Limits to mass tourism’s effects in rural
peripheries
Robin Biddulph ?
University of Gothenburg,Sweden
a r t i c l e i n f o Article history:Received 3October 2013Revised 14November 2014Accepted 17November 2014Available online 9December 2014Coordinating Editor:Sanjay Nepal Keywords:Tourism Rural Periphery Livelihoods Mobility Cambodia
a b s t r a c t
Economic linkages between mass tourism cores and rural periph-
eries are widely proposed as developmental.This article adopts a
livelihoods approach to investigate the in?uence of a major Cam-
bodian tourism destination on its rural hinterland.A quantitative
pre-study of three rural villages indicated that links were mainly
indirect,through labour migration.The qualitative main phase
found villagers adapting skills and social networks to a range of
employments in diverse locations.Poor households in the rural
periphery were thus already connected to wider economies with
tourism playing a distinctive low-risk,low-return role in their live-
lihood strategies.Policy on poverty and tourism should be
informed by an understanding of rural households’existing liveli-
hood portfolios and the strategic contingent decisions which shape
them.
ó2014The Author.Published by Elsevier Ltd.This is an open access
article under the CC BY-NC-SA license (https://www.doczj.com/doc/9e16545743.html,/
licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/).Introduction
This article contributes to understanding the relationships between tourism booms and impover-ished rural peripheries by conducting livelihoods research in three villages in the rural periphery of a major tourist destination.A policy-oriented mainstream in literature on tourism and development has,in step with changing ideas in development theory (Scheyvens,2011),seen increasing ?ows of tourists into poor countries as a potential driver of development (Brown &Hall,2008).The assumption of pro-poor tourism and its antecedents is that strengthening links to the local economy can increase https://www.doczj.com/doc/9e16545743.html,/10.1016/j.annals.2014.11.011
0160-7383/ó2014The Author.Published by Elsevier Ltd.
This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-SA license (https://www.doczj.com/doc/9e16545743.html,/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/).
?Address:Human Geography Unit,PO Box 630,40530G?teborg,Sweden.Tel.:+46317861397;fax:+46317861398.E-mail address:Robin.Biddulph@geography.gu.se
R.Biddulph/Annals of Tourism Research50(2015)98–11299 the proportion of tourist spending that goes to the poor and can therefore reduce poverty(Ashley,Roe, &Goodwin,2001;Cater,1987;de Kadt,1979;Mitchell&Ashley,2010).
Critical scholars with a political economy orientation,often in?uenced by metropolis satellite the-ory(see Chaperon&Bramwell,2013,pp.132–135;Lacher&Nepal,2010a,pp.947–953),have sug-gested that tourism strengthens relations of dependency between peripheries and cores both within and between nations(Britton,1982;Brohman,1996;Mbaiwa,2005).Notwithstanding this theoretical stance,however,they tend to recommend reform and regulation of tourism rather than self-reliance(Britton,1982,p.355;Brohman,1996,pp.66–67),even if Mbaiwa’s solution involves promoting domestic tourism alongside international tourism(Mbaiwa,2005,pp.169–170).There is in other words a surprisingly broad consensus amongst tourism scholars that tourism cores should be better linked to rural peripheries.
While engaging mass tourism has been seen as the key challenge for pro-poor tourism policy (Goodwin,2009;Scheyvens,2007,p.251),most reported success has been achieved with smaller-scale community-based initiatives(Zapata,Hall,Lindo,&Vanderschaeghe,2011).In the case of such smaller-scale initiatives,substantial academic attention has been paid to the context.A livelihood approach,which means studying how households strategically deploy their assets and capacities in order to satisfy current and future needs(Scoones,1998),has shed light on the extent to which addi-tional incomes from tourism may or may not be compatible with current and intended ways of mak-ing a living(e.g.Fabinyi,2010;Mbaiwa&Sakuze,2009;Mbaiwa&Stronza,2010;Simpson,2009;Tao &Wall,2009).The same attention to existing livelihoods has not been applied in the rural peripheries of mass tourism destinations.This article addresses that gap by reporting on livelihoods research in three rural villages in Siem Reap province,Cambodia.
During the past two decades,the number of visitors to Cambodia,attracted by the ancient temples of Angkor,has expanded by an order of30,from118183visitors in1993to3584307in2012(Royal Government of Cambodia,2014).Tourism at Angkor has been a major driver of national development and has transformed the provincial town of Siem Reap.Meanwhile,however,the rural province of Siem Reap,where the temples are located,has remained one of the poorest provinces in an already poor country.This article describes the livelihoods of villagers in three villages in rural Siem Reap and explains how,and to what extent,the tourism boom centred on the provincial town and the tem-ple complex has reoriented those livelihoods.
The remainder of this introduction describes the theoretical approach by elaborating further?rstly on the relationship between livelihoods,mobility and tourism,and secondly on the relationship between tourism and core-periphery dynamics.
Livelihoods,mobility and tourism
Originating in the1980s,the livelihoods approach in development studies suggested that experts (both researchers and practitioners)need to step outside the assumptions and rationalities of policy, avoid the biases and misunderstandings generated by short?eld visits,and to invest more systemat-ically in understanding situations from the viewpoint of people who are imagined as bene?ciaries (Chambers,1983;Scoones,2009).Implicit in the approach,therefore,is that it does not begin from a particular sectorial view,but rather places different sectors in the context of people’s overall circum-stances and intentions.In the livelihoods literature,household assets are commonly conceptualised as a pentagon of?ve kinds of‘capital’:natural,physical,social,?nancial,human(Scoones,1998).
With respect to tourism and rural peripheries in the global South,the livelihoods approach has lar-gely been used to study the effects of community-based initiatives,especially eco-tourism and wildlife tourism,setting people’s tourism-related activities in the context of a portfolio of livelihood activities. It is thereby possible to identify synergies or opportunity costs(e.g.Mbaiwa&Sakuze,2009;Mbaiwa &Stronza,2010;Simpson,2009;Tao&Wall,2009).
A major theme in livelihoods research in the global South has been de-agrarianisation or‘‘the new rurality’’.While both national statistics and local cultural identities suggest that agriculture is domi-nant,livelihoods research has depicted rural households as less agriculture-dependent(Rigg,2006) and characterised by‘‘widespread occupational experimentation’’(Bryceson,2002,p.725).The tour-ism literature,meanwhile,has tended to be somewhat bifocal,seeing declining rural agriculture
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(or?sheries)and seeking to evaluate tourism as the single alternative to this decline(Carte, McWatters,Daley,&Torres,2010;Fabinyi,2010;Gascón,2014).The juxtaposition of the two litera-tures suggests that tourism scholarship should perhaps be more open to the possibility that tourism incomes are only one part of a broader process of rural income diversi?cation.
Alongside a diversi?cation of income sources(which may be generated at home),livelihoods schol-arship is also?nding rural livelihoods to be increasingly multi-local.Managing a contemporary rural household is less likely to be a question of farming a plot of land and accessing local natural resources; it is more likely to include identifying opportunities in distant places and getting access to the trans-port and communication required to exploit those opportunities(Rigg,2013;Silvey&Elmhirst,2003). This empirical insight aligns with thinking about place in human geography in recent decades.Places are no longer understood as containing the resources upon which populations depend,or even as the locations where most of life is experienced.They are instead understood as sites of?ow,as having por-ous boundaries and as being characterised by?uidity(c.f.Castree,2009;Massey,1994;Pred,1984).
This understanding of the rural poor as mobile and networked implies a different emphasis to that sometimes found in tourism studies.Tourism literature tends to conceive of mobility as integral to,or a consequence of,tourism.Tourism mobilities have been de?ned as‘‘all those mobilities that are gen-erated by the actions of tourists’’(Xin,Tribe,&Chambers,2013,p.82).There have been calls to focus on tourism as mobility(Hall,2005),and on mobility as a theoretical perspective to be further pursued in tourism studies(Cohen&Cohen,2012,pp.2180–2183).These perspectives on the internal dynam-ics of tourism may also be usefully applied to the contexts that tourism affects,even those that are remote and rural.
Mass tourism and the rural periphery
There are multiple ways in which a booming tourism centre might generate improvements in the conditions of people living in the periphery.Pro-poor tourism impacts have been conceived of as threefold.Firstly,there are direct effects–poor people earn as workers or sellers within the tourism sector.Secondly,there are indirect effects–earnings generated by tourism in non-tourism sectors, including multiplier effects from tourism workers spending earnings in the local economy.And thirdly,there are dynamic,long-term effects on such things as institutions,infrastructure and manage-ment of the natural environment(Mitchell&Ashley,2010).
For most poor people living in the rural periphery,these links necessarily operate over distance.Peo-ple may have to migrate to the core to labour or do business.Or they may produce goods in the periph-ery which are then transported for sale in the core.However,tourism capital also seeks diversi?cation beyond the core(Gibson,2009,p.529),meaning that a rural periphery will likely play host to some smaller scale activities and destinations,though these will likely be a minority.In this study,one of the three case study villages selected contains a secondary tourist attraction which tourists visit on the way to the temples.The literature clearly indicates that opening up an interface with tourists does not guarantee economic bene?ts,and certainly not broad-based ones(Gascón,2014;Hall,2007;Lacher &Nepal,2010b;Sharpley,2002;Walpole&Goodwin,2000).However,the presence of tourists in one of these peripheral villages will provide the basis to make comparisons between a peripheral site that hosts a secondary tourist attraction and peripheral sites which do not directly encounter tourists.
This study therefore provides a portrayal of livelihoods in three rural villages in a province where a mass tourism destination is the major economic activity but where,at least in the?rst two decades of rapid expansion,this has not engendered widespread rural development.The questions to be answered are:(i)How do the households in the study villages earn their livings?(ii)What role does tourism play both in current livelihoods and future plans?(iii)How have contextual factors shaped livelihood strategies and enabled or constrained tourism’s in?uence?
Livelihoods and mobilities in rural Siem Reap
Cambodia’s turbulent modern history,tourism’s role in national economic recovery and the effects of Angkor tourism-related development on the region are crucial to the context of this study.
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Cambodia’s late twentieth century history of genocide and war is gradually being superseded by polit-ical stabilisation and rapid if fragile economic recovery(Chandler,1993;Heder,2005;Hughes&Un, 2011).Superpower realignments following the fall of the Berlin wall enabled internationally-sponsored elections and a formal transition to market-oriented democracy in1993.This was followed by a gradual consolidation of peace by1998.Since then,economic growth has been steady,poverty has diminished and the country has gradually ascended in the Human Development index to the extent that it is now ranked as having medium rather than low human development.Census data con-tinue to suggest that85%of the population live in the countryside,and classify70%of the population as having farming as their main source of income.However,scholars in Cambodia have been docu-menting a rise in mobile,multi-local livelihoods(e.g.Biddulph,2011;Brickell,2011;Derks,2005) and this suggests that a breakdown of the rural as a distinct sphere is taking place,as it is elsewhere in Southeast Asia(Rigg,2001)and beyond(Rigg,2006).
Tourism has played a signi?cant role in the national recovery.By2011tourism’s direct contribu-tion to GDP was9.5%,and its total contribution22.1%,higher than in any other country in Southeast Asia(WTTC.,2012,p.8).Tourism has therefore been described as Cambodia’s‘second engine of eco-nomic growth’after the garment industry(Royal Government of Cambodia,2006,p.17).Pro-poor tourism was promoted as a key government policy to achieve sustained growth and poverty reduction (Royal Government of Cambodia,2002,pp.75–77;2006),although the recently adopted national tour-ism strategy(2012–2020)prioritises increased tourist numbers and does not include speci?c poverty reduction provisions(Royal Government of Cambodia,2012).Internationally,meanwhile,Cambodia is noted as a country where relatively little of tourists’spending?nds its way into the hands of the poor (Dwyer&Thomas,2011;Mitchell&Ashley,2010).
The focus of the tourism boom in Cambodia is the Angkor temple complex located in Siem Reap province in the north-west of the country.Constructed between the9th and13th Centuries and recog-nised as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in1992(Wager,1995),Angkor has developed rapidly as a tourist destination.The tourism boom at Angkor transformed the provincial town of Siem Reap.In the early1990s it had the feel of a rural village.Now it has paved roads,air-conditioned hotels,traf?c jams and a continuing land and construction boom(the author?rst visited Siem Reap in1992was resident there1994–5and has returned most years since).Tourism dominates the economy of the town with over50%of jobs being tourism-related(Chheang,2010).The rural surroundings have not,however, been transformed;Winter writes that tourism has made the town of Siem Reap into‘‘an enclave of imbalanced wealth and development,and a micro-economy beyond which lies sustained rural pov-erty’’(Winter,2008,p.537).
A small body of research has examined the impacts of tourism on villages within a20kilometre radius of the provincial town(Ballard,2005;Brickell,2008;Brickell,2011;Chheang,2010;Vutha& Sokphally,2007).This constitutes an area which,if not quite peri-urban,is distinguished by the fact that people can commute daily by bicycle into the town(Vutha&Sokphally,2007,p.51).Overall this research suggests that in these near-lying areas tourism has had a limited effect on agriculture,that many household livelihood strategies are being reoriented away from agriculture to non-agricultural activities and that low-wage opportunities in tourism are increasing.However,they also show that it may be dif?cult for any given household to access opportunities and poorer households in particular struggle to take advantage of either business opportunities or better paid jobs,not least because of competition from in-migrants from other provinces.
Brickell’s work differs from the others in terms of its scale and its attention to mobility.While the others are principally village studies,she focuses on dynamics within households,including the gen-dered implications of tourism’s effects.She described livelihoods as translocal(deliberately contrasted with the concept of transnational in migration studies)and characterised localities as‘‘speci?c situated places of connectivity that enable,rather than curtail,mobility within and beyond the nation’’(Brickell, 2011,p.35).This captures the conception of place employed at the scale of the village in this article.
Study method:applying a livelihood approach in rural Siem Reap
In order to move beyond the peri-urban fringe of Siem Reap,three villages were selected that were suf?ciently remote from the provincial capital(35–50kilometres by road)that they were not within
Fig.1.Location of Case Study Villages.
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Table1
Villages and interviewees.
Village Description#Households#Survey responses#Follow-up interviews
Khnar Near temples,tourists visit daily199179(89.9%)27(13.6%/15.1%) Doun On Near temples,no tourists232187(80.6%)21(9.0%/11.2%)
Champey Far from temples,no tourists10389(86.4%)18(17.4%/20.2%) Total534452(84.6%)56(10.5%/12.4%)
A survey was administered to every household in the villages with response rates between eighty and ninety percent(see Table1).The survey comprised?rstly individual data which served as a village census yielding information on age,sex,birthplace,current location,and main livelihood activities at the time of the survey,and secondly household data which yielded information on livelihood activities throughout a12-month period,strategies in times of crisis(such as an expensive illness in the family) and aspirations for future generations.Individual data,not requiring memory,was more reliable,but seasonally biased.Household data was less reliable because it required villagers to recall activities over a year,but it was also less seasonally biased.Questions on monetary income were avoided since this kind of information cannot be reliably collected in rural Cambodian villages without highly inten-sive methods.
Qualitative interviews were conducted in Khmer language during weeklong stays in late2012 when3–4in-depth interviews per day were conducted.The?rst8–10interviews were conducted with households in different areas of the village whose livelihood activities corresponded to the main portfolios identi?ed for that village by the quantitative survey.Selection of subsequent informants was to pursue particular issues or knowledge gaps identi?ed in the earlier interviews.Members of 56households across the three villages were interviewed(Table1).Interviews covered family history, current livelihoods,the speci?c circumstances and choices leading to those livelihoods,and future plans and aspirations.Questions about the role of tourism in household livelihoods were asked last, thereby setting them in the context of villagers’overall strategies.The author conducted the quanti-tative research with two research assistants and three villagers.The56qualitative interviews com-prised35by the author who interviewed in Khmer and took notes in English,and21by a research assistant who took notes in Khmer which the author translated into English.Audio-recordings of29 of the56interviews are held by the author.
Results of quantitative pre-study
The quantitative survey gave an initial overview,which was most reliable where it did not involve any reliance on memory or on data requiring economic analysis.Questions about location of all house-hold members therefore provided the most trustworthy data.When surveyed,65.7%of adult villagers were at home,or in the village area,10.6%were in the provincial town where the tourism economy is focused whilst only3.3%were abroad in Thailand(see Table2).Given the dominance of tourism in the Siem Reap town economy,even jobs that are not directly in the tourism industry can be assumed to indirectly bene?t from it.
Of the adults in Siem Reap at the time of our survey,18out of117(15.3%)were directly employed in the tourism industry.Some common activities,particularly washing cars and stone carving were only engaged in by villagers from one village(see Table3).
When households were asked about their main sources of income for the previous year,agriculture was the dominant activity in all villages.Other important activities were geographically focused,nota-bly weaving and sugar palm production in Doun On,?rewood and charcoal production in Khnar and to a lesser degree(given its smaller population)agricultural labouring in Champey(see Table4).These patterns appeared to suggest potential supply chains into the tourism market.
A key element of livelihoods research relates to people’s longer term ambitions.Despite living in the province with Cambodia’s main tourist attraction,villagers overwhelmingly aspired for their chil-dren to get government jobs(86speci?ed teaching and43speci?ed nursing).Less than5%mentioned direct tourism employment(see Table5).
This statistical summary provides the background to what follows,namely the results of qualitative enquiries which sought to set these quantitative ?ndings in the context of the changes that have occurred in the two villages over the past two decades (1993–2012).The qualitative results are pre-sented in three parts.Part one examines livelihoods in the village area;part two,livelihood activities outside the village;and part three the speci?c livelihood impacts of tourists visiting Khnar village.Livelihoods in the local landscape
The same changes that initiated the tourism boom –peace,followed by liberal democracy and the opening of markets –also initiated changes in the rural landscape.Much of lowland Cambodia enjoyed peace and security from 1979,but for the villagers of Siem Reap,the threats of raids by guerrilla insur-gents,the uneven presence of government troops and the unpredictable use of landmines by both sides meant that the 1980s and much of the 1990s were a time of danger and poverty.
Insecurity meant that mobility and economic activity were severely curtailed.Villagers were,for example,forbidden from carrying food to the ?elds for fear that they might be feeding the Khmer Rouge.All three villages were affected:the Doun On village chief had his house burned down,and slept in different locations each night to avoid being captured and killed;villagers in Khnar recalled gun?ghts between government and Khmer Rouge soldiers in the village area;in Champey,a woman recalled how just months before local Khmer Rouge units defected in 1994they came to the village and killed her husband because,they said,he had a Vietnamese heart inside his Cambodian body.
When peace came,the initial driver of rural transformation was timber.Both locals and outsiders set up sawmills in all three villages to cut the newly accessible forests.Once the most valuable timber was gone,the labourers and small logging entrepreneurs moved out again,leaving villagers to begin informally claiming the degraded forest land which at that time had little market value.Many house-holds that during the 1980s and 1990s only had a hectare or so of rice land now claimed 5–10hectares of partially cleared forest.Without mechanical equipment,and with daily food needs limiting labour
Table 2
Location of Adult village members (source:Survey data collected Feb-Mar 2012).
Champey
Doun On Khnar Total At home
85(36.6%)177(46.3%)192(39.3%)454(41.2%)In village area
73(31.5%)53(13.9%)144(29.4%)270(24.5%)Within district
27(11.6%)57(15.0%)75(15.3%)159(14.4%)Siem Reap town
11(4.7%)65(17.0%)41(8.4%)117(10.6%)Another province
12(5.2%)18(4.7%)28(5.8%)58(5.2%)Thailand
22(9.5%)10(2.6%)4(0.8%)36(3.3%)No reply/missing 2(0.9%)
2(0.5%)5(1.0%)9(0.8%)232(100.0%)382(100.0%)489(100.0%)1103(100.0%)
Table 3
Main activity of adults in Siem Reap.
Response
Direct tourism employment
Champey Doun On Khnar Total Washing cars
015015Construction labour
14510Stone carving (souvenirs)
0606Hotel work
0336Domestic labour
1405Restaurant work
0415Tour Guide
0011Other
9293169Total
116541117Direct tourism sub-total 013518
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Table4
Main reported source of income for the household over the past twelve months.
Response Champey Doun On Khnar Total
Farming689695229 Weaving02410 Retailing181524 Firewood/charcoal002222 Construction48921 Agricultural labour93618 Sugar palm production010010 Hotel&Restaurant work0033 Other7382671 Total89187179455
Table5
Respondents’aspirations for children’s generation.
Response Frequency%
Government work–civilian22950.3
Farming459.9
Government work–police/military16 3.5
Tour guide11 2.4
Tourism–hotel/restaurant8 1.8
Other7416.3
Don’t know7215.8
Total455100.0
availability,converting forestland to agricultural use was a slow process and the?elds never became particularly productive.
A spike in land prices in the late2000s saw buyers from the national capital Phnom Penh and from Siem Reap town looking to purchase land in the countryside.In each village land acquired in the late 1990s was sold to outsiders in the late2000s,though with slightly different circumstances in each village.In Champey,after land prices fell,speculators sublet land to plantation farmers from eastern Cambodia who provided some seasonal labour opportunities for villagers.In Doun On a mysterious company acquired a large area of land using local authorities as mediators,but has not yet occupied the land and continues to allow villagers to farm it.In Khnar,the village on the road to the temples, outsiders not only bought agricultural land but also residential land in the heart of the village.These buyers included foreigners and Cambodians returning from overseas,thus constituting a form of international connectedness unlike anything in the other two villages.
Both the local timber booms in the late1990s and the land boom in the late2000s generated infu-sions of?nancial capital into village households,often amounting to several thousand US dollars. These were mainly used to improve housing,but also to purchase motorcycles,hand tractors,televi-sions and mobile phones.Generally,while appreciating the lifestyle improvements,villagers expressed regret and frustration at not knowing how to use this capital to generate stable,regular incomes.
These changes provide some of the context for the livelihood activities reported by villagers.In all of the villages over half of the respondents reported their own farming as their main source of income (Table4).However,our qualitative interviews revealed that few households had a regular surplus of rice,that only a handful of households raised livestock commercially and that fruit and vegetable pro-duction was only for household consumption,with rare surpluses being traded inside the village.The high value villagers’ascribed to agricultural income seemed to relate as much to a cultural identity as to economic bene?ts.Meanwhile,poor soils and a lack of irrigation to enable reliable water supply meant that there seemed little prospect of these villages producing signi?cant surpluses and thereby linking to supply chains into the Siem Reap tourist economy.
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Other important sources of income related to the exploitation of natural resources locally,such as basket weaving and sugar palm production in Doun On and?re wood and charcoal production in Khnar(Table4).However,with the successive waves of logging and land sales the local natural resources on which these activities depended were either utterly depleted(Champey)or severely degraded(Doun On and Khnar).Villagers described having to travel further to collect?rewood for sugar palm production in Doun On and charcoal production in Khnar,and described their incomes from these activities as declining and likely to disappear.
Basket weaving in Doun On was an interesting case in this respect.This was a traditional activity, apparently local and suitable for tourist-oriented production.However,interviews revealed a convo-luted supply chain.The reeds used for weaving are no longer available locally so villagers travel over-night on trucks to collect them in a neighbouring province.Demand for baskets has increased,with some older women having only recently learned weaving from neighbours to respond to this demand. However,this demand came not from tourism,but from traders in Siem Reap who export to Thailand. It is possible that villagers’skills and experience give them some comparative advantages to poten-tially reorient production to a tourist market,however the supply chain does not begin in the local area,the product is not currently suitable for tourists(too rough and bulky)and the villagers’established contacts link them to a different market.
Overall,with the natural resource base dwindling,the traditional skills,or human capital,of the villagers are becoming obsolete.In order to adapt to the continuing depletion of local natural resources they have increasingly resorted to labour migration and multi-local livelihoods. Livelihood activities beyond the village
Increased mobility was experienced both as an imperative and as an opportunity.One old lady, suffering impaired vision and partial paralysis,explained it as the de?ning characteristic of contem-porary village life.She contended that anybody could go anywhere,and that anybody who wanted paid work could?nd it.The only exceptions,she noted wryly,were those who were too old or sick to take advantage of such opportunities.
The February2012survey found34%of villagers active away from the village area(Table2).This compares with38%in a study of another lowland rice village in southern Cambodia which used sim-ilar methods(Biddulph,2010).There was,however,a stark contrast between the2010study and the Siem Reap study regarding the extent to which a single urban core dominated.In the2010study84% of those away from the village were in the national capital Phnom Penh.By contrast,of villagers work-ing away from home in the Siem Reap study villages,43%were working in their home districts and returning home at night;32%were in Siem Reap provincial town(including18of this117employed directly in tourism);16%were in other provinces of Cambodia and10%were in Thailand.In other words,despite the visible wealth of the tourism boom in Siem Reap and the relative poverty of the countryside,the town is not dominant when viewed in the context of the choices available to households.
Even more pronounced than the geographical distribution was the diverse range of livelihood activities.The117labour migrants in Siem Reap town were engaged in34different income-generat-ing activities.There was only one activity(car washing with15people)employing more than ten people,and only?ve activities employing more than?ve people(the other four being hotel work, stone carving,construction,?shing).
The qualitative research uncovered the stories which explained some of the village speci?c path dependencies in relation to employment.Almost all people who had worked in Siem Reap reported getting their jobs via recommendations from friends or relatives,often replacing the person who rec-ommended them.In Doun On,villagers working in car washes(there were none from the other villages)was traced back to one man who established a car wash business in town15years previously. As the trade expanded from three to over20businesses in Siem Reap,so did the network of contacts of Doun On villagers in that trade.Less visible in the survey?ndings,but similarly important from the viewpoint of securing work on decent terms,was a construction foreman from Champey to whom villagers turned when looking for building jobs.
R.Biddulph/Annals of Tourism Research50(2015)98–112107 Migration to Thailand emerged as a more signi?cant issue in our discussions with villages than appeared from the fact that just3%of adults were there working in February2012(Table2).For the past two decades labour migration to Thailand has been a high risk,high reward option for villagers in north-west Cambodia.Migrants rely on smugglers to take them across the border and are vulnerable to various forms of trickery and violence at the hands of smugglers,employers and police.Villagers reported earning200–300USD per month as unskilled,illegal workers on the fringes of the Thai economy,but only50to100USD per month as unskilled workers in Siem Reap town.For this reason,acquiring work in Thailand dominated strategic thinking for many of the interviewees.
Government policies to enable legal labour migration are modifying the risk-reward calcula-tion,but only partly.Many villagers had applied for passports and were hoping to be less vulner-able to exploitation and violence.However,they remained dependent on intermediaries,to whom villagers paid approximately250US dollars in advance for a passport,transportation to Thailand and placement in a job.People encountered in all three villages were waiting uncertainly for their passports.
The option of lower wages,but comparatively lower risk in Siem Reap,as against higher wages,but higher risks in Thailand was beginning to lead to an identi?able pattern in household livelihood strat-egies.Young,unmarried adults were travelling to Siem Reap to work as a?rst job.As they got older, and especially after marriage,they sought to work in Thailand for three or four years to earn money to build a house and start a family.
During the past two decades,the hardship and risks of migration have been alleviated by the emer-gence in villagers’lives of information technology.All but the poorest households had at least one mobile phone and everybody had access to one.People use phones to send money home from Thai-land via‘‘banks’’(actually private individuals at district towns who charge considerably less commis-sion than the of?cial banks),meaning they can send a regular income back to their relatives,and do not have to worry about carrying gold or cash across the border.One daughter sent home360USD per month.Of this,60USD went to support the household,whilst the remaining300USD per month was saved for building a house for her.The telephones also reduce anxiety.One mother whose teenage son had just started a hotel security job in Siem Reap,reported calling him every night.
Whilst the transformation of the local landscape had not enabled villagers to secure improved incomes,labour migration over the past twenty years certainly has.With Siem Reap the destination for half of the labour migration,tourism has been a signi?cant creator of opportunities,although these have mostly been low-wage work outside the tourism industry in activities such as construction.If villagers succeed in their ambitions to secure more work in Thailand,then tourism’s role in providing direct and indirect labour opportunities may actually decrease.
Meanwhile,household life cycles and strategies mediate the role of tourism and other activities in individual trajectories.Calculations are made based on the relatively meagre incomes available in Siem Reap and the still considerable risks and hardships of working in Thailand.Poverty is not only experienced in terms of constrained incomes,but multiple forms of fear and emotional hardship.The presence of opportunities in Siem Reap means that households have a low-risk, low-return option.This can be a complement to opportunities in Thailand,but wages in Siem Reap would need to increase by a factor of two or three before they became a competitor to opportuni-ties in Thailand.
Tourists through the village:ironies of proximity and distance
As noted in the introduction,a thriving tourist destination potentially generates direct and indirect links over distance to people in the periphery.However,selected parts of the periphery can also ben-e?t by becoming secondary tourist destinations.This is already occurring elsewhere in Siem Reap. Tours market rural villages as unchanging and untouched by modern life:
Once we arrive,we enter into a working village where you can meet the local families who still weave baskets,dig wells,and make rice wine all by hand as they have done for centuries.
[Back to Basics,2013]
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And
The Village mostly consists of farmers and while Siem Reap is changing quickly;change here is slow, giving you the opportunity to see life in a typical village.From the grounds of an ancient pagoda to vast rice?elds and stilt homes this should not be missed.
[Beyond,2013] Although not a destination for such tours,Khnar did host tourists every day.We therefore turn now to examine how this in?uenced village livelihoods.
Depending on the season,500–1000tourists travel through Khnar village daily to visit the tenth century Banteay Srei temple.About ten percent of these tourists stop in Khnar to visit the land mine museum,which on average receives55visitors per day in the offseason and twice that in the high season.The museum was established by a Cambodian man from another district.Formerly employed by a French humanitarian demining company,in1997he established a land mine museum in Siem Reap town.However,denied of?cial permissions to continue the enterprise in town,he selected Khnar,which is outside the world heritage site zone(where building regulations are restrictive)to re-establish the museum in2007(CLMMRF.,2012).
The museum is?anked by two shops which abut the main road in the village centre.Each is owned by employees or relatives from the museum founder’s home district.The museum supports two other humanitarian initiatives;it funds an orphanage,located directly behind the museum in the village but not open to the public,and it co-funds a demining operation(a separate NGO run by the museum founder).The museum staff includes an American couple,tourist visitors who stayed in Cambodia to take up permanent positions as paid volunteers there.The husband,interviewed at the museum, clearly contributed considerable entrepreneurial?air and administrative experience to the enterprise.
Meanwhile,a Cambodian who lived in France for many years purchased land and established an organic farm in the village.He divides his time between the farm and his organic restaurant in Siem Reap town.He takes tourists to the farm to learn traditional Cambodian cooking,and has plans to develop it as a resort with boating canal and accommodation for international students.He also intends establishing a tourism information centre that will link tourists to home-stays in the area. As with the museum,the motivations behind the enterprise are not solely pro?t-oriented,but humanitarian.
The Cambodian owner of the organic farm and the American volunteer at the land mine museum are cosmopolitan?gures.The Cambodian has lived in Paris and travelled in Africa and North America. The American has travelled extensively in Europe and east Asia in his earlier professional career.They arrive in Khnar not only able to understand international tourists,but also able to recruit support from in?uential national and international people and organisations.They are charismatic?gures with sto-ries to tell about relationships established,visitors brought to the village,and obstacles overcome. Meanwhile,the museum founder has acquired an international pro?le,winning awards travelling internationally and being celebrated in the media(CNN.,2010).Thus,while Khnar has become embed-ded in international networks,the key actors in these networks were not born and raised in the village, but outsiders with particular experience and talents for operating in such networks.
Meanwhile,local authorities and entrepreneurs native to the village also attempted to take advan-tage of the opportunities created by the tourist presence.As throughout Cambodia,many villagers sold food,household goods,fuel,and cycle and motorcycle parts from stalls in front of their houses.Some tried selling souvenirs to tourists,but failed with this so returned to selling their usual lines.They compared Khnar with the next village along the road.That village did not have an attraction compa-rable to the mine museum,but along one side of the road,for a stretch of about300meters there were well-stocked souvenir stalls.Some villagers in Khnar argued that because that village had established itself?rst,it was not possible for Khnar to compete,although others suggested that if the village chief got them organised they might have similar success.Full scale investigation was beyond the scope of the current study but I did conduct some interviews with sellers in the neighbouring village.They con-?rmed that their village chief had taken the initiative in organising everyone to sell.This had not transformed the village economy;livelihoods overall seemed very similar to those in Khnar.However, the small but signi?cant supplement to household incomes meant that a roadside plot for a stall was worth10USD per month in rent.
R.Biddulph/Annals of Tourism Research50(2015)98–112109 With this niche in the market taken the local authorities in Khnar looked,unsuccessfully,for alter-native strategies.The next administrative level up from the village is the commune,which is governed by an elected council.The commune council chief,an intelligent literate man,explained that he had given the idea of tourist stalls to all of the villages,and that the other village had taken the?rst initiative because it had a dynamic village chief.He believed it was important that the other villages now identi?ed different strategies,and suggested that they should use traditional activities such as sugar palm wine production and rice farming as tourist attractions.However,nobody had yet worked out how to operationalise this idea.
The village chief,apparently trying to put such ideas into practice,claimed that villagers in Khnar still mill their rice using old mill stones rather than the belt fed milling machines prevalent in the rest of the country.He too spoke of his frustration that other people could make money from tourists but that he did not know how to.
Overall,the villagers native to Khnar,employ a similar portfolio of activities to stave off poverty to those in Doun On and Champey,namely a combination of local activities(mainly?rewood and char-coal in Khnar),agricultural day labouring,rice farming,and labour migration to Siem Reap and beyond.At this stage,the main economic bene?ts of the two tourism related enterprises accrue to the networks of people close to their founders who are not local.Meanwhile,the villagers,acutely aware of their own lack of entrepreneurial skills in the context of tourism,struggle to see how they can pro?tably engage the tourism market.
Conclusion
This article has investigated the relationships between tourism booms and impoverished rural peripheries by providing a view from three villages in the rural periphery of a major tourist destina-tion in Cambodia.The tourism boom around the temples at Angkor Wat is focused on the provincial town of Siem Reap.The majority of the province’s population,however,live in the countryside.This research examined the livelihoods of households in that rural periphery in order to assess the extent to which tourism was important both in current livelihoods and future plans.It found no signi?cant livelihood bene?ts from either local production for the tourism market or from local enterprises engaging with tourists.It did,however,?nd a signi?cant minority of households bene?ting from labour migration into Siem Reap where most work was indirectly related to tourism,and some was directly in the tourism sector.This concluding section re?ects on these?ndings,discusses their impli-cations for understanding mass tourism’s effects on rural peripheries of the global South and suggests some directions for further research.
Tourism and core-periphery dynamics
Livelihoods research promises to decentre thinking which focuses on particular sectors,and open up to the diverse range of contextual factors which shape household situations and decision-making (Scoones,1998).One strand of tourism literature focuses on major destinations as implicated in core-periphery dynamics(Chaperon&Bramwell,2013;Weaver,1998).The developmental potentials of this dynamic lead pro-poor tourism authors to focus on economic linkages,and to ask how the periph-ery can be linked to the engine of growth at the core.As has been shown,however,this is not the key strategic question that households in the study villages have been addressing themselves to.
Siem Reap province may look like a tourism core with a dependent periphery but in fact,as this study has shown,rural Siem Reap’s links to the wider capitalist economy have not been mediated by tourism in particular or by the Siem Reap town economy in general.Rather,the same processes that drove the tourism boom–peace and the opening of the economy–also drove change in the rural landscape.Villagers’livelihood strategies have developed in response to a plethora of local and regio-nal changes and not just to the emergent tourism.Villagers’social capital,and their calculations of risk and reward have been calibrated to a range of potential labour migration opportunities in diverse set-tings that may compensate for the dwindling opportunities in the local landscape.Tourism-related
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opportunities in Siem Reap town are a small but signi?cant element in this broader range of connections.
Globally,poor people are increasingly accessing communication networks that enable identi?ca-tion of opportunities far from home,including across national borders.The presence of a major tour-ism destination alongside an impoverished rural periphery in a regional economy may lead to an assumption that the former should be central to addressing the latter.However,multiple forms of labour migration and diversi?ed local production constitute a large portfolio of linkages to wider economies.If policy is to build on existing capacities and strategies it should take heed of these existing linkages,and see tourism in this context.
Livelihoods,mobility and tourism
Khnar,unlike the other two villages,presented an interface between villagers and tourists occur-ring in the village.As such,it created an opportunity to study how villagers could take advantage of business opportunities provided by a tourism presence.Despite their best efforts,local villagers could see no way to take these opportunities;this did not just apply to the poorest,but also to more educated and entrepreneurial households.Removing the distance between the community and the tourists did not change their peripherality.
Some previous studies have shown villager engagement with tourists(conceptualised as bridging social capital)facilitating access to transnational networks and opportunity(Steel,2012;Zhao,Ritchie, &Echtner,2011),whilst in Indonesia it has been suggested that a local elite has monopolised bene?ts from tourism in rural areas(Walpole&Goodwin,2000).However,in Siem Reap the linguistic and cul-tural gaps between villagers and tourists appeared too great to bridge even for the local elite,as both of the tourism businesses which emerged were run and staffed by people from outside the villages.
One question raised by this research,is whether the‘‘charismatic cosmopolitan entrepreneur’’type found at the heart of both businesses in Khnar might be examples of a wider phenomenon.The ten-dency for local and non-local entrepreneurs to view rural life differently and for that to shape entre-preneurial engagement has been noted elsewhere(Anderson,2000).In this study,the‘cosmopolitan entrepreneurs’were not simply educated,urban people.They were charismatic,well-travelled?gures who had lived in different continents.In a world characterised by greater mobility(one of these entre-preneurs was a returned migrant,the other an international tourist),it is reasonable to hypothesise that such cosmopolitan entrepreneurs might increasingly be found at the interface with tourists in the rural peripheries of major destinations.
A limitation of this study was that it was carried out in the villages,yet most of the engagements with the tourism economy,both direct and indirect,took place in Siem Reap town.A fuller account would be rendered by examining villagers’experiences in the provincial town.What happens to young women working in tourism restaurants,or young men carving stone souvenirs?Are relation-ships and networks being established now creating path dependencies for future generations,similar to those established15years ago by the car wash entrepreneur from Doun On?The methodological implication is that ethnographies of the tourism-periphery interface should not depend on a researcher who is?xed in the village listening to second-hand accounts of other places.Instead, research strategies need to be adopted that are as multi-local and mobile as the livelihood strategies under study(Marcus,1995;Rigg,2013).The interest in mobile subjects which is central to tourism studies is also supremely relevant when seeking to understand the situations of rural people living in tourism peripheries.
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by the Swedish Research Council Formas Grant Number2011-1315.I would like to acknowledge the contributions of and express my thanks to the following readers:Bertil Vilhelmson,Andrew Byerley,Lotta Fr?ndberg,Shaun Kennedy,Gideon Kunda,Jonas Lindberg and Jane Reas.Thanks also to Ngov Sengkak and Cheap Sam An for smoothing the administrative path to the villages.
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本科生专业文献综述 题目: 湿地生态旅游研究的文献综述姓名: 朱清 学院: 人文社会科学学院 专业: 旅游管理 班级: 41班 学号: 2224107 指导教师: 崔峰职称: 讲师 2007 年6 月30 日 南京农业大学教务处制
湿地生态旅游研究的文献综述 旅游管理专业学生朱清 指导教师崔峰 摘要：当前被称为“朝阳产业”的旅游业已经受到人们的广泛关注，湿地是世界上生产力最高的生态系统，它不仅具有丰富的水资源、土地资源、生物多样性资源和矿产资源，还具有巨大的生态效益和经济效益。湿地以其独特的自然和文化景观为湿地旅游提供了条件。本文归纳总结了国内学者对于湿地相关概念的研究、湿地生态旅游资源的研究以及目前我国湿地开发的个案研究，从而了解我国湿地生态旅游的现状与不足，为更好的实现湿地生态旅游资源的保护和湿地生态旅游的可持续发展提供借鉴。 关键词：湿地；生态旅游；可持续发展 Studies on eco-tourism of wetlands Student majoring in tourism management Zhu Qing Tutor Cui Feng Abstract:Nowadays, the so called “Rising Sun Industry” tourism has aroused extensive attention. Wetland is the highest ecosystem on productivity in the world, for it not only has abundant water resources, land resources, biodiversity resources and mineral resources, but also has tremendous ecological and economic benefits. With the peculiar natural and culture landscapes, wetlands provide many advantages on wetland tourism. This paper summarizes the domestic scholars researches on the concept about wetlands、the resources of wetlands tourism and the examples of wetlands tourism exploitation. On the basis of that, we can see the present conditions and disadvantages of domestic researches, and provide some advices on the protection of wetlands and sustainable development. Key words: wetlands; eco-tourism; sustainable development 湿地与森林、海洋并称为地球三大生态系统，与人类的生存、繁衍和发展息息相关, 它不仅为人类生产、生活提供了多种资源, 而且具有巨大的生态旅游资源开发潜力。旅
forced concrete structure reinforced with an overviewRein Since the reform and opening up, with the national economy's rapid and sustained development of a reinforced concrete structure built, reinforced with the development of technology has been great. Therefore, to promote the use of advanced technology reinforced connecting to improve project quality and speed up the pace of construction, improve labor productivity, reduce costs, and is of great significance. Reinforced steel bars connecting technologies can be divided into two broad categories linking welding machinery and steel. There are six types of welding steel welding methods, and some apply to the prefabricated plant, and some apply to the construction site, some of both apply. There are three types of machinery commonly used reinforcement linking method primarily applicable to the construction site. Ways has its own characteristics and different application, and in the continuous development and improvement. In actual production, should be based on specific conditions of work, working environment and technical requirements, the choice of suitable methods to achieve the best overall efficiency. 1、steel mechanical link 1.1 radial squeeze link Will be a steel sleeve in two sets to the highly-reinforced Department with superhigh pressure hydraulic equipment (squeeze tongs) along steel sleeve radial squeeze steel casing, in squeezing out tongs squeeze pressure role of a steel sleeve plasticity deformation closely integrated with reinforced through reinforced steel sleeve and Wang Liang's Position will be two solid steel bars linked Characteristic: Connect intensity to be high, performance reliable, can bear high stress draw and pigeonhole the load and tired load repeatedly.
五、外文资料翻译 Stress and Strain 1.Introduction to Mechanics of Materials Mechanics of materials is a branch of applied mechanics that deals with the behavior of solid bodies subjected to various types of loading. It is a field of study that i s known by a variety of names, including “strength of materials” and “mechanics of deformable bodies”. The solid bodies considered in this book include axially-loaded bars, shafts, beams, and columns, as well as structures that are assemblies of these components. Usually the objective of our analysis will be the determination of the stresses, strains, and deformations produced by the loads; if these quantities can be found for all values of load up to the failure load, then we will have obtained a complete picture of the mechanics behavior of the body. Theoretical analyses and experimental results have equally important roles in the study of mechanics of materials . On many occasion we will make logical derivations to obtain formulas and equations for predicting mechanics behavior, but at the same time we must recognize that these formulas cannot be used in a realistic way unless certain properties of the been made in the laboratory. Also , many problems of importance in engineering cannot be handled efficiently by theoretical means, and experimental measurements become a practical necessity. The historical development of mechanics of materials is a fascinating blend of both theory and experiment, with experiments pointing the way to useful results in some instances and with theory doing so in others①. Such famous men as Leonardo da Vinci(1452-1519) and Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) made experiments to adequate to determine the strength of wires , bars , and beams , although they did not develop any adequate theo ries (by today’s standards ) to explain their test results . By contrast , the famous mathematician Leonhard Euler(1707-1783) developed the mathematical theory any of columns and calculated the critical load of a column in 1744 , long before any experimental evidence existed to show the significance of his results ②. Thus , Euler’s theoretical results remained unused for many years, although today they form the basis of column theory. The importance of combining theoretical derivations with experimentally determined properties of materials will be evident theoretical derivations with experimentally determined properties of materials will be evident as we proceed with
无土栽培技术 【摘要】随着越来越多的消费者对食品安全的重视和市场的需求，无土栽培作为一种高效、节能、无污染的规范化生产模式，在我国得到了广泛的推广。不同基质和基质配方对生长和营养价值有显著差异，选择合适的基质配方相当重要。无土栽培具有产量高、适应性强、品质好的特点，受到越来越多的关注和应用。简述了国内外无土栽培的概况，介绍了我国无土栽培的发展现状、优点、存在的问题和展望等，为推进我国无土栽培技术发展提供理论依据。 【关键词】无土栽培 1.无土栽培的定义 万军在科技创新导报上提出：无土栽培是指不用天然土壤栽培作物，而将作物栽培在营养液中，这种营养液可以代替天然土壤向作物提供水分、养分、氧气、温度，使作物能够正常生长并完成其整个生命周期。无土栽培技术从出现至今140多年的发展历程中，特别是近几十年的发展速度非常迅速，与科学技术的发展是分不开的。我国无土栽培技术在研究应用起步较晚，但较原始的无土栽培技术却有悠久历史。近几年我国无土栽培进入迅速发展阶段，无土栽培的面积和栽培技术水平都得到空前的提高。[1]魏明丽与王野在学术园地上提出：无土栽培学是研究无土栽培技术原理、栽培方式和管理技术的一门综合性应用科学。所谓无土栽培就是完全摆脱对土壤的依赖，根据植物生长发育所需要的各种养分配置成营养液，供植物直接吸收利用。无土栽培以人为创造的作物根系环境取代了土壤环境，有效的解决了传统土壤栽培中难以解决的水分、空气、养分供应的矛盾，使作物根系处于一个良好的环境条件。[2]王桂云在科技信息上提出：无土栽培根据所用基质的不同而有不同的类型，常见的有砂培和水培。无土栽培是近百年来新发展起来的一种栽培技术。使用天然基质(如砂、碎秸秆、锯末、草炭等)或人工基质(如岩棉、珍珠岩等)代替土壤．甚至不使用任何基质。运用营养液直接浸、喷植物根部。又称之为营养液栽培。无土蔬菜栽培不仅能提高产品的产量和质量，而且不占耕地，节省肥水，简化工序，有利蔬菜生产的现代化和自动化，目前，我国目前耕地面积约为18．26亿亩，相比1997年的19．49亿亩减少1．23亿亩。在我国当前人均耕地面积相对少、人口密度大、农产品需求旺盛的情况下，无土栽培技术的推广和利用具有广泛的现实意义。[3] 2.无土栽培的特点 无土栽培技术的核心是用基质和营养液代替土壤，因此，利用无土栽培可以有效地克服设施栽培中土壤泛盐，土传病虫害和连作障碍，可以在不适于耕作的地方(如盐碱地、沙漠、海岛、阳台、屋顶等)周年栽培，较有土栽培有无法比拟的优越性。无土栽培不但可使地球上许多荒漠变成绿洲，而且在不久的将来，海洋、太空也将成为新的开发利用领域。其作为一项新的现代化农业技术，具备以下优点：科学调控，品质优良；吸收充分，操作简便；清洁卫生，病虫害少；栽培灵活，美化生活。无土栽培的优越性归根结底在于无土栽培所提供的营养的优越性，与土壤栽培相比，无土栽培以营养液的方式向植物提供的营养要比土壤提供的优越得多，其表现为：营养全面而均衡，营养的有效性高，供应充分、迅速等。[2] 无土栽培都是在温室、大棚内进行的。温室、大棚内的环境条件主要有光照、温湿度和气体等，与外界自然条件不同，需要人工加以调节,以适应园艺作物生长发育的需要，这是无土栽培成败的主要技术环节。[4]
本科生专业文献综述 题目: 关于旅游广告营销策略的文献综述姓名: 韩露 学院: 人文社会科学学院 专业: 旅游管理 班级: 旅游管理42班 学号: 2224228 指导教师: 刘庆友职称: 副教授 2007 年6 月30 日 南京农业大学教务处制
关于旅游广告营销策略的文献综述 旅游管理专业学生韩露 指导老师刘庆友 摘要：旅游是一种基于精神需求而产生的活动，旅游产业作为朝阳产业，受到社会的普遍关注和重视，而精神需求在现代信息社会越来越需要大众化的广告来激发、引导。旅游产品的广告宣传是非常重要的沟通媒介，在旅游产业发展中起着重要作用。在现代旅游业中，各种广告已经不是可有可无，而是非有不可，旅游广告的促销作用将得到越来越大的显现。但是，在旅游广告营销的发展过程中，也暴露了一些普遍存在的问题。国内外研究者在这些方面进行了广泛而多角度的研究。本文在查阅中外相关文献的基础上，梳理目前的研究思路，以便于明确研究现状，做出简要述评，从而能进一步探讨没有涉及到的领域。 关键词：旅游广告；影响；应用；问题；对策 The overview of marketing strategy of tourism advertisements Student majoring in Tourism Management Han Lu Tutor Liu Qingyou Abstract: Tourism is one kind of activities which bases on the spiritual demands, and the tourism industry receives the social universal attentions as a sunrise industry. The spiritual demand needs stimulation and guidance of advertisements more and more in the modern information society. The tourism product advertisement is a very important communication medium, which plays a vital role in the tourism industry development. In the modern tourism industry，each kind of advertisement is not dispensable，but indispensable, and the promotion function of the tourism advertisements will be more and more obvious. However, there are also some universal problems in the developing progress of the tourism advertisements. The domestic and foreign researchers carried on in these aspects in widespread and thematic- angles. This article in consults the Chinese and foreign correlation literature in the foundation and combs the present mentality of research, make the situation of thread clear about the present research and makes the brief
NET-BASED TASK MANAGEMENT SYSTEM Hector Garcia-Molina, Jeffrey D. Ullman, Jennifer Wisdom ABSTRACT In net-based collaborative design environment, design resources become more and more varied and complex. Besides com mon in formatio n man ageme nt systems, desig n resources can be orga ni zed in connection with desig n activities. A set of activities and resources linked by logic relations can form a task. A task has at least one objective and can be broken down into smaller ones. So a design project can be separated in to many subtasks formi ng a hierarchical structure. Task Management System (TMS) is designed to break down these tasks and assig n certa in resources to its task no des. As a result of decompositi on. al1 desig n resources and activities could be man aged via this system. KEY WORDS : Collaborative Design, Task Management System (TMS), Task Decompositi on, In formati on Man ageme nt System 1 Introduction Along with the rapid upgrade of request for adva need desig n methods, more and more desig n tool appeared to support new desig n methods and forms. Desig n in a web en vir onment with multi-part ners being invo Ived requires a more powerful and efficie nt man ageme nt system .Desig n part ners can be located everywhere over the n et with their own organizations. They could be mutually independent experts or teams of tens of employees. This article discussesa task man ageme nt system (TMS) which man ages desig n activities and resources by break ing dow n desig n objectives and re-orga nizing desig n resources in conn ecti on with the activities. Compari ng with com mon information management systems (IMS) like product data management system and docume nt man ageme nt system, TMS can man age the whole desig n process. It has two tiers which make it much more flexible in structure. The lower tier con sists of traditi onal com mon IMSS and the upper one fulfills logic activity management through controlling a tree-like structure, allocating design resources and
在广州甚至广东的住宅小区电气设计中,一般都会涉及到小区的高低压供配电系统的设计.如10kV高压配电系统图,低压配电系统图等等图纸一大堆.然而在真正实施过程中,供电部门(尤其是供电公司指定的所谓电力设计小公司)根本将这些图纸作为一回事,按其电脑里原有的电子档图纸将数据稍作改动以及断路器按其所好换个厂家名称便美其名曰设计(可笑不?),拿出来的图纸根本无法满足电气设计的设计意图,致使严重存在以下问题:(也不知道是职业道德问题还是根本一窍不通) 1.跟原设计的电气系统货不对板,存在与低压开关柜后出线回路严重冲突,对实际施工造成严重阻碍,经常要求设计单位改动原有电气系统图才能满足它的要求(垄断的没话说). 2.对消防负荷和非消防负荷的供电(主要在高层建筑里)应严格分回路(从母线段)都不清楚,将消防负荷和非消防负荷按一个回路出线(尤其是将电梯和消防电梯,地下室的动力合在一起等等,有的甚至将楼顶消防风机和梯间照明合在一个回路,以一个表计量). 3.系统接地保护接地型式由原设计的TN-S系统竟曲解成"TN-S-C-S"系统(室内的还需要做TN-C,好玩吧?),严格的按照所谓的"三相四线制"再做重复接地来实施,导致后续施工中存在重复浪费资源以及安全隐患等等问题.. ............................(违反建筑电气设计规范等等问题实在不好意思一一例举,给那帮人留点混饭吃的面子算了) 总之吧,在通过图纸审查后的电气设计图纸在这帮人的眼里根本不知何物,经常是完工后的高低压供配电系统已是面目全非了,能有百分之五十的保留已经是谢天谢地了. 所以.我觉得:住宅建筑电气设计,让供电部门走!大不了留点位置,让他供几个必需回路的电,爱怎么折腾让他自个怎么折腾去.. Guangzhou, Guangdong, even in the electrical design of residential quarters, generally involving high-low cell power supply system design. 10kV power distribution systems, such as maps, drawings, etc. low-voltage distribution system map a lot. But in the real implementation of the process, the power sector (especially the so-called power supply design company appointed a small company) did these drawings for one thing, according to computer drawings of the original electronic file data to make a little change, and circuit breakers by their the name of another manufacturer will be sounding good design (ridiculously?), drawing out the design simply can not meet the electrical design intent, resulting in a serious following problems: (do not know or not know nothing about ethical issues) 1. With the original design of the electrical system not meeting board, the existence and low voltage switchgear circuit after qualifying serious conflicts seriously hinder the actual construction, often require changes to the original design unit plans to meet its electrical system requirements (monopoly impress ). 2. On the fire load and fire load of non-supply (mainly in high-rise building in) should be strictly sub-loop (from the bus segment) are not clear, the fire load and fire load of non-qualifying press of a circuit (especially the elevator and fire elevator, basement, etc.
文献综述 1. 研究背景 近年来，随着农村土地流转制度的改革，农业经济结构发生的转变，农业经济增长方式和农业发展方式得到改变，中央一号文件提出的鼓励和支持承包土地向专业大户、家庭农场、农民合作社流转的农业政策无疑更好的印证了发展现代农业真正潮流和形式的到来。家庭农场这一以家庭成员为主要劳动力，从事农业规模化、集约化、商品化生产经营，并以农业收入为家庭主要收入来源的新型农业规模经营成为了重要研究课题。针对国内外专家学者对家庭农场发展合理性、发展前提条件、发展现状等问题的研究，以及发展模式的深入、继续探讨符合国内不同省际之间不同地区的具体情况来发展地方家庭农场的发展已经成为必要和迫切的课题。 2.研究现状 2.1对国外家庭农场的研究 朱博文[1]认为土地私有是国外农场的根本特性。国外发达资本主义国家的农场都是在私有制基础上逐步实行土地相对集中，生产要素完全有市场调节，最终实现适度规模经营发展起来的。刘志雄[2]认为美国农场的组织形式主要分为家庭农场、合伙农场、公司农场三种形式。其中张妮妮[3]研究显示这三种组织形式以家庭农场为主，2007年农场数量为206.9万个，家庭农场比重为97.6%。贾佳佳[4]认为美国家庭农场的特点主要表现为：农场土地私人所有；经营规模化和组织方式多样化；生产经营的专业化；农场主拥有的土地权利是稳定而有保障的。而早在1959年列宁[5]就提出过资本主义农业发展存在两条道路，一条是普鲁士改良道路，一条是美国的改良道路，而在地主经济不存在的情况下农民在后一种情况下占据优势，成为独一无二的代表，逐渐转化为资本主义农场主。克拉夫和马伯格[6]在《美国文化的经济基础》一书中提出家庭农场在美国社会中始终有其经济意义以及象征意义。个人家庭农场制度，是所有西方文化国家为了社会的和政治的原因二促成的
第2章 基于定频积分的逆变器并网控制 2.1 引言 本章探索了一种基于定频积分控制的可选择独立工作和并网运行两种工作模式的光伏逆变器控制方案，对其工作原理以及并网电流纹波影响因素进行了理论分析，推导了控制方程，并给出了计算机仿真分析结果。 2.2 逆变器并网控制系统总体方案设计 如本文第一章所述，并网型逆变器主要应用在可再生新能源并网发电技术中，因此，对逆变器并网控制方案的研究也必须结合新能源发电的特点，达到最大限度的利用可再生资源。作者设计了一种既可以控制逆变器工作在并网送电状态，又可以控制逆变器工作在独立带载状态的逆变器并网控制系统。逆变器的具体工作模式由工作场合和用户需求决定，系统具有多功能。 本系统采用以定频积分为核心的控制方案。逆变器并网工作时采用基于定频积分的电流控制方案；独立工作时，在并网电流控制方案的基础上加入电压PI 外环，实现输出电压控制。定频积分控制不仅将并网输出电流控制和独立输出电压控制有机地融合在一起，而且使系统在两种工作模式下都具有良好的性能。 2.3 定频积分控制的一般理论 所谓定频积分控制是指保持电路工作的开关频率S f 不变，而通过积分器和 D 触发器来控制开关器件在每个周期的导通时间on T 和关断时间off T 。图2-1所示为定频积分控制的一般原理图。 定频积分控制是基于单周期控制的一种控制方法[43~45]。单周期控制是一种非线性控制技术， 该控制方法的突出特点是：无论是稳态还是暂态，它都能保持受控量(通常为斩波波形)的平均值恰好等于或正比于给定值，即能在一个开关周期，有效的抵制电源侧的扰动，既没有稳态误差，也没有暂态误差，这种控制技术可广泛应用于非线性系统的场合，比如脉宽调制、谐振、软开关式的变换器等。下面具体从理论上分析基于单周控制的定频积分控制的一般原理和特点。
Commercial Buildings Abstract: A guide and general reference on electrical design for commercial buildings is provided. It covers load characteristics; voltage considerations; power sources and distribution apparatus; controllers; services, vaults, and electrical equipment rooms; wiring systems; systems protection and coordination; lighting; electric space conditioning; transportation; communication systems planning; facility automation; expansion, modernization, and rehabilitation; special requirements by occupancy; and electrical energy management. Although directed to the power oriented engineer with limited commercial building experience, it can be an aid to all engineers responsible for the electrical design of commercial buildings. This recommended practice is not intended to be a complete handbook; however, it can direct the engineer to texts, periodicals, and references for commercial buildings and act as a guide through the myriad of codes, standards, and practices published by the IEEE, other professional associations, and governmental bodies. Keywords: Commercial buildings, electric power systems, load characteristics 1. Introduction 1.1 Scope This recommended practice will probably be of greatest value to the power oriented engineer with limited commercial building experience. It can also be an aid to all engineers responsible for the electrical design of commercial buildings. However, it is not intended as a replacement for the many excellent engineering texts and handbooks commonly in use, nor is it detailed enough to be a design manual. It should be considered a guide and general reference on electrical design for commercial buildings. 1.2 Commercial Buildings The term “commercial, residential, and institutional buildings”as used in this chapter, encompasses all buildings other than industrial buildings and private dwellings. It includes office and apartment buildings, hotels, schools, and churches, marine, air, railway, and bus terminals, department stores, retail shops, governmental buildings, hospitals, nursing homes, mental and correctional institutions, theaters, sports arenas, and other buildings serving the public directly. Buildings, or parts of buildings, within industrial complexes, which are used as offices or medical facilities or for similar nonindustrial purposes, fall within the scope of this recommended practice. Today’s commercial buildings, because of their increasing size and complexity, have become more and more dependent upon adequate and reliable electric systems. One can better understand the complex nature of modern commercial buildings by examining the systems, equipment, and facilities listed in 1.2.1. 1.2.2 Electrical Design Elements In spite of the wide variety of commercial, residential, and institutional buildings, some electrical design elements are common to all. These elements, listed below, will be discussed generally in this section and in detail in the remaining sections of this recommended practice. The principal design elements considered in the design of the power, lighting, and auxiliary systems include: 1) Magnitudes, quality, characteristics, demand, and coincidence or diversity of loads and load factors 2) Service, distribution, and utilization voltages and voltage regulation 3) Flexibility and provisions for expansion
International Journal of Minerals, Metallurgy and Materials Volume 17, Number 4, August 2010, Page 500 DOI: 10.1007/s12613-010-0348-y Corresponding author: Zhuan Li E-mail: li_zhuan@https://www.doczj.com/doc/9e16545743.html, ? University of Science and Technology Beijing and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2010 Preparation and properties of C/C-SiC brake composites fabricated by warm compacted-in situ reaction Zhuan Li, Peng Xiao, and Xiang Xiong State Key Laboratory of Powder Metallurgy, Central South University, Changsha 410083, China (Received: 12 August 2009; revised: 28 August 2009; accepted: 2 September 2009) Abstract: Carbon fibre reinforced carbon and silicon carbide dual matrix composites (C/C-SiC) were fabricated by the warm compacted-in situ reaction. The microstructure, mechanical properties, tribological properties, and wear mechanism of C/C-SiC composites at different brake speeds were investigated. The results indicate that the composites are composed of 58wt% C, 37wt% SiC, and 5wt% Si. The density and open porosity are 2.0 g·cm–3 and 10%, respectively. The C/C-SiC brake composites exhibit good mechanical properties. The flexural strength can reach up to 160 MPa, and the impact strength can reach 2.5 kJ·m–2. The C/C-SiC brake composites show excellent tribological performances. The friction coefficient is between 0.57 and 0.67 at the brake speeds from 8 to 24 m·s?1. The brake is stable, and the wear rate is less than 2.02×10?6 cm3·J?1. These results show that the C/C-SiC brake composites are the promising candidates for advanced brake and clutch systems. Keywords: C/C-SiC; ceramic matrix composites; tribological properties; microstructure [This work was financially supported by the National High-Tech Research and Development Program of China (No.2006AA03Z560) and the Graduate Degree Thesis Innovation Foundation of Central South University (No.2008yb019).] 温压-原位反应法制备C / C-SiC刹车复合材料的工艺和性能 李专，肖鹏，熊翔 粉末冶金国家重点实验室，中南大学，湖南长沙410083，中国（收稿日期：2009年8月12日修订：2009年8月28日;接受日期：2009年9月2日） 摘要：采用温压?原位反应法制备炭纤维增强炭和碳化硅双基体(C/C-SiC)复合材