100篇英语六级阅读(含详解及重点词汇翻译)
Passage One (Clinton Is Right)
President Clinton‘s decision on Apr.8 to send Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji packing without an agreement on China‘s entry into the World Trade Organization seemed to be a massive miscalculation. The President took a drubbing from much of the press, which had breathlessly reported that a deal was in the bag. The Cabinet and Whit House still appeared divided, and business leaders were characterized as furious over the lost opportunity. Zhu charged that Clinton lacked ―the courage‖ to reach an accord. And when Clinton later telephoned the angry Zhu to pledge a renewed effort at negotiations, the gesture was widely portrayed as a flip-flop.
In fact, Clinton made the right decision in holding out for a better WTO deal. A lot more horse trading is needed before a final agreement can be reached. And without the Administration‘s goal of a ―bullet-proof agreement‖ that business lobbyists can enthusiastically sell to a Republican Congress, the whole process will end up in partisan acrimony that could harm relations with China for years.
THE HARD PART. Many business lobbyists, while disappointed that the deal was not closed, agree that better terms can still be had. And Treasury Secretary Robert E. Rubin, National Economic Council Director Gene B. Sperling, Commerce Secretary William M. Daley, and top trade negotiator Charlene Barshefsky all advised Clinton that while the Chinese had made a remarkable number of concessions, ―we‘re not there yet,‖ according to senior offic ials.
Negotiating with Zhu over the remaining issues may be the easy part. Although Clinton can signal U.S. approval for China‘s entry into the WTO himself, he needs Congress to grant Beijing permanent most-favored-nation status as part of a broad trade accord. And the temptation for meddling on Capital Hill may prove over-whelming. Zhu had barely landed before Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss) declared himself skeptical that China deserved entry into the WTO. And Senators Jesse A. Helms (R-N.C.) and Emest F. Hollings (D-S. C.) promised to introduce a bill requiring congressional approval of any deal.
The hidden message from these three textile-state Southerners: Get more protection for the U. S. clothing industry. Hoping to smooth the way, the Administration tried, but failed, to budge Zhu on textiles. Also left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, and Detroit. Zhu refused to open up much of the lucrative Chinese securities market and insisted on ―cultural‖ restrictions on American movies and music. He also blocked efforts to allow U. S. auto makers to provide fleet financing.
BIG JOB. Already, business lobbyists are blanketing Capitol Hill to presale any eventual agreement, but what they‘ve heard so far isn‘t encouraging. Republicans, including Lot t, say that ―the time just isn‘t right‖ for the deal. Translation: We‘re determined to make it look as if Clinton has capitulated to the Chinese and is ignoring human, religious, and labor rights violations; the theft of nuclear-weapons technology; and the sale of missile parts to America‘s enemies. Beijing‘s fierce critics within the Democratic Party, such as Senator Paul D. Wellstone of Minnesota and House Minority leader Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri, won‘t help, either.
Just how tough the lobbying job on Capitol Hill will be become clear on Apr. 20, when Rubin lectured 19chief executives on the need to discipline their Republican allies. With business and the White House still trading charges over who is responsible for the defeat of fast-track trade
n egotiating legislation in 1997, working together won‘t be easy. And Republicans—with a wink—say that they‘ll eventually embrace China‘s entry into the WTO as a favor to Corporate America. Though not long before they torture Clinton. But Zhu is out on a limb, and if Congress overdoes the criticism, he may be forced by domestic critics to renege. Business must make this much dear to both its GOP allies and the Whit House: This historic deal is too important to risk losing to any more partisan squabbling
1.The main idea of this passage is
[A]. The Contradiction between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party.
[B]. On China‘s entry into WTO.
[C]. Clinton was right.
[D]. Business Lobbyists Control Capitol Hill.
2.What does the sentence ―Also left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, Detroit‖ convey?
[A]. Premier Zhu rejected their requirements.
[B]. The three places overdid criticism.
[C]. They wanted more protection.
[D]. They are in trouble.
3.What was the attitude of the Republican Party toward China‘s entry into the WTO?
[A]. Contradictory. [B].Appreciative.
[C]. Disapproving. [D]. Detestful.
4.Who plays the leading part in the deal in America?
[A]. White House . [B]. Republicans.
[C]. The Democratic Party. [D]. Businessmen.
5.It can be inferred from the passage that
[A]. America will make concessions.
[B]. America will hold out for a better WTO
[C]. Clinton has the right to signal U. S. approval for China‘s entry.
[D]. Democratic party approve China‘s entry into the WTO.
V ocabulary
1.drubbing 痛打
get/take a drabbing 遭人痛打
2.flip-flop=great change suddenly 游说，突然改变，突然反方向。人字拖鞋，趾拖鞋
3.hold out 维持，保持
hold out for sth. 故意拖延达成协议以谋求……
4.horse –trading 精明的讨价还价
5.bullet-proof 防弹的
6.lobby 收买，暗中活动
7.lobbyist 院外活动集团成员
8.partisan 党人，帮派，是党派强硬支持者
9.acrimony 语言/态度的刻薄
10.sell to 说服（某人）接受或采用
11.meddle 干预
12.Capitol Hill 美国国会
13.budge 使稍微移动，改变
14.lucrative 有利可图的，赚钱的
15.block 制止
16.fleet 舰队，船队，车队，机队
17.blanket 覆盖，妨碍扫兴，扑灭
18.Capitulate 投降，停止抵抗
19.fast track 快速行程（轻车熟路）
20.with a wink 眼睛一眨，很快的
21.out on a limb 孤立无援（尤指争论和意见上）
22.renege 违约
23.squabble 争吵
难句译注
1.President Clinton‘s decision on Apr.8 to send Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji packing without an
agreement…
[结构分析] send one packing 打发人走。
[参考译文] 克林顿于4月8日决定不达成中国加入世贸组织的协议便打发中国总理朱容基走人。
2.The President took a drubbing from much of the press, which had breathlessly reported that a
deal was in the bag.
[结构简析] in the bag 倒手，囊中之物。
[参考译文] 总统遭到许多报界舆论的抨击，它们曾报道过这桩买卖（入世贸）已是囊中之物。
3.Zhu charged that Clinton lacked ―the courage‖ to reach an accord.
[参考译文] 朱指责克林顿缺乏达成协议的勇气。
4.the gesture was widely portrayed as a flip-flop
[参考译文] 普遍认为总统的姿态来了一个一百八十度的转弯。
5.Clinton made the right decision in holding out for a better WTO deal.
[参考译文] 总统故意拖延协议以谋取一笔更好的入世贸组织交易的决定完全正确。
6.And without the Administration‘s goal of a ―bullet-proof agreement‖ that business lobbyists
can enthusiastically sell to a Republican Congress, the whole process will end up in partisan acrimony that could harm relations with China for years.
[参考译文] 没有商界院外活动集团成员热情的劝说共和党国会采纳政府目标中的防弹性（保护性）协议，那么整个过程将会以党派之间的尖刻的争吵而结束，这会影响以后多年和中国的关系。
7.the Administration tried, but failed, to budge Zhu on textiles.
[参考译文] 美国政府希望（为纺织业）铺平道路，试图使朱在纺织品上让步，结果失败。
8.Also left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, and Detroit.
[结构简析] 这句句子连接上文而说。
Leave sb. In the lurch 固定用法，义：置某人于困难之中弃之不顾，遗弃某
人。完整句型应该是：Wall Street, Hollywood and Detrait are also left in the
lurch.
[参考译文] 同样也陷于困境的有华尔街，好莱坞和底特律。
9.Zhu refused to open up much of the lucrative Chinese securities market and insisted on
―cultural‖ restrictions on American movies and music. He also blocked efforts to allow U. S.
auto makers to provide fleet financing.
[参考译文] 朱容基总理不允许开放金融股票市场，坚持对美国电影和音乐作文化方面的限制规定，不让美国汽车商染指投资汽车。
10.Translation. 翻译。这是作者为共和党的―The time isn‘t right‖做注解/解释。
写作方法与文章大意
文章以先声夺人的写作手法：克林顿不同意中国加入世贸打发朱总理回国引出两党（共和党和民主党）矛盾，国会和白宫之相反意见（对比写法）到最终四方趋向一致来证明总统决定是对的——以最好的价码使美国获得最佳利益为前提同意中国加入世贸来满足美国商人的要求。
答案祥解
1. C. 总统是对的。这篇文章摘自Business Weekly. 文章是从商人的角度来看待中国加入
WTO，他们希望从谈判中获得更多的利益，而克林顿的同意不同意的目的和他们相符——争取更多利益。这篇就是从四方利益最终趋向一致―同意中国加入世贸‖来证明―总统结论正确‖的中心思想。
第一段指出Clinton由打发朱总理回国，不同意中国入世到一百八十度大转弯，在电话中愤怒的朱总理表示再次努力协商。内阁和白宫官员意见分歧，商人对失去机会火冒三丈。
第二段点出克林顿故意拖延以谋取更多的利益的决定是正确的——文章的主旨句。商人院外活动集团成员要以―政府完美无缺的协议的目标来说服共和党赞成/接受。以免整个过程以党争而告终。
第三，四段是商业方面的高级官员的代表纷纷却说Clinton―当中国作出许多优惠让步时，美国不在那里。‖（意：美国吃亏了现在不要再吃亏了。）克林顿有权签署赞成中国加入世贸组织，可他需要国会批准北京永久性最惠国作为扩大贸易协定的组成部分。再说对国会的干预的诱惑力相当大：就在朱踏上美国本土时，参议院多数派领袖Trent Lott 宣布他对中国是该不该入世持怀疑态度，而参议院Te sse A Helms… 承诺提出一项要求国会批准任何交易的提案。
第五段讲了朱总理的强硬立场。第六段又是共和党的反对声，使民主党内站在北京以便的批评家也无能为力。
最后一段指出：尽管困难重重，这一历史事件太重要了，不能因党争而冒失失去机会的危险。
A. 民主党和共和党的矛盾。两党之争见上文译注，最终还是一致。
B. 论中国加
入世贸组织。文章不是论中国加入而是论美国环绕中国入世贸的种种。 D. 商人院外活动集团成员控制国会。这在第五段中提到商人院外活动集团成员阻挠美国国会事先接受最终协议，但不是主题思想。
2. A. 朱总理拒绝了他们的要求。见难句译注9。
B. 这三个地方批评过头。
C. 他们要求更多的保护。
D. 他们陷入困境。
3. A. 矛盾。共和党一开始就反对。什么对中国该不该加入世贸组织持怀疑态度。第六段
说得更露骨，时间不对。意思是他们想把整个事件看起来好象克林顿屈从于中国，忽视了―中国违反人权，宗教权，劳动权，偷窃核武器技术，把导弹组成部件买给美国的敌人‖等事实。最后一段共和党一下子又所他们最终将会接受中国加入世贸组织以表示对整体美国的好感。不管是商人院外活动集团的作用，还是明确指出重开谈判的重要性。
这一历史事件太重要绝不能因党争而失去机会。共和党纵然心中不愿，也不得不接受现实。心情是矛盾的。
B. 赞赏。
C. 不赞成。
D. 厌恶。
4. D. 商界。第一段中就点出：商界领袖对失去这次机会火冒三丈。第二段中提到商界院
外活动成员要以实实在在的协议来说服共和党国会，免得以党争告终。第三段明确指出：许多商界院外人士一方面对协议未签定表示失望，另方面又同意，还会更好的条件。各种和商界直接关系的高级官员对克林顿劝说。
第五段：纺织，金融股票，汽车以至电影等都是商界的要求。朱总理拒绝的就是商界要求。
第六段提及商界院外活动的成员制止国会事先接受最终协定。
最后一段又是商界使共和党联盟和白宫懂得此事的重要性。
5. A. 美国将会作出让步，见上面注释。商人是绝对不会放弃中国市场的。
B. 美国会故意拖延以求取得更好的条件。这一点恐怕不会，见上文注释。朱总理的强
硬立场，商人的见解。 C. 克林顿有签署批准中国入世之权。 D. 民主党赞成中国加入世贸，这两项都是事实。
Passage Two (Europe‘s Gypsies, Are They a Nation?)
The striving of countries in Central Europe to enter the European Union may offer an unprecedented chance to the continent‘s Gypsies (or Roman) to be recognized as a nation, albeit one without a defined territory. And if they were to achieve that they might even seek some kind of formal place—at least a total population outnumbers that of many of the Union‘s present and future countries. Some experts put the figure at 4m-plus; some proponents of Gypsy rights go as high as 15m.
Unlike Jews, Gypsies have had no known ancestral land to hark back to. Though their language is related to Hindi, their territorial origins are misty. Romanian peasants held them to be born on the moon. Other Europeans (wrongly) thought them migrant Egyptians, hence the derivative Gypsy. Most probably they were itinerant metal workers and entertainers who drifted west from India in the 7th century.
However, since communism in Central Europe collapsed a decade ago, the notion of Romanestan as a landless nation founded on Gypsy culture has gained ground. The International Romany Union, which says it stands for 10m Gypsies in more than 30 countries, is fostering the idea of ―self-rallying‖. It is trying to promote a standard and written form of the language; it waves a Gypsy flag (green with a wheel) when it lobbies in such places as the United Bations; and in July it held a congress in Prague, The Czech capital. Where President Vaclav Havel said that Gypsies in his own country and elsewhere should have a better deal.
At the congress a Slovak-born lawyer, Emil Scuka, was elected president of the International Tomany Union. Later this month a group of elected Gypsy politicians, including members of parliament, mayors and local councilors from all over Europe (OSCE), to discuss how to persuade more Gypsies to get involved in politics.
The International Romany Union is probably the most representative of the outfits that speak for Gypsies, but that is not saying a lot. Of the several hundred delegates who gathered at its congress, few were democratically elected; oddly, none came from Hungary, whose Gypsies are perhaps the world‘s best organized, with some 450 Gypsy bodies advising local councils there. The union did, however, announce its ambition to set up a parliament, but how it would actually
be elected was left undecided.
So far, the European Commission is wary of encouraging Gypsies to present themselves as a nation. The might, it is feared, open a Pandora‘s box already containing Basques, Corsicans and other awkward peoples. Besides, acknowledging Gypsies as a nation might backfire, just when several countries, particularly Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, are beginning to treat them better, in order to qualify for EU membership. ―The EU‘s whole premise is to o vercome differences, not to highlight them,‖ says a nervous Eurocrat.
But the idea that the Gypsies should win some kind of special recognition as Europe‘s largest continent wide minority, and one with a terrible history of persecution, is catching on . Gypsies have suffered many pogroms over the centuries. In Romania, the country that still has the largest number of them (more than 1m), in the 19th century they were actually enslaved. Hitler tried to wipe them out, along with the Jews.
―Gypsies deserve some space within European structures,‖ says Jan Marinus Wiersma, a Dutchman in the European Parliament who suggests that one of the current commissioners should be responsible for Gypsy affairs. Some prominent Gypsies say they should be more directly represented, perhaps with a quota in the European Parliament. That, they argue, might give them a boost. There are moves afoot to help them to get money for, among other things, a Gypsy university.
One big snag is that Europe‘s Gypsies are, in fact, extremely het erogeneous. They belong to many different, and often antagonistic, clans and tribes, with no common language or religion, Their self-proclaimed leaders have often proved quarrelsome and corrupt. Still, says, Dimitrina Petrova, head of the European Roma Rig hts Center in Budapest, Gypsies‘ shared experience of suffering entitles them to talk of one nation; their potential unity, she says, stems from ―being regarded as sub-human by most majorities in Europe.‖
And they have begun to be a bit more pragmatic. In Slovakia and Bulgaria, for instance, Gypsy political parties are trying to form electoral blocks that could win seats in parliament. In Macedonia, a Gypsy party already has some—and even runs a municipality. Nicholas Gheorge, an expert on Gypsy affairs at the OSCE, reckons that, spread over Central Europe, there are now about 20 Gypsy MPS and mayors, 400-odd local councilors, and a growing number of businessmen and intellectuals.
That is far from saying that they have the people or the cash to forge a nation. But, with the Gypsy question on the EU‘s agenda in Central Europe, they are making ground.
1.The Best Title of this passage is
[A]. Gypsies Want to Form a Nation. [B]. Are They a Nation.
[C]. EU Is Afraid of Their Growth. [C]. They Are a Tribe
2.Where are the most probable Gypsy territory origins?
[A]. Most probably they drifted west from India in the 7th century.
[B]. They are scattered everywhere in the world.
[C]. Probably, they stemmed from Central Europe.
[D]. They probably came from the International Romany Union.
3.What does the International Romany lobby for?
[A]. It lobbies for a demand to be accepted by such international organizations as EU and UN.
[B]. It lobbies for a post in any international Romany Union.
[C]. It lobbies for the right as a nation.
[D]. It lobbies for a place in such international organizations as the EU or UN.
4.Why is the Europe Commission wary of encouraging Gypsies to present themselves as a
nation?
[A]. It may open a Pandora‘s Box.
[B]. Encouragement may lead to some unexpected results.
[C]. It fears that the Basgnes, Corsicans and other nations seeking separation may raise the
same demand.
[D]. Gyspsies‘ demand may highlight the difference in the EU.
5.The big problem lies in the fact that
[A]. Gypsies belong to different and antagonistic clans and tribes without a common language
or religion.
[B]. Their leaders prove corrupt.
[C]. Their potential unity stems from ―being regarded as sub-human‖.
[D]. They are a bit more pragmatic.
V ocabulary
1.albeit 尽管，虽然
2.outnumber 数字上超过
3.ethnic 少数民族的成员，种族集团的成员
4.Hindi 印地语
5.misty 模糊不清的，朦胧的
6.derivative 衍生的，派生的
7.itinerant 逻辑的
8.Romanesten 说吉普塞语的地方
Romanes 吉普塞语
Stan 地方
9.outfit （口）组织，（协同工作）的集体
10.local 地方（市，镇，县）政务委员会
11.wary 谨慎的，机警的
12.backfire 产生出乎意料或事与愿违的结果
13.highlight 强调
14.persecution 迫害
15.catch on 了解，风行=to become popular
16.pogrom 大屠杀，集体迫害
https://www.doczj.com/doc/5118045132.html,missioner 委员，调查团团员
18.quota 定量，配额，限额
19.snag （尖利突出物，抽丝）潜在的困难
20.heterogeneous 由不同种类组成的
21.antagonistic 有效对抗性的，对抗性的
22.clan 氏族
23.tribe 部落
24.pragmatic 务实的，讲究实效的
25.municipality 城市，镇，区属政府，自治区
26.Rom 罗姆，即吉普塞人
难句译注
1. Central Europe 中欧，如本文提及捷克，匈牙利，罗马尼亚等。
2. European Union 欧盟。
3. the EUs institutions 欧洲机构，如：European Commission 欧盟委员会，European
Council 欧盟理事会，European Parliament 欧洲会议，the Court of Justic 欧洲法院。
4m=more than 4 million 四百多万。
4.Unlike Jews, Gypsies have had no known ancestral land to hark back to.
[结构简析] hark back to =to mention again or remember an earlier subject, event, etc. 吉普塞不知其祖先来自何方，而犹太人在《圣经》中已阐明了他们的历史。
[参考译文] 吉普塞人和犹太人不同，他们没有可以回想起来的已知的祖居地。5.…the notion of Romanestan as a landless nation founded on Gypsy culture has gained
ground.
[结构简析] gain ground (on) 接近。
[参考译文] 作为建立在吉普塞文化基础上的无疆地民族应该有一个说吉普塞语的地方。
这种想法越来越为人接受。
6. the International Romany Union 国际吉普塞人联盟。
7. V aclav Harel (1936--) 剧作家和人权运动成员，1990——1992为捷克斯洛伐克的总
统，1993年后为捷克总统。
8. a Slovak-born lawyer 斯洛伐克出生的律师，1992年捷克斯洛伐克
9. Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe 简称OSCE，偶中安全合作条
约组织，成立于1972。
10.nation 一词有民族和国家的含义。这里主要指：民族。因为作为国家应有疆土，但吉
普塞人有要求成立国家的想法，欧盟是国家加入地方，不是民族加入。
11.electoral block 选举集团
12.The might, it is feared, open a Pandora‘s box already containing Basques, Corsicans and
other awkward peoples.
[结构简析] Pandora‘s box 潘多拉盒子——喻种种麻烦事。潘多拉是主神宙斯命火神用黏土制成的第一个女性。宙斯命潘多拉带着一个盒子下凡。潘多拉私自打开盒子，于是里面的疾病，罪恶等各种祸害全部出来，散布于世。这里潘多拉盒子喻里面已有的各种麻烦的民族，吉普塞加入，更多了一份麻烦。
[参考译文] 人们担心，若让吉普塞人作为一个民族代表，就会打开了一个潘多拉盒子，里面已经装有要独立的西班牙的巴斯克人，意大利的科西嘉人和其他难以对付的民族。
写作手法与文章大意
文章以对比手法环绕吉普塞是不是一个民族/国家，可不可以取得合法地位这一中心而写。从人口上说，它的数量超过加入欧盟许多国家，应在欧盟中一席之底。但人口分散在各国，他是对抗的部落，还没有共同的语言和信仰。不像犹太人，它们没有回归的祖居地。它们成立了国际联盟，也选出了领导，在布鲁塞尔开设了办事处，想成立国会，但不知如何落实操作，只是极力游说欧盟和联合国等组织，以获得一个合法地位和发言权。这是欧盟日程表上一个问题，但欧盟等机构又担心，万一他们取得正式地位，那些国家中正闹分离和独立的民族也会提出同样的要求，就象潘多拉盒子那样，不能打开。
答案祥解
1. B. 他们是一个民族/国家吗？整篇文章环境这一点而写，文章一开始就提出中欧入欧盟
的国家会给大陆吉普塞人一个机会，承认他们是一个民族——国家，虽然没有界定的领土（作为国家，应有领土）。吉普塞人的领袖人物也指出其人数超过欧盟中许多现在有的和将来要入盟的国家。他们至少要在欧盟中有一席之地。第二段提出，吉普塞和犹太人不同，他们没有可回归的祖居地。他们的语言属印欧语系。英国人认为他们来自埃及及移民。最可能的是七世纪时一些流浪的手工业工人和艺人从印度向西方流移。第三段涉及一种思想——以吉普塞文化为基础的无疆土的吉普塞民族应有个说话的地方—越来越为人接受。国际吉普塞人联盟声称代表30多个国家的吉普塞人，做了几件事：展开自我联合，提出语言标准和书面形式，在联合国进行游说活动时挥动吉普塞国旗，在布鲁塞尔设立办事处，六月在捷克首都布拉格召开会议。第四段集中讲到会上选出了联盟主席。一群选出吉普塞的政治家——国会议员，市长，地方政务委员再次在布拉格开会，会议由欧洲安全合作条约组织召集，来讨论如何动员更多的吉普塞人参政。第五段涉及联盟雄心勃勃的宣布要建立国会，但如何实际操作还未落实。后面主要是外界对吉普塞的态度。第六段描述欧盟委员会在吉普塞作为最大的大陆少数民族，历史上遭到残酷的迫害，应赢得特别承认。19世纪他们横遭奴役，希特勒企图把它们和犹太人一起消灭。第八段讲了欧洲会议中有人提出吉普塞在欧洲机构中应有一席之地，还提议一个常务委员负责吉普塞事务。还有行动筹建建立一所吉普塞大学。后面两段讲的是困难，第九段点出。最后一段指出，现在说他们有人有钱可以组成（国家）为时还早，可是吉普塞是欧盟中日程表上的一个问题，他们日益接近解决。从内部，外部情况分析都说明吉普塞是一个组成国家的民族。全文都是环绕它是不是，该不该承认为民族/国家而写，所以B项他们是不是民族是最佳标题。
A. 吉普塞要想组成一个国家（民族）。这只是文章涉及到的部分内容，中欧国家想加
入欧盟一事可能产生的结果。 C. 欧盟害怕它们成长。 D. 他们是一个部落。
2. A. 最可能是在7世纪从印度流浪到西方。见第1题第二注释。
B. 他们分散在世界各地。
C. 可能他们源于中欧。
D. 他们可能来自国
际吉普塞人联盟。
3. D. 它们在这些国际组织，如欧盟，联合国中进行活动游说要取得一席之地。见第1题
第一段，三段注释。
A. 它们游说活动欧盟和联合国接受他们的要求。太抽象。
B. 它们活动游说在
国际机构取得职位。 C. 他们游说作为民族的权利。
4. C. 它害怕巴斯克人，科西嘉人和其它要求分裂的民族会提出同样的要求。见难句译注
11。
A. 它可能会打开潘多拉盒子。此盒子在文章中只是比喻。
B. 鼓励可能会导致某
些意想不到的结果。 D. 吉普塞的要求会加深欧盟分歧。B,D两项不够明确。
5. A. 吉普塞人属于不同的，而且常常是对抗的民族的部落，还没有共同的语言和宗教信
仰。
B. 他们领袖很腐败。
C. 他们潜在的团结来自被人看作是低于人类（次等人）。
D. 他们有点太讲究实效，B,C, D 三项不是主要问题。主要问题是A. 项。
Passage Three (Method of Scientific Inquiry)
Why the inductive and mathematical sciences, after their first rapid development at the culmination of Greek civilization, advanced so slowly for two thousand years—and why in the
following two hundred years a knowledge of natural and mathematical science has accumulated, which so vastly exceeds all that was previously known that these sciences may be justly regarded as the products of our own times—are questions which have interested the modern philosopher not less than the objects with which these sciences are more immediately conversant. Was it the employment of a new method of research, or in the exercise of greater virtue in the use of the old methods, that this singular modern phenomenon had its origin? Was the long period one of arrested development, and is the modern era one of normal growth? Or should we ascribe the characteristics of both periods to so-called historical accidents—to the influence of conjunctions in circumstances of which no explanation is possible, save in the omnipotence and wisdom of a guiding Providence?
The explanation which has become commonplace, that the ancients employed deduction chiefly in their scientific inquiries, while the moderns employ induction, proves to be too narrow, and fails upon close examination to point with sufficient distinctness the contrast that is evident between ancient and modern scientific doctrines and inquiries. For all knowledge is founded on observation, and proceeds from this by analysis, by synthesis and analysis, by induction and deduction, and if possible by verification, or by new appeals to observation under the guidance of deduction—by steps which are indeed correlative parts of one method; and the ancient sciences afford examples of every one of these methods, or parts of one method, which have been generalized from the examples of science.
A failure to employ or to employ adequately any one of these partial methods, an imperfection in the arts and resources of observation and experiment, carelessness in observation, neglect of relevant facts, by appeal to experiment and observation—these are the faults which cause all failures to ascertain truth, whether among the ancients or the moderns; but this statement does not explain why the modern is possessed of a greater virtue, and by what means he attained his superiority. Much less does it explain the sudden growth of science in recent times.
The attempt to discover the explanation of this phenomenon in the antithesis of ―facts‖ and ―theories‖ or ―facts‖ and ―ideas‖—in the neglect among the ancients of the former, and their too exclusive attention to the latter—proves also to be too narrow, as well as open to the charge of vagueness. For in the first place, the antithesis is not complete. Facts and theories are not coordinate species. Theories, if true, are facts—a particular class of facts indeed, generally complex, and if a logical connection subsists between their constituents, have all the positive attributes of theories.
Nevertheless, this distinction, however inadequate it may be to explain the source of true method in science, is well founded, and connotes an important character in true method. A fact is a proposition of simple. A theory, on the other hand, if true has all the characteristics of a fact, except that its verification is possible only by indirect, remote, and difficult means. To convert theories into facts is to add simple verification, and the theory thus acquires the full characteristics of a fact.
1.The title that best expresses the ideas of this passage is
[A]. Philosophy of mathematics. [B]. The Recent Growth in Science.
[C]. The Verification of Facts. [C]. Methods of Scientific Inquiry.
2.According to the author, one possible reason for the growth of science during the days of the
ancient Greeks and in modern times is
[A]. the similarity between the two periods.
[B]. that it was an act of God.
[C]. that both tried to develop the inductive method.
[D]. due to the decline of the deductive method.
3.The difference between ―fact‖ and ―theory‖
[A]. is that the latter needs confirmation.
[B]. rests on the simplicity of the former.
[C]. is the difference between the modern scientists and the ancient Greeks.
[D]. helps us to understand the deductive method.
4.According to the author, mathematics is
[A]. an inductive science. [B]. in need of simple verification.
[C]. a deductive science. [D]. based on fact and theory.
5.The statement ―Theories are facts‖ may be called.
[A]. a metaphor. [B]. a paradox.
[C]. an appraisal of the inductive and deductive methods.
[D]. a pun.
V ocabulary
1.inductive 归纳法
induction n.归纳法
2.deductive 演绎法
deduction n。演绎法
3.culmination 到达顶/极点
4.conversant (with) 熟悉的，精通的
5.exercise 运用，实行，执行仪式
singular 卓越的，非凡的，独一无二的
6.conjunction 结合，同时发生
7.omnipotence 全能，无限权/威力
8.Providence （大写）指上帝，天道，天令
https://www.doczj.com/doc/5118045132.html,monplace 平凡的，陈腐的
10.inquiry 调查，探究（真理，知识等）
11.doctrine 教义，学说，讲义
12.correlative 相互关联的
13.antithesis 对立面，对偶（修辞学中），对句
14.coordinate 同等的，并列的
15.subsist 生存，维持生活
16.attribute 特征，属性
17.connote 意味着，含蓄（指词内涵）
难句译注
1.Why the inductive and mathematical sciences, after their first rapid development at the
culmination of Greek civilization, advanced so slowly for two thousand years are questions which have interested the modern philosopher not less than the objects with which these
sciences are more immediately conversant.
[结构简析] 破折号后面的内容（见难句译注2）先撇开。这样便于理解，整个句子是主谓表结构，前面一个问题句作主语，question后跟一个定语从句，和not less than连接的表语。
[参考译文] 为什么归纳发和数学科学，在希腊文明达到顶点时首先快速发展后，两千年内进展缓慢，现在哲学家对这个问题的兴趣不亚于对这些科学很熟悉研究的对象。2.…—and why in the following two hundred years a knowledge of natural and mathematical
science has accumulated, which so vastly exceeds all that was previously known that these sciences may be justly regarded as the products of our own times—…
[参考译文] 问什么在后来的二百年中自然科学数理科学积累起来，它们广泛的超越了过去已知的一切，所以就把这些科学视为我们时代的产品。
3.arrested development 停滞发展（被制止了的发展）。
4.Or should we ascribe the characteristics of both periods to so-called historical accidents—to
the influence of conjunctions in circumstances of which no explanation is possible, save in the omnipotence and wisdom of a guiding Providence?
[参考译文] 或者我们是否应当把两个阶段的特点归因于所谓的历史的偶然性（意外事件）——归因于客观环境中相似（结合）的影响。这一点除非以指导一切的上帝的智慧和无限权利来解释，否则难以解说清楚。
写作方法与文章大意
这是篇议论文，论及科学探索的方法，总体是因果写法，具体分析又是对比写法。作者采用问答方式探究为什么希腊文明顶峰之后两千年，科技发展缓慢，而最近两百年又迅速发展超越前人，其原因在哪里？是采用新，旧方法所致，历史之偶然性，还是上天安排。
然后以现代用归纳法，古代用演绎法太狭隘说明科学总是在观察，实验，检验，证实中前进。但事实难以解释慢和快的现象。最后以―对立‖——事实和理论对立古代重视事实来解释。然这两者是对立的统一。真正的理论就是事实。事实，构成之间具逻辑联系，就具有理论的一切正面特性。这种区分虽不足以解释科学研究中真正方法，但奠定了良好的基础，含有真正方法中的重要特性。
答案祥解
1. D. 科学研究/探索的方法。文章一开始就提出问题，为什么从希腊文化顶峰时期后两千
年来归纳法和数学科学发展如此缓慢，而后的两百年又超越了前人，是应用新，旧方法关系还是其它（见难句译注1，2）。第二段讲埃及古代在科学探索中运用了演绎推理法，而现在应用了归纳法。这种解释太狭隘，经仔细审核，难以很清晰地点明古代和现代科学教义和探究上明显的差别。因为一切知识都基于观察，通过分析，综合，或综合分析，归纳演绎推理，有可能的话，经过校正或经由演绎指导下再观察而向前推进。第三段进一步阐明不用这些方法观察，实验；忽略相关事实，推理不慎；不能答出理论的结论，再用实验或观察来检验等或用得不全，不论在古代还是现代都会失败。但这不能说明为什么现代科学具有较高的功效，通过什么方式方法，超越了前人，更不用说说明最近科学突飞猛进的原因。第四，五段涉及事实和理论的关系。
A. 数学的哲学，文内没有提。
B. 近来科学的发展。
C. 事实的验证，
只是最后两段提及验证方法之作用。
2. B. 是上天的安排，这是作家在用方法论等失败后得出的结论。见难句译注4，第一段最
后一句话。
A. 两个阶段的相似性。. 两者都试图应用归纳法。 D. 由于演绎法的衰落。
3. A. 后者需要证实。答案在第四，五段，死段试图在事实的对立面和理论，或事实和思
想中发现上述现象的解释看起来有饿太狭隘，也会因模糊不清遭批评。因为，对立面不全面，事实和理论不是同类的事物。理论，如果是真正的理论，就是事实——一种特殊类别的事实，一般复杂，但仍是事实。而事实，从词的狭义来说，如果很复杂，如果各成分中存在着逻辑的联系，就具有理论的一切主要特征。第五段第二句，事实是一个提议，通过运用知识的源泉和经验而证实的提议直接而又简单。而理论，若是真理论，就有事实的一切特性（除非其证实只能通过非直接的，遥远的和困难的方式方法），把理论转成事实必须用简单的核实，理论因此具有事实的一切特性。
B. 前者简单。
C. 是现代科学家和古希腊的差异。
D. 帮助我们了
解演绎法，三项都不对。
4. C. 是推理演绎科学，这个问题常识就能回答。
A. 归纳法科学。
B. 需要简单证实。 D. 基于事实和理论。
5. B. 是一个悖论，见第四，五段注释。
A. 比喻。 C. 对归纳法和演绎法的赞扬。 D. 双关语。
Passage Four (It Is Bush)
On the 36th day after they had voted, Americans finally learned Wednesday who would be their next president: Governor George W. Bush of Texas.
Vice President Al Gore, his last realistic avenue for legal challenge closed by a U. S. Supreme Court decision late Tuesday, planned to end the contest formally in a televised evening speech of perhaps 10 minutes, advisers said.
They said that Senator Joseph Lieberman, his vice presidential running mate, would first make brief comments. The men would speak from a ceremonial chamber of the Old Executive office Building, to the west of the White House.
The dozens of political workers and lawyers who had helped lead Mr. Gore‘s unprecedented fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral victory in the pivotal state of Florida were thanked Wednesday and asked to stand down.
―The vice president has directed the recount committee to suspend activities,‖ William Daley, the Gore campaign chairman, said in a written statement.
Mr. Gore authorized that statement after meeting with his wife, Tipper, and with top advisers including Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying and tumultuous process that had focused world attention on sleepless vote counters across Florida, and on courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to Washington the Texas governor was set to become the 43d U. S. president.
The news of Mr. Gore‘s plans followed the longest and most rancorous dispute over a U. S. presidential election in more than a century, one certain to leave scars in a badly divided country.
It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267—the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to be distressed by what he and many Democratic activists felt was a partisan decision from the nation‘s highest court.
The 5-to –4 decision of the Supreme Court held, in essence, that while a vote recount in Florida could be conducted in legal and constitutional fashion, as Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to select their presidential electors.
James Baker 3rd, the former secretary of state who represented Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued a short statement after the U. S. high court ruling, saying that the governor was ―very pleased and gratified.‖
Mr. Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at trying to begin to heal the country‘s deep, aching and varied divisions. He then was expected to meet with congressional leaders, including Democrats. Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush‘s ruing mate, was meeting with congressmen Wednesday in Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54, is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be only the second son of a president to follow his father to the White House, after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the early 19th century.
Mr. Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his supporters, defend his hive-week battle as an effort to ensure, as a matter of principle, that every vote be counted, and call for the nation to join behind the new president. He was described by an aide as ―resolved and resigned.‖While some constitutional experts had said they believed states could present electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court made clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back ―for revision‖ to the Florida court its order allowing recounts but made clear that for all practical purposes the election was over.
In its unsigned main opinion, the court declared, ―The reco unt process, in its features here described, is inconsistent with the minimum procedures necessary to protect the fundamental right of each voter.‖
That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the hi gh court‘s proceedings bore a political taint.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an angry dissent:‖ Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year‘s presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation‘s confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the law.‖
But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an outward show of restraint and aplomb. The governor‘s hopes had risen and fallen so many times since Election night, and the legal warriors of each side suffered through so many dramatic reversals, that there was little energy left for celebration.
1.The main idea of this passage is
[A]. Bush‘s victory in presidential election bore a political taint.
[B]. The process of the American presidential election.
[C]. The Supreme Court plays a very important part in the presidential election.
[D]. Gore is distressed.
2.What does the sentence ―as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next step‖ mean
[A]. Bush hopes Gore to join his administration.
[B]. Bush hopes Gore to concede defeat and to support him.
[C]. Bush hopes Gore to congraduate him.
[D]. Bush hopes Gore go on fighting with him.
3.Why couldn‘t Mr. Gore win th e presidential election after he outpolled Mr. Bush in the
popular vote? Because
[A]. the American president is decided by the supreme court‘s decision.
[B]. people can‘t directly elect their president.
[C]. the American president is elected by a slate of presidential electors.
[D]. the people of each state support Mr. Bush.
4.What was the result of the 5—4 decision of the supreme court?
[A]. It was in fact for the vote recount.
[B]. It had nothing to do with the presidential election.
[C]. It decided the fate of the winner.
[D]. It was in essence against the vote recount.
5.What did the ―turbulent election of 1876‖ imply?
[A]. The process of presidential election of 2000 was the same as that.
[B]. There were great similarities between the two presidential elections (2000 and 1876).
[C]. It was compared to presidential election of 2000.
[D]. It was given an example.
V ocabulary
1.avenue 通向成功/获取成功的途径/手段
2.running mate 竞选伙伴，如作为总统的竞选伙伴，获胜后为副总统
3.pivotal 重要的，枢纽的
4.gingerly=carefully 小心翼翼地
5.tumultuous 吵闹的，骚动的，激动的
6.rancorous 充满仇恨的
7.elector 总统选举团成员
8.elector college 美国选举总统的选举团
9.leeway 风压差，余地
10.for all practical purpose 事实上，实际
11.fracture 断裂，折断
12.taint 污点，败坏，感染
13.dissent 不同意，异议
14.provisionally 暂时的，临时的
15.aplomb 镇静，沉着
16.restraint 抑制，克制，谨慎
难句译注
1. stand down 退出竞争/竞选，辞职，推出法庭。这里指戈尔感谢这些竞争支持者后，
就退出竞选。此短语的对立面是stand for 竞选。Ex: to stand for parliament 竞选国会议员。
2.The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore
to contemplate his next steps.
[结构简析] profile 外形，轮廓，外观。Low profile 低姿态，不出头露面，不惹人注意。
High profile 鲜明的姿态。
3.recount committee 重新计算选票委员会。
4.…one certain to leave scars is a badly divided country.
[结构简析] election 的同位语one (election) which was certain。Leave scar 留下伤疤。
[参考译文] 人们可以肯定计算问题在这两派分裂的国家上留下伤疤。
5.It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000
votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267—the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
[结构简析] outpoll 得到的选票超过某人。Fall short (of) 缺少，不足，达不到。Electoral college 选举团票，指每一个州人民选出一群人组成选举团，由它们直接选举总统。6.The election of 1876
这是指1876年11月7日美国内战时少将，共和党人，俄亥俄州州长卢瑟福·海因斯，在总统选举结束后，认为自己输给民主党人，纽约州长萨缪尔·莱尔登而安息。可在第二天，因为涉嫌欺骗行为，有争议之州，如佛罗里达，路易斯安娜，南卡罗莱纳重新计票及诉讼。那一年选举结果争议持续了四个月的时间。国会因争议，不得不推迟总统就职时间。到第二年，1877年3月4日，总统就职最后期限的前两天，国会建立了一个两党联合选举委员会：包括八名共和党人和七名民主党人。最后该会把所有争议的选举人票都给了海因斯。结果以185票对莱尔登184张选举团票。海因斯多一票当选为美国第19任总统。2000年的美国总统选举与1876年的很相似。所以句内提及。
7. James Baker 3rd贝克曾任前共和党总统里根（Ronald Reagen）政府的内阁成员和白
宫办公所主任。在小布什父亲的父亲George Bush任总统时又担任过国务卿（1989——1993）。这次他是小布什为重新计票问题在法庭展开斗争的律师代表，而民主党的律师代表似乎克林顿政府中担任过国务卿的克里斯托弗Warren Christopher (1993--1997)。
8. Dick Cheney 切尼是小布什父亲执政时的老臣。他这次出山要以辅弼大臣的资格
和经验辅佐朝政。所以报道中提到he will act in the Bush administration as a president in a corporation while George W. Bush as the Chairman of the board of directors.
9.John Adams (1735—1848), 约翰·亚当斯，美国第二任总统（1979——1801），联邦党人，
Federalist, 是起草独立宣言的关键人物。
10.John Quincy Adams （1767—1848）美国第六任总统，是上述亚当斯大儿子。
11.resolved and resigned 这里指他的追随者认为戈尔坚定而又顺从（天命），因为戈尔的演
说，一方面感谢他们的支持，五星期来保证每张票都应计算的努力是捍卫了原则问题，另一方面也是号召全国支持新总统。
12.It saw no such leeway. 美国高等法院认为这是没有成功的多花时间，金钱的事。和后面
句内for all practical purpose the election was over 事实上选举已结束（已成定居），传达了高等法院认为重新计票毫无作用之义。
13.That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging
that the high court‘s proceedings bore a political taint.
[参考译文] 法院这一裁决割裂了哲学思想，使一位自由派法官（司法官）指高等法院程序沾上了政治污点。
14.But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and
constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in
more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
[参考译文] 经过5个似乎无休止的星期之后，这个制度总算产生了一个结果，一个大多数美国人，至少目前能暂时支持的总统。在这五星期内，有形的，法律的，政体的机器都经受了压力（都很紧张），也经受了一百多年来没有见过的这方面的沉重考验。
写作方法和文章大意
这是一篇报导，其特点先画龙点睛指出中心事实，Bush当选，戈尔退出，然后以对比手法写出胜者和败方的处理方法，前者低调，谨慎，似乎宽容，后者似乎退让，认命，再次选举的经过，特别是最高法院的裁决，决定选举的命运点出胜败之因（因果写法）。小布什的险胜有点类似1876的选举（实例佐证）。
答案祥解
1. A. 布什在总统选举中获胜沾上了政治污点。整篇文章环绕这一点而写。文章一开始就
写戈尔在高等法院裁决下退出竞选，再写布什得胜后的低调行动表示对戈尔的期望。仁厚点出271——276选举团票布什的险胜是和全国最高法院的欺诈性裁决有关，这令戈尔痛心疾首，令布什等感恩戴德。最后集中写了高等法院司法程序沾上了政治污点，以及当选之布什的后果——大多数美国人似乎暂时会支持。这一切说明布什胜胜不武，而戈尔却是虽败尤胜。
B. 美国总统选举过程，文章过程的焦点在布什获胜之因，不单单是过程，故B. 项不对。
C. 高等法院在总统选举中起着重要的作用。其作用是欺诈性裁决，偏袒布什获胜，是
政治污点，反映了布什的手段。 D. 戈尔很难受，这是事实，但不是中心思想。
2. B. 布什希望戈尔（能退一步）承认失败，并支持他，而戈尔确实是也这样做了。所以
他的助手称戈尔为―resolved and resigned.‖ 坚决而又顺从天命的人。至少在他的演讲中号召人们追随新总统。
A. 布什希望戈尔参与他的政府。 C. 布什希望戈尔祝贺他。 D. 布什希望戈
尔继续和他斗下去。
3. C. 美国的总统由选举团提名选举产生。见难句译注5和6。
A. 美国总统由高等法院裁决。
B. 人民不能直接选举总统。这只是第一步的原
因，主要原因在C. D. 各州人民支持布什。
4. D. 其结果实质上就是反对重新计票。这在第十二段阐述得很清楚：高等法院5比4之
裁决实质上就是重新计票在12月12日州选举总统选举团的最后一天之前是不能进行的，而戈尔曾认为弗罗里达州可以法律和宪法的形式重新计票。总统选举团一产生。总统由选举团提名选举产生，那么重新计票与否对总统选举实际上是毫无作用，所以说5比4裁决12月12日之前……实质上就是反对重新计票。
A. 其结果实际上是支持重新计票。不对。
B. 其结果和总统选举毫无关系，不
对，关系很大，见D项注释。 C. 其结果决定胜者的命运。
5. B. 它隐射2000年的总统选举和1876年的总统选举两者之间有着很大的相似之处。见
难句译注6，海因斯认为输了，正准备放弃，谁知涉嫌欺骗行为，对有争议的州进行重新计票。结果是海因斯以一票之差险胜。重新计票以及险胜都和2000年总统选举相似，其它方面，如以为输而没有输，重新计票州多而且起到作用等……，都和2000年选举不同，所以只能选B项，A项完全一样是错误的。
A. 两者选举总统过程一个样。 C. 把1876年总统选举比作2000年的总统选举。
D. 作为例子给出。这里没有说明。
Passage Five (Women‘s Positions in the 17th Century)
Social circumstances in Early Modern England mostly served to repress women‘s voices. Patriarchal culture and institutions constructed them as chaste, silent, obedient, and subordinate. At the beginning of the 17th century, the ideology of patriarchy, political absolutism, and gender hierarchy were reaffirmed powerfully by King James in The Trew Law of Free Monarchie and the Basilikon Doron; by that ideology the absolute power of God the supreme patriarch was seen to be imaged in the absolute monarch of the state and in the husband and father of a family. Accordingly, a woman‘s subjection, first to her father and t hen to her husband, imaged the subjection of English people to their monarch, and of all Christians to God. Also, the period saw an outpouring of repressive or overtly misogynist sermons, tracts, and plays, detailing women‘s physical and mental defects, spiritual evils, rebelliousness, shrewish ness, and natural inferiority to men.
Yet some social and cultural conditions served to empower women. During the Elizabethan era (1558—1603) the culture was dominated by a powerful Queen, who provided an impressive female example though she left scant cultural space for other women. Elizabethan women writers began to produce original texts but were occupied chiefly with translation. In the 17th century, however, various circumstances enabled women to write original texts in some numbers. For one thing, some counterweight to patriarchy was provided by female communities—mothers and daughters, extended kinship networks, close female friends, the separate court of Queen Anne (King James‘ consort) and her often opposition al masques and political activities. For another, most of these women had a reasonably good education (modern languages, history, literature, religion, music, occasionally Latin) and some apparently found in romances and histories more expansive terms for imagining women‘s lives. Also, representation of vigorous and rebellious female characters in literature and especially on the stage no doubt helped to undermine any monolithic social construct of women‘s mature and role.
Most important, perhaps, was the radical potential inherent in the Protestant insistence on every Christian‘s immediate relationship with God and primary responsibility to follow his or her individual conscience. There is plenty of support in St Paul‘s epistles and elsewhere in the Bible f or patriarchy and a wife‘s subjection to her husband, but some texts (notably Galatians 3:28) inscribe a very different politics, promoting women‘s spiritual equality: ―There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female: for ye are all one in Jesus Christ.‖ Such texts encouraged some women to claim the support of God the supreme patriarch against the various earthly patriarchs who claimed to stand toward them in his stead.
There is also the gap or slippage between ideology and common experience. English women throughout the 17th century exercised a good deal of accrual power: as managers of estates in their husbands‘ absences at court or on military and diplomatic missions; as members of guilds; as wives and mothers who apex during the English Civil War and Interregnum (1640-60) as the execution of the King and the attendant disruption of social hierarchies led many women to seize new roles—as preachers, as prophetesses, as deputies for exiled royalist husbands, as writers of religious and political tracts.
1.What is the best title for this passage?
[A]. Women‘s Position in the 17th Century.
[B]. Women‘s Subjection to Patriarchy.
[C]. Social Circumstances in the 17th Century.
[D]. Women‘s objection in the 17th Century.
2.What did the Queen Elizabeth do for the women in culture?
[A]. She set an impressive female example to follow.
[B]. She dominated the culture.
[C]. She did little.
[D]. She allowed women to translate something.
3.Which of the following is Not mention as a reason to enable women to original texts?
[A].Female communities provided some counterweight to patriarchy.
[B]. Queen Anne‘s political activities.
[C]. Most women had a good education.
[D]. Queen Elizabeth‘s political activities.
4.What did the religion so for the women?
[A]. It did nothing.
[B]. It too asked women to be obedient except some texts.
[C]. It supported women.
[D]. It appealed to the God.
V ocabulary
1.repress 压制，镇压，约束
2.patriarchy 族长制，家长制
3.chaste 贞洁的，高雅的
4.hierarchy 等级制
5.monarch 君主，最高统治
6.image 象征，反映
7.overtly 公开的，明显的
8.outpour 倾泻
9.sermon 布道，说教
10.tract 政治宗教，小册子传单
11.misogynist 反对妇女
12.shrewish 泼妇似的，爱骂街的
13.counterweight 抗衡
14.consort 配偶
15.masque 化装舞会
16.monolithic 铁板一样的，磐石般的
17.epistle 圣经·新约中的使徒书
18.Galatians 新约圣经中加拉太书
19.inscribe 写，题写，铭记
难句译注
1.Also, the period saw an outpouring of repressive or overtly misogynist sermons, tracts, and
plays, detailing women‘s physical and mental defects, spir itual evils, rebelliousness, shrewish ness, and natural inferiority to men.
[结构简析] 这是一种句型，年代，时间+see, find 等动词+宾语。
[参考译文] 这一时期出来许多约束或明显反对妇女的布道（教义），小册子和戏剧，详
细地描述了妇女精神上和肉体上的缺陷，精神罪恶，叛逆，凶狠，天生低于男人的品性。
2.Such texts encouraged some women to claim the support of God the supreme patriarch against
the various earthly patriarchs who claimed to stand toward them in his stead.
[结构简析] in one‘s stead 代替某人。
[参考译文] 这样的版本鼓励有些妇女去寻求最高家长，上帝的支持，以对抗各种各样凡间家长，他们声称替代上帝对付她们。
写作方法与文章大意
文章论述了17世纪英国妇女的地位，采用对比写作手法。一方面（第一段）英皇詹姆士重新以法律形式确定：家长制的思想体系，政治上集权主义，性别等级制。而思想意识是上帝的绝对权威；最高等级制体现在绝对君主政权上，体现在家庭的父亲和丈夫身上。所以妇女先对父亲，后对丈夫的服从体现了英国臣民对君权，全体基督徒对上帝的服从。那时代造就的妇女都是贞洁，沉默，服从，低下。
另方面，某些社会和文化因素赋予妇女以力量，首先是女皇伊丽莎白统治的时期，她本身就是一个强有力的榜样。其次一些妇女亲情关系，以及安娜女皇的分庭抗礼统治活动和舞会。再则是大多数活动妇女都受过良好教育。最重要的是有些圣经文本鼓吹妇女精神平等。
最后一段论述了英国妇女实际上有的已经掌握实权，如丈夫公务，他们管理庄园田产。
答案祥解
1. A. 17世纪英国妇女地位。见上面文章大意。
B. 妇女服从于家族制。 D. 17世纪妇女的反抗，都是A.内容中的一部分，不能
作为最佳标题。 C. 17世纪英国社会形式，只能作为背景出现。
2. C. 她没有做什么。英女皇伊丽莎白在位时期间在文化上并没有妇女做过什么。这在第
二段讲得很清楚。―伊丽莎白统治时期（1558——1603），文化领域为强有里女皇所控制，她本人确实树立了令人难忘的妇女形象，可是她并没有为其它妇女能够创作一些东西。‖见前面列出之原因和下一道题的A. B. C.
3. D. 伊丽莎白女皇的政治活动。这文内没有提及。
A. 妇女亲情网对家长制进行抗衡。
B. 安娜女皇的政治活动。
C. 大多
数妇女都受过良好教育。这三项在第二段中都提到。―首先，妇女亲情关系，如母亲，女儿，他们的亲戚网，好友；安娜女皇单独的宫殿，她那对立的化装舞会和政治活动都和族长制予以抗衡。‖
4. B. 除了某些文本外，它也要求妇女服从。第一段，见上述内容。第三段集中论述这一
点。―也许，最重要的是基督教固有潜在激进性。它坚持主张每个基督徒和上帝的直接关系，坚持人首先责任是服从她或他的良知。在圣·保罗使徒书以及在别的圣经中有许多对家长制，妻子对丈夫的服从支持。可是有些文本镌刻着一种完全不同的政治观点，鼓吹妇女精神平等：‖人没有犹太和希腊之分，没有束缚或自由之分，没有男女之分，因为在耶酥基督面前，你们都是一样。―
A. 它什么也没有做。不对。 C. 它支持妇女。也不对，只有某些版本支持。
D. 它求助于上帝。它借上帝之名压制妇女。第一段：―因此，妇女首先服从父亲，然后
服从丈夫，体现了（象征）英国人民服从他们的君主，所有基督徒服从上帝。‖
Passage Six (The Present Is the Most Important)
Shams and delusions are esteemed for soundest truths, while reality is fabulous. If men would steadily observe realities only, and not allow themselves to be deluded, life, to compare it with