手段或工具等时(=以，用)，注意不要受汉语意思的影响而用错搭配，如“用英语”习惯上用in English，而不是with English。2.与某些抽象名词连用时，其作用相当于一个副词：with care=carefully 认真地/ with kindness=kindly 亲切地/ with joy=joyfully 高兴地/ with anger=angrily 生气地/ with sorrow=sorrowfully 悲伤地/ with ease=easily 容易地/ with delight=delightedly 高兴地/ with great fluency =very fluently 很流利地3.表示条件时，根据情况可与虚拟语气连用：With more money I would be able to buy it. 要是钱多一点，我就买得起了。/ With better equipment, we could have finished the job even sooner. 要是设备好些，我们完成这项工作还要快些。4.比较with 和as：两者均可表示“随着”，但前者是介词，后者是连词：He will improve as he grows older. 随着年龄的增长，他会进步的。/ People’s ideas change with the change of the times. 时代变了，人们的观念也会变化。5.介词with和to 均可表示“对”，但各自的搭配不同，注意不要受汉语意思的影响而用错，如在kind, polite, rude, good, married等形容词后通常不接介词with而接to。6.复合结构“with+宾语+宾语补足语”是一个很有用的结构，它在句中主要用作状语，表示伴随、原因、时间、条件、方式等；其中的宾语补足语可以是名词、形容词、副词、现在分词、过去分词、不定式、介词短语等：I went out with the windows open. 我外出时没有关窗户。/ He stood before his teacher with his head down. 他低着头站在老师面前。/ He was lying on the bed with all his clothes on. 他和衣躺在床上。/ He died with his daughter yet a schoolgirl. 他去世时，女儿还是个小学生。/ The old man sat there with a basket beside her. 老人坐在那儿，身边放着一个篮子。/ He fell asleep with the lamp burning. 他没熄灯就睡着了。/ He sat there with his eyes closed. 他闭目坐在那儿。/ I can’t go out with all these clothes to wash. 要洗这些衣服，我无法出去了。这类结构也常用于名词后作定语：The boy with nothing on is her son. 没穿衣服的这个男孩子是她儿子。 （摘自《英语常用词多用途词典》金盾出版社） - 1 -