E-weekly Unit 1 Why mom gets roses, and dad a collect call
(为什么妈妈得到玫瑰,而爸爸得到的却是“对方付费电话”)
美国人在母亲节和父亲节都会庆祝。然而，在这两个场合中，父亲和母亲从孩子
那儿收到的礼物却不相同。这篇文章研究了差异背后的问题。
Let?s face it: there?s something about a silk tie that strangles sentiment.
我们要面对这样一个事实：有些东西就像丝带一样，扼制了我们的情感表达。
Whereas May overflows with tender tokens for mom-measured by the 150 million greeting cards and the wire-jamming long-distance telephone calls--dear
old dad generally will make do with much less this Sunday. As many dads know, Father?s Day is the No.1 day for collect call—and for proudly modeling a new
glow-in-the-dark football tie.
尽管母亲节使五月充满了温情的礼物，包括1亿5千万张贺卡和多得使线路堵
塞的长途电话，但亲爱的老爸在这个周日却要凑合着少得多的纪念品。许多父亲都
知道，父亲节是“对方付费电话”最多的一天，也是父亲们骄傲地展示一条新的、
会在暗处发光的足球领带的最多的一天。
Even if dads don?t mind, the Father?s Day/Mother?s D ay discrepancy nonetheless speaks to society?s views on parenthood and father?s role in raising children. “ the “gag gifts” associated with Father?s Day reflect the profound ambivalence（正反感情并存）that our culture feels about emotional connections
to fathers,”says Scott Coltrane, a sociologist at the University of California at Riverside.
虽然父亲们并不在意，但父亲节和母亲节的差异依然说明了社会对于父母身份
和父亲在抚养孩子中的角色的看法。“那种与父亲节有关的、戏弄式的礼物反映了意
义深远的矛盾，这就是我们的文化所感觉到的与父亲情感上的联系。”加利福尼亚大
学赛德分校的一位社会学家Scott Coltrane说道。
But how Americans celebrate fatherho od may catch up with today?s dads, others say. “Gender roles and gender behavior are changing all the time,” says Frederic Brunel, associate professor of marketing at Boston University School of
Management.
但是，也有人说，美国人庆祝父亲节的方式已经赶上了现代父亲们的节奏。波士顿大学管理学院营销学副教授Frederic Brunel说：“性别角色和性别行为是一直在变化的。”
There are some signs that may be happening. Hallmark?s wares feature few dads befuddled by diaper changes and more straight-faced sentiment. Boston?s Bella Sante spa recommends pampering pop with a manicure or facial, an d https://www.doczj.com/doc/772433748.html, offers tranquility fountains and European soaps. The top sellers, however, are a money clip, a pocket tool and a hand- cranked radio/light, proving that shopping for dad still comes down to “ties and tools,” as Mr.Brunel puts it.
这里有一些可能正在发生的标志。Hallmark的商品很少考虑那些被尿布的变化弄糊涂的父亲，更多的是直观的感情表达。波士顿的Bella Sunte温泉疗养地，推出了一种无微不至的项目，包括修指甲、美容以及https://www.doczj.com/doc/772433748.html,提供的安宁喷泉和欧洲香皂。但是最畅销的还是钱夹、工具包和手拧收音机（或灯）。这证明了Brunel 先生所说的，买给父亲的礼物始终还是那些领带工具之类。
Indeed, Americans? tendency to shy away from sentiment when it comes to their fathers is one explanation for the 10 million ties being handed out this Sunday—to say nothing of the scores of soap-on-a-rope and state-of-the-art pooper scoopers (for ergonomic walks with Rover) being gift-wrapped this weekend as symbols of filial piety
的确，美国人在面对父亲的时候有羞于表达感情的倾向，这也解释了为什么这个星期天会有上千万条领带被送出---更不用说许多系着绳子的香皂和最新型的长柄粪铲（符合人体工学，适合散步者）在这个周末被包装送出作为子女孝道的象征。
Father?s Day, first proposed in 1910, has played second violin to Mother?s Day throughout the 20t h century. “There?s a sacredness attached to mothe rhood that we don?t attach to fatherhood,” says Mr. LaRossa.
父亲节在1910年被首次提出后，在整个20世纪一直处于比居母亲节低的次要地位。“有一种神圣的感觉附着在母性上，这种感觉在父性上，我们却没有。（把母亲放在神圣的位置，而却不那么崇敬父亲）”LaRossa先生说。
That comes through in the hoopla surrounding the two holidays. Dads got 95 million cards l ast year to moms? 150 million. Mother?s Day is the No.1 calling day in the US, according to AT&T, while Father?s Day registers the most collect calls. And moms got six times more posies in 1998 than did her parenting counterpart, according to an FTD survey.
这来自于围绕这两个节日的讨论。去年父亲们收到9千5百万张贺卡而母亲们收到1亿5千万张。据AT&T调查，母亲节是美国接电话最多的一天，而父亲节是注册对方付费电话最多的一天。而根据FTD的调查，在1998年妈妈们收到的花朵是与她们相应的抚养同伴们收到的6倍。
Some cultural experts say the expanding definition of “father” may also raise the profile of dads? special day. Now, one-third of all Father?s Day cards are sent to men other than dads. “The need for Father?s may become greater” as a way to honor stepfathers, grandfathers, and other men who have stepped in to fill a father?s shoes, says Mr. Thompson. “It might end up putting more juice into the holiday.”
一些文化专家说“父亲”定义的扩展也可能会提升父亲节的形象。现在，三分之一的父亲节卡片是送给除父亲以外的男性的。Mr.Thompson说：“父亲节的需要可能会变得更大些”，作为一种表达对继父、祖父和那些扮演父亲角色的男性的敬意的方式，“它可能以给父亲节增添更多的意义（精彩）而结束”
Unit 2 Several Languages Called English
(几种被称为英语的语言)
English isn’t managing to sweep all else before it---and if it ever does become the universal language, many of those who speak it won’t understand one another.
英语不会横扫一切在它之前的语言。如果有一天它变成世界通用语言，那些说
它的人也不会彼此理解。
Much of what will happen to English we can only speculate about. But let?s pursue an idea that language researchers regard as fairly well grounded: native speakers of English are already outnumbered by second-language and foreign-language speakers, and will be more heavily out-numbered as time goes on.
关于英语将会发生的许多变化，我们只能做出推测。但是让我们来追寻一个被语言研究人员认为是有根据的观念，那就是以英语为第二语言或外语的说英语的人比以英语为母语的人多，并且随着时间的推移，还将多更多。
One obvious implication is that some proportion of the people suing English for business or professional purposes around the world aren?t and needn?t be fluent in it. Recently I talked with Michael Henry Heim, a professor of Slavic literatures at the University of California at Los Angeles and a professional translator who has rendered into English major works by Milan Kundera and Gunter Grass. By his count, he speak “ten or so” language s. He told me flatly, “English is much easier to learn poorly and to communicate in poorly than any other language. I?m sure that if Hungary were the leader of the world, Hungarian would not be the world language. To communicate on a day-to-day basis---to order a meal, to book a room---there?s no language as simple as English.” Research, though, suggests that people are likely to find a language easier or harder to learn according to how similar it is to their native tongue, in terms of things like word order, grammatical structure, and cognate words. As the researcher Terence Odlin noted in his book Language Transfer(1989), the duration of full-time intensive courses given to English-speaking U.S. foreign-service personnel amounts to a rough measurement of how different, in these ways, other languages are from English. Today the courses for foreign-service employees who need to learn German, Italian, French, Spanish,or Portuguese last twenty-four weeks. Those for employees learning Swahili, Indonesian, or Ma lay last thirty-six weeks, and for people learning languages including Hindi, Urdu, Russian, and Hungarian, forty-four weeks. Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean take eighty-eight weeks. Note
that all the world?s other commonest native languages except S panish are in the groups most demanding of English-speakers. It might be reasonable to suppose that the reverse is also true—that Arabic- and Chinese-speakers find fluency in English to be more of a challenge than Spanish-speakers do.
一个显而易见的推论：在世界上，一部分人是为了生意或职业目的而使用英语，他们的英语不流利，也不需要流利。最近，我和Michael Henry Heim交谈过，他是洛杉矶加利福尼亚大学的斯拉夫文学教授，也是一位职业翻译，他曾将Milan Kundera和Gunter Grass的主要著作译成英文。他算了一下，他能说出大约十种语言。他直截了当地告诉我：“与其他任何语言相比，英语更容易简单学习和交流。我确信，如果匈牙利是世界的领导者，匈牙利语也不会成为世界语言。在日常基本交流中，如点餐、订房等，没有比英语简单的语言。”然而，研究表明人们或许会发现某种语言学起来更简单或更困难，根据和他们的母语在某些方面的相似程度而言，比如语序、语法结构和同根词等。就像研究人员Terence Odlin在他的《语言的演变》（1989）一书中指出的：为说英语的美国涉外服务人员开设的、全日制精读课程所需持续的时间，可以粗略地度量其他语言和英语的差异程度。现在，为需要学习德语、意大利语、法语、西班牙语或葡萄牙语的涉外服务人员开设的课程持续24周，为学习斯瓦西里语、印度尼西亚语或马来语的职员开设的课程持续36周，学习海地语、乌尔都语、俄语和匈牙利语需要44周，阿拉伯语、汉语、日语、韩语要花88周。注意，除了西班牙语以外，其他世界上最普遍的母语对说英语的人来说都是非常难的。有理由认为反过来说也是正确的，即说阿拉伯语和说汉语的人会发现，与说西班牙语的人相比，要说流利的英语对他们是更大的挑战。
A variety of restricted subsets of English have been developed to meet the needs of nonfluent speakers. Among these is Special English, which the Voice of America began using in its broadcasts experimentally some forty years ago and has employed part-time ever since. Special English has a basic vocabulary of just 1,500 words( The American Heritage Dictionary contains some 200,00 words, and the Oxford English Dictionary nearly 750,000), though sometimes these words are used to define non-Special English words that VOA writers deem essential to a given story. Currently VOA uses Special English for news and features that are
broadcast a half hour at a time, s ix times a day, seven days a week, to millions of listeners worldwide.
为满足那些不流利的说英语人的需要，已经有许多有限形式的英语发展起来，特别英语是其中之一，早在40年前美国之音就在试验性广播中开始使用它，从那时起就一直在部分时间内使用。特别英语仅有1500个基本词汇（《美国传统字典》包括大约200000个词汇，《牛津英语词典》有近750000个），但有时它们被用于解释非特别英语的词汇，这些词汇被美国之音的作者们认为对一个给定的故事来说是基本需要的。现在，美国之音使用特别英语向全世界数以百万计的听众播放新闻和特别报道，其中特别报道每周播放七天，每天六次，每次半小时。
But restricted forms of English are usually intended for professional communities. Among the best known of these is Seaspeak, which ships? pilots around the world have used for the past doz en years or so; this is now being supplanted by SMCP, or “Standard Marine Communication Phrases,” which is also derived from English but was developed by native speakers of a variety of languages. Airplane pilots and air-traffic controllers use a restricted form of English called Airspeak.
但是，有限形式的英语通常是供专业团体使用的，这其中最有名的是航海用语，全世界的船舶领航员在过去大约几百年或更久的时间里都使用这种语言，现在，它已经被同样起源于英语，但被不同语言的本土居民发展后的SMCP（即“标准航海交流用语”）所代替。飞机的领航员和空中交通管制员使用的是一种被称为航空语言的有限的英语形式。
Certainly, the world?s ships and airplanes are safer if those who guide them have some language in common, and restricted forms of English have no modern-day rivals for this role. The greatest danger language now seems to pose to navigation and aviation is that some pilots learn only enough English to describe routine situations, and find themselves at a loss when anything out of the ordinary happens.
确实，如果那些引导人员使用共同的语言，世界上的船舶和飞机将会更加安全，并且由于它的这个功能使有限形式的英语没有当今的竞争者。现在，对于航海业
和航空业，由语言引起的最大危险似乎在于，一些领航员学习的英语只够描述常规状况，而出现意外情况时他们就会觉得很困惑。
Something else obviously implied by the ascendance of English as a second and a foreign language is that more and more people who speak English speak another language at least as well, and probably better. India may have the third or fourth largest number of English-speakers in the world, but English is thought to be the mother tongue of much less than one percent of the population. This is bound to affect the way the language is used locally. Browsing some English-language Web aites from India recently, I seldom had trouble understanding what was meant. I did, however, time and again come across unfamiliar words borrowed from Hindi or another indigenous Indian language. On the site called India world the buttons that a user could click on to call up various types of information were labeled “samachar: Personalized News,” “dhan: Investing in India,” “khoj: Search India,” “khel: Indian Cricket,” and so forth. When I turned to the Afternoon Despatch& Courier of Bombay (some of whose residents call it Mumbai) and called up a gossipy piece about the romantic prospects of the son of Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi, I read, “Sources disclose that before Rahul Gandhi left for London, some kind of a …swayamvar? was enacted at 10, Janpath with family friend Captain Satish Sharma drawing up a short list of suitable brides from affluent, well-known connected families of Uttar Pradesh.
英语作为第二语言或外语的支配地位也很明显地暗示，越来越多说英语的人也能很流利的说其他语言，也许说的更好。印度说英语的人数可能在世界上排第三或第四位，但以英语为母语的不到总人口的1%，这肯定会影响英语在当地的使用方式。近来浏览一些印度的英文网站，我很少有难以理解的情况，但是，我反复地碰到一些不熟悉的、出自印地语或其它土生土长的印度语的词汇。在一个叫做“印度世界”的网站上，有一些按钮，使用者可以点击它们以获得不同种类的信息，这些按钮标有“samachar：个性化新闻”、“dhan：印度投资”、“khoj：印度搜索”。“khel：印度板球”等等。当我转向《孟买下午电讯与信使报》（有些居民称之为Mumbai）时，看到一篇关于Rajiv和Sonia Gandhi的儿子浪漫前景的闲话，我读
到这样一段话，“有消息透露，在Rahul gandhi离开去伦敦前，一些“swayamvar”在十点钟制定出来，Janpath和家族的朋友Satish Sharma上校草拟了一份简短的、般配的新娘名单，她们来自于Uttar Pradesh地区富裕的、著名的相关家族。”
Of course, English is renowned for its ability to absorb elements from other languages. As ever more local and national communities use English, though, they will pull language in ever more directions. Few in the world will car e to look as far afield as the United States or Britain for their standards of proper English. After all, we long ago gave up looking to England-as did Indians and also Canadians, South Africans, Australians, and New Zealanders, among others. Today each of these national groups is proud to have its own idioms, and dictionaries to define them.
当然，英语以其吸收其他语言要素的能力而著称。然而，由于更多的地方性和国家团体使用英语，他们会把英语推向更多的方向。世界上很少有人会像美国人和英国人那样在乎自己的用语与正确的英语标准之间偏离的有多远。毕竟，很久以前我们就不用再看英国的脸色了，就像印度做的那样，还有加拿大、南非、澳大利亚和新西兰以及其他国家也这样。如今，这些国家集团的每个成员都为有他们自己的习语和定义这些习语的字典而自豪。
Most of the world?s English-speaking communities can still understand one another well-though not, perhaps, perfectly. As Anne Soukhanov, a word columnist for this magazine and the American editor of the Encarta world English dictionary, explained in an article titled “The King?s English it Ain?t,” published on the Internet last year, “Some English words mean very different things, depending on your country. In South Asia, a hotel is a restaurant, but in Australia, a hotel is an establishment selling alcoholic beverages. In South Africa, a robot is a traffic light.
世界上大多数说英语的团体也许还能彼此理解，尽管可能不完美。就像这本杂志的一个文字专栏作家、《电子百科世界英语词典》的美国编辑Anne Soukhanov 在去年发表于因特网的一篇名为“它不是英王国的英语”的文章中所解释的，“一些
英语词汇意味着完全不同的东西，这取决于你在哪个国家。在南亚，“hotel”指的是一个饭馆，但在澳大利亚“hotel”却是一个销售含酒精饮料的设施。在南非，robot 指的是一个交通信号灯。”
Unit 3 Is internet Addiction Real
(真的是网络上瘾吗？)
Addiction is the state of a person being unable to free himself from a harmful habit, especially the taking of drugs. Can we say some people are addicted to the internet? This article gives us an answer.
上瘾是指一个人不能摆脱他的坏习惯的一种状态，特别是吸毒。我们能说有些人对网络上瘾吗？这篇文章提供了一种答案。
Yes, that?s right, I said internet addiction. The idea is creeping into popular culture, too. Parents are warned about how long they should let their children stay online, and college students are lectured on appropriate Net use. Your emplo yer may be monitoring your emails, or keeping tabs on how long you are spending surfing the internet. Addiction clinics around the world are fielding calls daily regarding excessive internet use. Whether you believe in the idea of Internet
addiction or not, the phenomenon is gaining acceptance as as a bona fide psychological disorder.
是的，这就是我说的网络上瘾，这种观点也正蔓延到公众文化中。父母们被建议他们应该让孩子上网多长时间，大学生们被告诫要适当地使用网络，你的老板也许正在监控你的电子邮件，或者监视你上网的时间，遍及世界的上瘾门诊部正巧妙地回答那些每天都有的、要求关注过度使用网络的呼吁。无论你是否相信网络上瘾的观点，这种现象作为真正的心理混乱正在获得认可。
At first, I was also skeptical of claims that people are addicted to the internet. After 3 years of studying how people behave online, I still couldn?t see how people could actually be addicted to the Net. Sure, pelple can be “addicted” to chocolate or shopping, but is this really addiction? Is it worthy of a differential diagnosis? My immediate conclusion was that this was just another case of psychobabble, a pop psychology topic of the week.
最初，我还是怀疑那些所谓人们对网络上瘾的说法。对人们的在线行为研究了三年之后，我仍然没有弄清楚，人们实际上是怎样对网络上瘾的。确实，人们可能会对巧克力或者逛街上瘾，但那是真的上瘾吗？它值得去鉴别诊断吗？我的直接结论就是，它只不过是这周流行的心理话题——“心理呓语”的另一种状况。
After investigating the phenomenon thoroughly, there was one nagging fact that kept popping up. Some people are simple using the internet too much. It has been report in numerous peer-reviewed journal article, and as an internet behavior researcher, I have actually seen it. How can we explain these people who seem to spend so much time on the web, often to the point that it interferes with normal functioning? The answer lies in the fundamen tal nature of the internet. First, however, I must settle a semantic disagreement. People are not addicted to the internet in the same way that they can be addicted to alcohol or cocaine. However, they do exhibit pathological behaviors, much as a compulsiv e gambler does. Therefore, a more appropriate term is pathological internet use, which describes the individual who use the internet in such a way that there are pathological internet in such a way that there are pathological and behavioral implications.
H owever, if that is much of a mouthful for you to remember, let?s stick with internet addiction for the sake of simplicity.
在彻底地调查了这种现象之后，有一种令人不安的事实突然浮现出来，那就是有些人简直过多使用网络。这种情况在许多学术期刊文章中被提到过，作为一个网络行为研究者，我也确实看到了这种现象。我们怎样解释这些似乎在网络上花了很多时间的人，通常达到了扰乱正常机能的程度？对这个问题的回答依赖于网络的基本特征。但我要先解决一个语义上的争论，即：人们对网络上瘾的方式和对酒精、可卡因上瘾是不一样的。然而，他们确实表现出病态的行为，更像一个嗜赌成癖的赌徒所做的那样。因此，一个更合适的术语是“病态的网络使用”，它描述了个人使用网络的这样一种方式，其中有心理的和行为的暗示。但如果这个内容太多，让你难以一下子记住，为了简便目的，就让我们保持“网络上瘾”这个叫法吧。
The reason that the Internet has become so popular is that it is extremely efficient as a communication tool. It allows us to be anonymous when we want, or to stand on a virtual soapbox and let the world know just what we think of it. However, more than a mere communication tool, the internet is also a tool for entertainment. It is, simply, fun. We can play games, role play( i.e. pretend to be anyone we want), meet other people, listen to music, poke fun at political leaders, and watch dancing babies to our heart?s content. Sure, there are annoying banner ads all over the web, and people send you strange e-mails once in a while, but for the most part spending time online is an enjoyable experience.
那么，既然我们有了定义，到底是什么让人对网络那么上瘾呢？好的，让我们先从为什么使用网络开始。首先，网络是一个交流工具，我们主要是交流思想和信息。作为一种交流媒介和信息媒介，我们在工作场所、学校、家里和办公室都要使用网络。我们为了某个学术项目查找信息，工作中做一个市场调查报告，发黄色笑话的邮件给其他人，在老板正好进来时立即发信息警告同事。网络变得如此流行的原因是，它作为一个交流工具极其高效。它让我们想匿名就匿名，还可以进行一场虚拟的高谈阔论并让世界都知道我们怎么看待它。但网络不仅仅是一个交流工具，还是一个娱乐工具，简单地说，它很有趣。我们可以打游戏，玩角色扮演（也就是假装成任何我们想像的人），会见其他人，听音乐，取笑政治领导人，尽情欣赏舞蹈
宝贝。当然，网上到处都是烦人的条幅广告，不时还有人给你发一些奇怪的电子邮件，但在线的大部分时间还是一种令人愉快的体验。
当我们把交流和娱乐混为一体时，我们就被置于一种媒体中，它正难以置信地吸引人们的兴趣。显而易见的，在网络上我们可以很开心地与他人交流，总能找到一种方法来（比喻地）突然打击我们集体的智力。在有些情况下，人们会走向极端，迷失在网络世界里，这对他们离线后的真实世界造成了伤害，长此以往就会导致日常生活机能的问题。
What are the symptoms of Internet addiction? They include: academic/work or interpersonal problems, neglecting friends, family, and job or personal responsibilities, withdrawal when away from the internet, irritability when attempting to stop using the Internet, staying online more than originally intended, lying or concealing how much time you spend onli ne, drastic lifestyle changes in order to spend more time online, a general decrease in physical activity, disregard for one?s health as a result of internet activity, and sleep deprivation or a change in sleep patterns in order to spend time on the net.
网络上瘾的症状是什么？它们包括：学术、工作或人际关系出现问题，忽视朋友、家庭、工作或个人职责，远离网络又回来，试图不上网时焦躁不安，在线时间远远超出原计划，撒谎或隐瞒上网所花的时间，为了花更多时间上网造成生活方式显著改变，体力活动普遍减少，因上网导致忽视个人健康，为了有时间上网而缺乏睡眠或是改变睡眠习惯。
People with internet addiction not only behave differently, they also think differently. They have obsessive thoughts about the Internet, diminished impulse control, and feel as though the Internet is their only friend. There is the feeling that the Internet is the only place where they feel good about themselves and the world around them. Other symptoms include thinking about the Internet while offline, anticipating future time online, and spending large of amounts of money on Internet time and other such expenses. The person spends less time doing otherwise pleasurable activities than before the condition began. What used to be fun is no longer enjoyable. A further complication arises when the person
eventually isolates himself or herself from friends, in favor of friends online. Finally, people with Internet addiction have a sense of guilt about their onli ne use. They often lie to their friends about how much time they spend online, and consider their Internet use a secret to others. While they understand that what they are doing is not entirely socially acceptable, they cannot stop. This results in a diminished self worth and further symptoms of Internet addiction. So, there you have it. Quite a laundry list of symptoms, huh? It might seem hard to believe, but people do actually have this condition. There are people out there who are otherwise completely normal, just like you and me (well, maybe just you), who fit into this pattern of thoughts and behaviors perfectly. What can they do about it? Although they will likely be somewhat reluctant, the best thing they can do is get professional help. Tell them to talk to their doctor or seek out a psychologist who will help them address their Internet addiction and identify a strategy to conquer it.
上网成瘾的人不仅行为怪异，而且想法也很异常。他们对网络有着痴迷的想法，对自己的冲动控制减弱，而且还觉得网络仿佛是他们唯一的朋友。他们有一种感觉，网络是唯一使他们对自己感到满意和对他们周围的世界感到满意的地方。其他症状还包括：离线时仍然想着网络，期盼着下次的上网，花费大量金钱在网络上和其他类似的费用上。他们在其他娱乐活动上花费的时间比上述状况出现前要少的多，曾经有趣的事情现在再也不能给他们愉悦感了。当他（她）最终将不再和朋友们交往，而是和网上的朋友交往的时候，就会出现进一步的并发症。最后，有网瘾的人会对他们上网有一种内疚感，他们经常欺骗他们的朋友关于他们在网上花费的时间，也把他们上网看作是对其他人的一种秘密。虽然他们知道自己的所作所为并不被社会完全认可，但他们无法停止，这导致了他们自我价值的降低和上网成瘾的进一步症状。那么，你有这些症状吗？是不是有一大张要改掉的网瘾清单，嗯？这个似乎让人难以置信，但人们确实存在这种情况。有些在其他方面显而易见是完全正常的人，就像你和我（喔，也许只是你），他们完全符合这种思想和行为方式。对此他们该怎么办？尽管他们很可能有些不愿意，但最好还是寻求一下专业帮助，让他们跟医生谈一谈，或是找一个心理医生，他要能让他们说出自己的网瘾症状，并
帮他们制定一个战胜网瘾的策略。
Unit 4 Is One Successful by Chance or by Fate
成功是偶然还是命运
In the scientific world of controlled experiments, chance is seldom acknowledged as a contributing factor in important discoveries. There are, however, rare exceptions. In 1945 three men shared the Nobel Prize in physiology or medicine for the discovery and isolation of penicillin. How rare was this serendipitous event and was the discovery of penicillin really the result of an unexpected chance observation by a single researcher?
在由可控实验构成的科学领域，机遇很少被看成是重大发现中起作用的因素。然而，有一些罕见的例外。1945年，有三个人因为发现并提取青霉素而分享了当年
的诺贝尔生物或医学奖。这一偶然发现的事情到底有多罕见？青霉素的发现真的是单个研究人员一次意外的偶然观察的结果吗？
The scientific method is typically noted for its orderliness and control; In fact, we are taught that without these characteristics, experimental research may yield invalid results. Therefore, chance shou ld play little or no role in the process of the scientific method. But what is chance? When is chance truly an accident and when is ti foreseeable? Historically, some chance discoveries have led to startling new ideas that eventually directed important fur ther scientific investigation of natural phenomena.
科学方法以其规律性和可操作性著称。事实上，我们受到的教育是：没有这些特性，实验研究可能产生无效的结果，因此，在科学方法的发展过程中机遇所发挥的作用应该很小或是没有的。但什么是机遇呢？什么时候机遇真是一次偶然，什么时候它又可以预见呢？历史上，一些偶然的发现导致了令人吃惊的新思想，并最终为对自然现象的重要的、进一步的科学研究指明了方向。
If the role of science is to examine the world around us in a way which uncovers new and sometimes unexpected information, then science itself is intrinsically surprising. Even a deliberate scientific search for information may lead to an unexpected chance observation or discovery must fit i nto a pre-existing pattern of ideas in the observer?s mind. Just as a word means little out of context, a new observation or discovery needs a proper context in which to fit in order to be most meaningful. In other words, the mind must be prepared to recei ve the germ of a new idea. What is “chance” for the unprepared mind may be a fascinating springboard to new ideas for the prepared mind.
如果科学的作用是以这样一种揭示新信息和有时不可预测信息的方式去观察分析我们周围的世界，那么科学本身从根本上来说就是令人惊奇的。甚至一次有计划的科学研究中的信息搜寻也可能会导致一个预料不到的偶然观察结果或发现。但是，为了让它有意义，每个观察结果和发现都必须与观察者头脑中的思维模式相吻合。正如一个单词脱离了上下文就毫无意义一样，一个新的观察或发现也需要一个与之相吻合的适当的环境，以使它更有意义。换句话说，一个人必须在思想上做好
准备去迎接一个新思想的萌芽。这样一个对没有在思想上做好准备的人的“偶然性”，对一个已经在思想上做好备的人来说，它也许就是一个令人心醉的（吸引人的、通向新思想的）跳板。
Louis Pasteur wrote, “In the field of observation, chance favors only the prep ared mind.” Discovery, like learning, is a phenomenon that takes place in the human brain. The brain configures an event as a new pattern based on previous assumptions that were present at the onset of the event. Lewis Thomas, renowned science author and former president of Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center stated, “I?m not as fond of the notion of serendipity as I used to be. It seems to me now that as you get research going… things are bound to begin happening if you?ve got your wits about you. You create the lucky accidents.” Many scientists agree with that position.
Louis Pasteur（巴斯德）写道，“在科学观察领域里，机遇只垂青那些思想上有准备的人。”发现就像学习一样，是一种发生在人类大脑中的现象。人脑使某件事成形为基于先前假定的一种新模式，这一假定在事件开始时就已经存在了。Lewis Thomas(著名科学作家和Slaon-kettering癌症中心前负责人)说：“我不像以前那样轻信好运的观点了，现在在我看来：你开展研究时…如果你能随机应变，有些事是肯定会发生的（肯定会发生各种情况，只有你用心去做）。是你自己创造了那些幸运的偶然事件。”许多科学家赞成这种观点。
让我们回到对青霉素发现和分离的讨论上来，这一过程包含了一系列偶然事件，它们至少跨越了半个世纪，并且是建立在早在公元前1500年就已获得的知识的基础上的。正是在那时，文献记载描述了真菌和发酵材料作为治疗媒介的运用。类似的，化学制品作为药物的应用在公元前5世纪的古希腊文学作品中有所描述。在没有对那些起作用的媒介或涉及的细胞进程很好地理解的情况下，就使用了这些早期的治疗措施，它们也许治好了病人，也可能杀死了病人。直到19世纪后期，在这个战线前沿才取得了进步，作出了共同努力以识别和分离一些物质，这些物质会抑制或摧毁已知的人类疾病的致病媒介。还有，在这个过程中，“偶然”发挥了作用。
In the late 1800?s bacteriologists and microbiologists set out to identify substances with therapeutic potential. One o f the greatest problems faced by these
scientists during their studies was the contamination of “pure” cultures by invading microorganisms, especially fungi or bacteria---a problem which still plagues the modern day microbiologist. It is this problem of co ntamination which is most often identified as leading to the “chance” observation that eventually led to the discovery of penicillin.
十九世纪后期，细菌学家和微生物学家开始致力于鉴别有疗效的物质。在研究期间，这些科学家们面临的最主要问题之一，就是“纯净”的培养菌被侵入的微生物污染，特别是真菌或细菌---这个问题仍在困扰着当代微生物学家。正是这样一个个经常被鉴别出的污染问题导致了“偶然”观察，并最终导致了青霉素的发现。
1981年，英国外科医生Joseph Lister(1827—1912)注意到：被霉菌污染的尿液样本扼制了细菌的生长。Lister在尝试分离抑制细菌成长的霉菌中的媒介物时没能成功，随后他放弃了这项研究，转向把杀菌程序和消毒机械引入手术室，并获得了更大的成功。
从而，青霉素的“偶然”发现就被Alexander Fleming于1928年获得。从高中到大学，在绝大多数教科书中，Fleming都被认为是青霉素的唯一发现者。然而，Fleming的发现只不过是一个侥幸的成功，这个成功是建立在，至少是部分建立在Roberts, Pasteur, Lister, Joubert及其他故人的偶然观察所提供的知识的基础之上的。毫无疑问，Fleming当时正在研究抑制细菌的物质。1928年，他正在研究已知的、被称为葡萄球菌素的菌群属性，就在那时，他成了又一个受益于似乎是偶然的发现的人，一长串同类科学家之一。在进行研究时，他所碰到的问题是培养盘频繁地被空气传播的真菌所污染。有一天，他看到一个污染了的培养盘，并注意到在一个直接围绕着一个入侵真菌的区域里，葡萄球菌像是向外爆炸一样的生长。他意识到在这个霉菌中存在着某些东西，正在抑制周围细菌的生长。随后，Fleming 从这个霉菌中分离出一种提炼物，并命名为“青霉素”。尽管有这个成功，但Fleming在进一步尝试提练青霉素的浓缩提纯物时却失败了，并且，他没有证实它的医疗价值。
It wasn?t until ten years later, in 1939, that Ernst Chain, Howard Florey and Edward Abraham of Oxford University were able to purity and stabilize a form of penicillin that enabled demonstration of its therapeutic potential. Again, chance
favored their work. Unknown to them, the species of animal that they chose for laboratory studies turned out to be one of few species that do not find pen icillin toxic. Had they chosen to work with a species other than the one they chose, they might have deemed penicillin too toxic for use, and humankind would have been deprived of the phenomenal life-saving ability of this drug.
直到10来年后，在1939年，牛津大学的Ernst Chain、Howard Florey和Edward Abraham才提炼出了精纯和稳定的青霉素，并证实了它的治疗潜力。又一次，“偶然”光顾了他们的工作。他们不知道的是，他们当时用于试验的动物恰好是少数几种对青霉素的毒性不过敏的物种。如果当时他们选择的试验样品是其他的动物，他们或许就会认为青霉素的毒性过大而无法用于人体，那么人类也许就会与青霉素这个有着罕见的拯救生命能力的药物失之交臂。
Though scientists pride themselves and the theories of science as being based on methodical research and the scientific method, one notes that key discoveries often occur by chance or serendipity. Luck or a scientific event whose time had come? With the current demands on scientific research to solve critical problems and provide modern amenities, the unexpected, chance event should not be discounted.
虽然科学家们以自己为骄傲，以建立在有条不紊的研究和科学方法上的科学理论为骄傲，但值得注意的是重大的发现经常源自于偶然或好运气。是幸运事件还是科学事件？谁的时代已经来临？伴随着当前要解决重要问题和提供现代生活福利设施的科学研究的需要，未预期的、偶然的事件不应被忽视。
Unit 10 — Student Motivation to Learn
动力是一种潜在的情形和状态（有是被描述为一种需要，渴望或者需求），这种状态使人们的行为活动起来并给予其能量。学生的动力与他们参与学习过程的欲望有关。是什么因素影响学生动力的发展呢？学习的动力是如何培养起来的？本文将给出解释。
不管是婴儿还是小孩，他们看起来都会受好奇心的推动，由一种强烈的探索欲望驱使，感受他们周围的环境并与它相互作用。正如一个作家指出“极少听到父母抱怨他们的小孩在学前是不积极的”。
不幸的是，随着孩子的成长，他们学习的热情急剧地降低了。学习常常成为一件苦差事而并非乐事。有超过1/4的大量学生辍学。而更多的是身在曹营心在汉，他们根本不能全身心地投入学习。
了解学生对于学习发展的态度和信念，以及是什么使学习由于自身的原因而变得容易，这将有助于教育工作者降低学生学习的冷漠态度。
什么是学生的动力？
学生学习的动力通常与学生参与学习过程的欲望有关。但也与他们参与或不参与学习活动的原因和目标有关。即使学生们同样可能受鼓励去完成一个任务，但是他们的动力是不同的。
一个具有内在动力的学生，他参与活动是为了活动本身，为了活动本身提供的乐趣，为了能从中学到什么，或是为了活动所引发的优越感。而处于一个处于外在动力的学生，“他往往是为了得到某种奖赏，或是避免一些外在惩罚。”诸如成绩、难题和老师的认可。
学习动力这个词的意义稍有差别。有位作家做了这样的定义，学习动力就是学术活动对于学习者产生的意义、价值和利益，不管学生是否发自内心的兴趣。而另外的则认为，学习动力有如下特点：长期的过程、需要注重学习质量和付出精力到学习过程中。
学生学习动力发展的影响因素有哪些？
JereBrophy在1987年提出，学习动力是一种能力，它能够“通过一般经验来获得，但大部分直接通过那些对孩子来说重要的其它人（特别是他们的父母和老师）为孩子作出的榜样，和孩子进行预期交流，以及通过对孩子的指导教育或者是社会化教育来刺激获得”。
孩子的家庭环境形成了他们在学习中发展起来的最初态度。通过欢迎孩子提出问题，鼓励他们探险，以及让他们熟悉那些能扩大他们视野的资源，当父母通过这些方