美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address
Barry Goldwater
Speech Accepting the Republican Presidential Nomination
"Extremism in the defense of liberty Is no vice...and moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue."
delivered 16 July 1964, San Francisco
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]
My good friend and great Republican, Dick Nixon, and your charming wife, Pat; my running mate, that wonderful Republican who has served us so well for so long, Bill Miller and his wife, Stephanie; to Thurston Morton who's done such a commendable job in chairmaning this Convention; to Mr. Herbert Hoover, who I hope is watching; and to that -- that great American and his wife, General and Mrs. Eisenhower; to my own wife, my family, and to all of my fellow Republicans here assembled, and Americans across this great Nation.
From this moment, united and determined, we will go forward together, dedicated to the ultimate and undeniable greatness of the whole man. Together -- Together we will win.
I accept your nomination with a deep sense of humility. I accept, too, the responsibility that goes with it, and I seek your continued help and your continued guidance. My fellow Republicans, our cause is too great for any man to feel worthy of it. Our task would be too great for any man, did he not have with him the hearts and the hands of this great Republican Party, and I promise you tonight that every fiber of my being is consecrated to our cause; that nothing shall be lacking from the struggle that can be brought to it by enthusiasm, by devotion, and plain hard work.
In this world no person, no Party can guarantee anything, but what we can do and what we shall do is to deserve victory, and victory will be ours.
The good Lord raised this mighty Republic to be a home for the brave and to flourish as the land of the free -- not to stagnate in the swampland of collectivism, not to cringe before the bullying of communism.
Now, my fellow Americans, the tide has been running against freedom. Our people have followed false prophets. We must, and we shall, return to proven ways -- not because they are old, but because they are true. We must, and we shall, set the tides running again in the cause of freedom. And this party, with its every action, every word, every breath, and every heartbeat, has but a single resolve, and that is freedom -- freedom made orderly for this Nation by our constitutional government; freedom under a government limited by the laws of nature and of nature's God; freedom balanced so that order lacking liberty [sic] will not become the slavery of the prison shell [cell]; balanced so that liberty lacking order will not become the license of the mob and of the jungle.
Now, we Americans understand freedom. We have earned it; we have lived for it, and we have died for it. This Nation and its people are freedom's model in a searching world. We can be freedom's missionaries in a doubting world. But, ladies and gentlemen, first we must renew freedom's mission in our own hearts and in our own homes.
During four futile years, the administration which we shall replace has -- has distorted and lost that vision. It has talked and talked and
talked and talked the words of freedom, but it has failed and failed and failed in the works of freedom.
Now, failures cement the wall of shame in Berlin. Failures blot the sands of shame at the Bay of Pigs. Failures mark the slow death of freedom in Laos. Failures infest the jungles of Vietnam. And failures haunt the houses of our once great alliances and undermine the greatest bulwark ever erected by free nations -- the NATO community. Failures proclaim lost leadership, obscure purpose, weakening will, and the risk of inciting our sworn enemies to new aggressions and to new excesses.
And because of this administration we are tonight a world divided; we are a Nation becalmed. We have lost the brisk pace of diversity and the genius of individual creativity. We are plodding along at a pace set by centralized planning, red tape, rules without responsibility, and regimentation without recourse.
Rather than useful jobs in our country, our people have been offered bureaucratic "make work"; rather than moral leadership, they have been given bread and circuses. They have been given spectacles, and, yes, they've even been given scandals.
Tonight, there is violence in our streets, corruption in our highest offices, aimlessness amongst our youth, anxiety among our elders, and there's a virtual despair among the many who look beyond material success for the inner meaning of their lives. And where examples of morality should be set, the opposite is seen. Small men, seeking great wealth or power, have too often and too long turned even the highest levels of public service into mere personal opportunity.
Now, certainly, simple honesty is not too much to demand of men in government. We find it in most. Republicans demand it from everyone. They demand it from everyone no matter how exalted or protected his position might be. Now the -- the growing menace in our country tonight, to personal safety, to life, to limb and property, in homes, in churches, on the playgrounds, and places of business, particularly in our great cities, is the mounting concern, or should be, of every thoughtful citizen in the United States.
Security from domestic violence, no less than from foreign aggression, is the most elementary and fundamental purpose of any government, and a government that cannot fulfill this purpose is one that cannot long command the loyalty of its citizens.
History shows us -- it demonstrates that nothing, nothing prepares the way for tyranny more than the failure of public officials to keep the streets safe from bullies and marauders.
Now, we Republicans see all this as more, much more, than the result of mere political differences or mere political mistakes. We see this as the result of a fundamentally and absolutely wrong view of man, his nature, and his destiny. Those who seek to live your lives for you, to take your liberties in return for relieving you of yours, those who elevate the state and downgrade the citizen must see ultimately a world in which earthly power can be substituted for Divine Will, and this Nation was founded upon the rejection of that notion and upon the acceptance of God as the author of freedom.
Now those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth. They -- and let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyrannies. Absolute power does corrupt, and those who seek it must be suspect and must be opposed. Their mistaken course stems from false notions, ladies and gentlemen, of equality. Equality, rightly understood, as our founding fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation of creative differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically in our time, it leads first to conformity and then to despotism.
Fellow Republicans, it is the cause of Republicanism to resist concentrations of power, private or public, which -- which enforce such conformity and inflict such despotism. It is the cause of Republicanism to ensure that power remains in the hands of the people. And, so help us God, that is exactly what a Republican President will do with the help of a Republican Congress.
It is further the cause of Republicanism to restore a clear understanding of the tyranny of man over man in the world at large. It is our cause to dispel the foggy thinking which avoids hard decisions in the delusion that a world of conflict will somehow mysteriously resolve itself into a world of harmony, if we just don't rock the boat or irritate the forces of aggression -- and this is hogwash.
It is further the cause of Republicanism to remind ourselves, and the world, that only the strong can remain free, that only the strong can keep the peace.
Now, I needn't remind you, or my fellow Americans regardless of party, that Republicans have shouldered this hard responsibility and marched in this cause before. It was Republican leadership under Dwight Eisenhower that kept the peace, and passed along to this administration the mightiest arsenal for defense the world has ever known. And I needn't remind you that it was the strength and the [un]believable will of the Eisenhower years that kept the peace by using our strength, by using it in the Formosa Straits and in Lebanon and by showing it courageously at all times.
It was during those Republican years that the thrust of Communist imperialism was blunted. It was during those years of Republican leadership that this world moved closer, not to war, but closer to peace, than at any other time in the last three decades.
And I needn't remind you -- but I will -- that it's been during Democratic years that our strength to deter war has stood still, and even gone into a planned decline. It has been during Democratic years that we have weakly stumbled into conflict, timidly refusing to draw our own lines against aggression, deceitfully refusing to tell even our people of our full participation, and tragically, letting our finest men die on battlefields, unmarked by purpose, unmarked by pride or the prospect of victory.
Yesterday, it was Korea. Tonight, it is Vietnam. Make no bones of this. Don't try to sweep this under the rug. We are at war in Vietnam. And yet the President, who is the Commander-in-Chief of our forces, refuses to say -- refuses to say, mind you, whether or not the objective over there is victory. And his Secretary of Defense continues to mislead and misinform the American people, and enough of it has gone by.
And I needn't remind you -- but I will -- it has been during Democratic years that a billion persons were cast into Communist captivity and their fate cynically sealed.
Today -- Today in our beloved country we have an administration which seems eager to deal with communism in every coin known -- from gold to wheat, from consulates to confidences, and even human freedom itself.
Now the Republican cause demands that we brand communism as the principal disturber of peace in the world today. Indeed, we should brand it as the only significant disturber of the peace, and we must make clear that until its goals of conquest are absolutely renounced and its relations with all nations tempered, communism and the governments it now controls are enemies of every man on earth who is or wants to be free.
Now, we here in America can keep the peace only if we remain vigilant and only if we remain strong. Only if we keep our eyes open and keep our guard up can we prevent war. And I want to make this abundantly clear: I don't intend to let peace or freedom be torn from our grasp because of lack of strength or lack of will -- and that I promise you, Americans.
I believe that we must look beyond the defense of freedom today to its extension tomorrow. I believe that the communism which boasts it will bury us will, instead, give way to the forces of freedom. And I can see in the distant and yet recognizable future the outlines of a world worthy of our dedication, our every risk, our every effort, our every sacrifice along the way. Yes, a world that will redeem the suffering of those who will be liberated from tyranny. I can see -- and I suggest that all thoughtful men must contemplate -- the flowering of an Atlantic civilization, the whole of Europe reunified and freed, trading openly across its borders, communicating openly across the world.
Now, this is a goal far, far more meaningful than a moon shot.
It's a -- It's a truly inspiring goal for all free men to set for themselves during the latter half of the twentieth century.
I can also see -- and all free men must thrill to -- the events of this Atlantic civilization joined by its great ocean highway to the United States. What a destiny! What a destiny can be ours to stand as a great central pillar linking Europe, the Americas, and the venerable and vital peoples and cultures of the Pacific. I can see a day when all the Americas, North and South, will be linked in a mighty system, a system in which the errors and misunderstandings of the past will be submerged one by one in a rising tide of prosperity and interdependence. We know that the misunderstandings of centuries are not to be wiped away in a day or wiped away in an hour. But we pledge, we pledge that human sympathy -- what our neighbors to the South call an attitude of "simpatico" -- no less than enlightened self'-interest will be our guide.
And I can see this Atlantic civilization galvanizing and guiding emergent nations everywhere.
Now I know this freedom is not the fruit of every soil. I know that our own freedom was achieved through centuries, by unremitting efforts of brave and wise men. And I know that the road to freedom is a long and a challenging road. And I know also that some men may walk away from it, that some men resist challenge, accepting the false security of governmental paternalism.
And I -- And I pledge that the America I envision in the years ahead will extend its hand in health, in teaching and in cultivation, so that all new nations will be at least encouraged -- encouraged! -- to go our way, so that they will not wander down the dark alleys of tyranny or the dead-end streets of collectivism.
My fellow Republicans, we do no man a service by hiding freedom's light under a bushel of mistaken humility.
I seek an America proud of its past, proud of its ways, proud of its dreams, and determined actively to proclaim them. But our example to the world must, like charity, begin at home.
In our vision of a good and decent future, free and peaceful, there must be room, room for deliberation of the energy and the talent of the individual; otherwise our vision is blind at the outset.
We must assure a society here which, while never abandoning the needy or forsaking the helpless, nurtures incentives and opportunities for the creative and the productive. We must know the whole good is the product of many single contributions.
And I cherish a day when our children once again will restore as heroes the sort of men and women who, unafraid and undaunted, pursue the truth, strive to cure disease, subdue and make fruitful our natural environment and produce the inventive engines of production, science, and technology.
This Nation, whose creative people have enhanced this entire span of history, should again thrive upon the greatness of all those things which we, we as individual citizens, can and should do. And during Republican years, this again will be a nation of men and women, of families proud of their role, jealous of their responsibilities, unlimited in their aspirations -- a Nation where all who can will be self-reliant.
We Republicans see in our constitutional form of government the great framework which assures the orderly but dynamic fulfillment of the whole man, and we see the whole man as the great reason for instituting orderly government in the first place.
We see -- We see in private property and in economy based upon and fostering private property, the one way to make government a durable ally of the whole man, rather than his determined enemy. We see in the sanctity of private property the only durable foundation for constitutional government in a free society. And -- And beyond that, we see, in cherished diversity of ways, diversity of thoughts, of motives and accomplishments. We don't seek to lead anyone's life for him. We only seek -- only seek to secure his rights, guarantee him opportunity -- guarantee him opportunity to strive, with
government performing only those needed and constitutionally sanctioned tasks which cannot otherwise be performed.
We Republicans seek a government that attends to its inherent responsibilities of maintaining a stable monetary and fiscal climate, encouraging a free and a competitive economy and enforcing law and order. Thus, do we seek inventiveness, diversity, and creative difference within a stable order, for we Republicans define government's role where needed at many, many levels -- preferably, though, the one closest to the people involved.
Our towns and our cities, then our counties, then our states, then our regional compacts -- and only then, the national government. That, let me remind you, is the ladder of liberty, built by decentralized power. On it also we must have balance between the branches of government at every level.
Balance, diversity, creative difference: These are the elements of the Republican equation. Republicans agree -- Republicans agree heartily to disagree on many, many of their applications, but we have never disagreed on the basic fundamental issues of why you and I are Republicans.
This is a Party. This Republican Party is a Party for free men, not for blind followers, and not for conformists.
In fact, in 1858 Abraham Lincoln said this of the Republican party -- and I quote him, because he probably could have said it during the last week or so: "It was composed of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements" -- end of the quote -- in 1858. Yet -- Yet all of these elements agreed on one paramount objective: To arrest the progress of slavery, and place it in the course of ultimate extinction.
Today, as then, but more urgently and more broadly than then, the task of preserving and enlarging freedom at home and of safeguarding it from the forces of tyranny abroad is great enough to challenge all our resources and to require all our strength.
Anyone who joins us in all sincerity, we welcome. Those who do not care for our cause, we don't expect to enter our ranks in any case. And -- And let our Republicanism, so focused and so dedicated, not be made fuzzy and futile by unthinking and stupid labels.
I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.
(Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.)
And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.
Why the beauty of the very system we Republicans are pledged to restore and revitalize, the beauty of this Federal system of ours is in its reconciliation of diversity with unity. We must not see malice in honest differences of opinion, and no matter how great, so long as they are not inconsistent with the pledges we have given to each other in and through our Constitution.
Our Republican cause is not to level out the world or make its people conform in computer regimented sameness. Our Republican cause is to free our people and light the way for liberty throughout the world.
Ours is a very human cause for very humane goals.
This Party, its good people, and its unquenchable devotion to freedom, will not fulfill the purposes of this campaign, which we launch here and now, until our cause has won the day, inspired the world, and shown the way to a tomorrow worthy of all our yesteryears.
I repeat, I accept your nomination with humbleness, with pride, and you and I are going to fight for the goodness of our land.
Thank you.
篇一：百篇著名英文演讲 奥巴马纪念曼德拉 the president: at his trial in 1964, nelson mandela closed his statement from the dock saying, i have fought against white domination, and i have fought against black domination. i have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. it is an ideal which i hope to live for and to achieve. but if needs be, it is an ideal for which i am prepared to die. 总统：纳尔逊?曼德拉（nelson mandela）在1964年接受审判时在被告席上结束他的陈述时说：“我曾为反对白人统治而斗争，也曾为反对黑人统治而斗争。我一直珍藏着一个民主、自由的社会的理想，让所有人都生活在一个和谐共处、机会均等的社会中。我希望为这个理想而生并将其付诸实现。但是，如果需要，我也愿为这样一个理想献出生命。” and nelson mandela lived for that ideal, and he made it real. he achieved more than could be expected of any man. today, he has gone home. and we have lost one of the most influential, courageous, and profoundly good human beings that any of us will share time with on this earth. he no longer belongs to us -- he belongs to the ages. 纳尔逊?曼德拉为这个理想而生，并将其变成现实。他的成就超出了我们能够寄望于任何一个人去取得的。今天，他安息了。而我们失去了一位我们任何一个人能在这个地球上与之共渡时光的人中最有影响力、最有勇气、最无比善良的一位。他不再属于我们——他属于千秋万世。 曼德拉以其强烈的尊严和为了他人的自由不惜牺牲自己的自由的不折的意志，改变了南非的面貌，并感动了我们所有人。他从一名囚徒变成一位总统的历程体现了全人类——以及各个国家——都能变得更美好的希望。他移交权力并同那些关押他的人和解的承诺树立了一个全人类都应当追求的典范，不论是在国家生活中，还是在我们的个人生活中。而他在做到这一切时还能保持风度和幽默，以及承认自己的不足的能力，这使他更加卓尔不群。他曾说过：“我不是一个圣人，除非你们认为圣人是一个不断努力的罪人。” 我是从曼德拉的一生得到启迪的千百万人之一。我从事的第一次政治活动，第一次同任何议题、政策或者政治有关的活动，是一次反对种族隔离的抗议。我常常学习他的言论和文章。他走出监狱的那一天使我意识到，人类在奔向希望而没有恐惧的时候是何等的大有作为。我和世界各地许多人一样，无法想象如果没有曼德拉树立的榜样，我自己的一生会是什么样子。在我有生之年，我将竭尽所能向他学习。 米歇尔和我谨向格拉萨?马歇尔和曼德拉的家人致以最深沉的慰唁，并感谢他们与我们分享这位不平凡的人。他的毕生努力意味着长年累月远离最爱他的人们。我真切地希望与他共同度过的最后这几个星期为他的家人带来了平静与安慰。 to the people of south africa, we draw strength from the example of renewal, and reconciliation, and resilience that you made real. a free south africa at peace with itself -- thats an example to the world, and thats madibas legacy to the nation he loved. 对南非人民，我们要说，你们通过复生、和解与坚毅树立的榜样给了我们力量。一个自由、和平的南非——这是世界的榜样，这是“马迪巴”为他所热爱的国家留下的遗产。 we will not likely see the likes of nelson mandela again. so it falls to us as best we can to forward the example that he set: to make decisions guided not by hate, but by love; to never discount the difference that one person can make; to strive for a future that is worthy of his sacrifice.
Anna Howard Shaw: The Fundamental Principle of a Republic delivered 1915, New York State Referendum, Albany, New York When I came into your hall tonight, I thought of the last time I was in your city. Twenty-one years ago I came here with Susan B. Anthony, and we came for exactly the same purpose as that for which we are here tonight. Boys have been born since that time and have become voters, and the women are still trying to persuade American men to believe in the fundamental principles of democracy, and I never quite feel as if it was a fair field to argue this question with men, because in doing it you have to assume that a man who professes to believe in a Republican form of government does not believe in a Republican form of government, for the only thing that woman's enfranchisement means at all is that a government which claims to be a Republic should be a Republic, and not an aristocracy. The difficulty with discussing this question with those who oppose us is that they make any number of arguments but none of them have anything to do with Woman's Suffrage; they always have something to do with something else, therefore the arguments which we have to make rarely ever have anything to do with the subject, because we have to answer our opponents who always escape the subject as far as possible in order to have any sort of reason in connection with what they say. Now one of two things is true: either a Republic is a desirable form of government, or else it is not. If it is, then we should have it, if it is not then we ought not to pretend that we have it. We ought at least be true to our ideals, and the men of New York have for the first time in their lives, the rare opportunity on the second day of next November, of making the state truly a part of the Republic. It is the greatest opportunity which has ever come to the men of the state. They have never had so serious a problem to solve before, they will never have a more serious problem to solve in any future of our nation's life, and the thing that disturbs me more than anything else in connection with it is that so few people realize what a profound problem they have to solve on November 2. It is not merely a trifling matter; it is not a little thing that does not concern the state, it is the most vital problem we could have, and any man who goes to the polls on the second day of next November without thoroughly informing himself in regard to this subject is unworthy to be a citizen of this state, and unfit to cast a ballot. If woman's suffrage is wrong, it is a great wrong; if it is right, it is a profound and fundamental principle, and we all know, if we know what a Republic is, that it is the fundamental principle upon which a Republic must rise. Let us see where we are as a people; how we act here and what we think we are. The difficulty with the men of this country is that they are so consistent in their inconsistency that they are not aware of having been inconsistent; because their consistency has been so continuous and their inconsistency so consecutive that it has never been broken, from the beginning of our Nation's life to the present time. If we trace our history back we will find that from the very dawn of our existence as a people, men have
经典英语短篇演讲三篇 英语在许多国际组织或者会议上都是必需语言，联合国秘书长的当选条件之一，今天给大家分享一些经典英语短篇演讲，希望对大家有所帮助。 经典英语短篇演讲一 I work extremely hard every day, but I'm very tired. I need to work smarter, not harder. I must find better ways to do my job. I must find more time to enjoy life. I know hard work is a part of everybody's life. But I work too hard. My hard work is ruining my health. My hard work is killing me. Other people have time for fun, going to bars and going to parties. All I do is get in my car and go to work every day. This life is too hard. I need to make a fresh start. 经典英语短篇演讲二 Ladies and Gentlemen, good evening. Today I'd like to talk about the importance of smiling and kindness. Life is like a mirror. When you smile, people will smile back. When you treat other people kindly, they will treat you kindly in return. Try to spend one day smiling and being kind
奥巴马纪念曼德拉 THE PRESIDENT: At his trial in 1964, Nelson Mandela closed his statement from the dock saying, "I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die." 总统：纳尔逊?曼德拉( Nelson Mandela )在1964 年接受审判时在被告席上结束他的陈述时说：“我曾为反对白人统治而斗争，也曾为反对黑人统治而斗争。我一直珍藏着一个民主、自由的社会的理想，让所有人都生活在一个和谐共处、机会均等的社会中。我希望为这个理想而生并将其付诸实现。但是，如果需要，我也愿为这样一个理想献出生命。” And Nelson Mandela lived for that ideal, and he made it real. He achieved more than could be expected of any man. Today, he has gone home. And we have lost one of the most influential, courageous, and profoundly good human beings that any of us will share time with on this Earth. He no longer belongs to us -- he belongs to the ages. 纳尔逊?曼德拉为这个理想而生，并将其变成现实。他的成就超出了我们能够寄望于任何一个人去取得的。今天，他安息了。而我们失去了一位我们任何一个人能在这个地球上与之共渡时光的人中最有影响力、最有勇气、最无比善良的一位。他不再属于我们——他属于千秋万世。 Through his fierce dignity and unbending will to sacrifice his own freedom for the freedom of others, Madiba transformed South Africa -- and moved all of us. His journey from a prisoner to a President embodied the promise that human beings -- and countries -- can change for the better. His commitment to transfer power and reconcile with those who jailed him set an example that all humanity should aspire to, whether in the lives of nations or our own personal lives. And the fact that he did it all with grace and good humor, and an ability to acknowledge his own imperfections, only makes the man that much more remarkable. As he once said, "I am not a saint, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying." 曼德拉以其强烈的尊严和为了他人的自由不惜牺牲自己的自由的不折的意志，改变了南非的面貌，并感动了我们所有人。他从一名囚徒变成一位总统的历程体现了全人类——以及各个国家——都能变得更美好的希望。他移交权力并同那些关押他的人和解的承诺树立了一个全人类都应当追求的典范，不论是在国家生活中，还是在我们的个人生活中。而他在做到这一切时还能保持风度和幽默，以及承认自己的不足的能力，这使他更加卓尔不群。他曾说过：“我不是一个圣人，除非你们认为圣人是一个不断努力的罪人。” I am one of the countless millions who drew inspiration from Nelson Mandela's life. My very first political action, the first thing I ever did that involved an issue or a policy or politics, was a protest against apartheid. I studied his words and his writings. The day that he was released from prison gave me a sense of what human beings can do when they're guided by their hopes and not by their fears. And like so many around the globe, I cannot fully imagine my own life without the example that Nelson Mandela set, and so long as I live I will do what I can to learn from him. 我是从曼德拉的一生得到启迪的千百万人之一。我从事的第一次政治活动，第一次同任何议题、政策或者政治有关的活动，是一次反对种族隔离的抗议。我常常学习他的言论和文章。他走出监狱的那一天使我意识到，人类在奔向希望而没有恐惧的时候是何等的大有作为。我和世界各地许多人一样，无法想象如果没有曼德拉树立的榜样，我自己的一生会是什么样子。在我有生之年，我将竭尽所能向他学习。 To Gra?a Machel and his family, Michelle and I extend our deepest sympathy and gratitude for sharing this extraordinary man with us. His life's work meant long days away from those who loved him the most. And I only hope that the time spent with him these last few weeks brought peace and comfort to his family.
英语演讲稿开场白【三篇】 篇一 经典英语演讲开场白范文： 1.We are drowning in news. Reuters alone puts out three-and-a-half million news stories a year. That’s just one source. My question is: How many of those stories are actually going to matter in the long run? That’s the idea behind The Long News. It’s a project by The Long Now Foundation, which was founded by TED stars including Kevin Kelly and Stewart Brand. And what we’re looking for is news stories that might still matter 50 or 100 or 10,000 years from now. And when you look at the news through that filter, a lot falls by the wayside. 2.Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you, General Caslen, for that introduction. General Trainor, General Clarke, faculty and staff at West Point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army.
经典演讲稿中英文对照 在中国英语作为一门外语拥有最多的外语学习者，英语演讲已成为我们生活中必不可少的一部分,并且能有效地帮助我们发展语言应用及交际能力。下面是第一范文网为你整理的几篇经典演讲稿中英文对照，希望能帮到你哟。 good morning ,boys and girl,i`m jenny peng ,today my topic is :talk about a meaningful way we can use time.at first , let me ask you a question : what do you do in your spare time ,especially in your holiday ? do you just stay at home ,watching tv,eating,and sleeping?maybe you`ll feel relax at the first time ,but if we always do like this,you`ll feel much boring . so ,the meaningful way i`m going to introduce to you is taking part-time-job in your vacation. yes ,you are right , the meaningful way of using time i`m going to introduce to you is taking part-time-job in your vacation.besides,the location we going to work is not in your hometown,in another words,it`s a after the part-time-job , we`ll more cherish our time , and find out that how happy and freedom to being a student . we`ll work hard on our study , finish our homework efficiently and struggle for our dream . as the saying going that ：yesterday is history , tomorrow is mystery , but today is a gift . let`s cherish and make full use of every minutes of our life , and believe that what we did will make sense . thank you. 早上好，男孩和女孩，我` m珍妮鹏，今天我演讲的题目是：谈论有意义的方法，我们可以利用的时间。首先，让我问你一个问题：你在业余时间做什么，尤其是在你的假期?你只是呆在家里，看电视，吃，睡?也许你会觉得`放松在第一时间，但如果我们一直这样做，你会感到很无聊`。所以，最有意义的方式我`要介绍给你的是以part-time-job在你的假期。
美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address John F. Kennedy Civil Rights Address Good evening, my fellow citizens: This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way. I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.
关于经典名人英语演讲稿 目前我国高校英语演讲教学效果差强人意,学生英语演讲水平整体不高。学习外国 名人演讲有助于提高我们的英语水平。下面小编为你整理经典名人英语演讲稿，希望 能帮到你。 经典名人英语演讲稿范文 asking the devotees of civil rights, "when will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousnelike a mighty stream. 出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁， 也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the proceof gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterneand hatred. 但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们 争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。 we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗- 议沦为暴-力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced
Clarence Darrow: "A Plea for Mercy" delivered September 1924 Now, your Honor, I have spoken about the war. I believed in it. I don’t know whether I was crazy or not. Sometimes I think perhaps I was. I approved of it; I joined in the general cry of madness and despair. I urged men to fight. I was safe because I was too old to go. I was like the rest. What did they do? Right or wrong, justifiable or unjustifiable -- which I need not discuss today -- it changed the world. For four long years the civilized world was engaged in killing men. Christian against Christian, barbarian uniting with Christians to kill Christians; anything to kill. It was taught in every school, aye in the Sunday schools. The little children played at war. The toddling children on the street. Do you suppose this world has ever been the same since? How long, your Honor, will it take for the world to get back the humane emotions that were slowly growing before the war? How long will it take the calloused hearts of men before the scars of hatred and cruelty shall be removed? We read of killing one hundred thousand men in a day. We read about it and we rejoiced in it-if it was the other fellows who were killed. We were fed on flesh and drank blood. Even down to the prattling babe. I need not tell you how many upright, honorable young boys have come into this court charged with murder, some saved and some sent to their death, boys who fought in this war and learned to place a cheap value on human life. You know it and I know it. These boys were brought up in it. The tales of death were in their homes, their playgrounds, their schools; they were in the newspapers that they read; it was a part of the common frenzy-what was a life? It was nothing. It was the least sacred thing in existence and these boys were trained to this cruelty. It will take fifty years to wipe it out of the human heart, if ever. I know this, that after the Civil War in 1865, crimes of this sort increased, marvelously. No one needs to tell me that crime has no cause. It has as definite a cause as any other disease, and I know that out of the hatred and bitterness of the Civil War crime increased as America had never seen before. I know that Europe is going through the same experience to-day; I know it has followed every war; and I know it has influenced these boys so that life was not the same to them as it would have been if the world had not made red with blood. I protest against the crimes and mistakes of society being visited upon them. All of us have a share in it. I have mine. I cannot tell and I shall never know how many words of mine might have given birth to cruelty in place of love and kindness and charity. Your Honor knows that in this very court crimes of violence have increased growing out of the war. Not necessarily by those who fought but by those that learned that blood was cheap, and human life was cheap, and if the State could take it lightly why not the boy? There are causes for this terrible crime. There are causes as I have said
中英文对照：八段经典演讲 一． man’s dearest possession is life. it is given to him but once, and he must live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, he might say: all my life, all my strength were given to the finest cause in all the world—the fight for the liberation of mankind. 人生最宝贵的是生命。生命对于人来说只有一次。一个人的生命应该这样度过：当他回首往事时，不因虚度年华而悔恨；也不会因为碌碌无为而羞耻。在临死的时候他能够说：我的整个生命和全部精力都已经献给了世界上最壮丽的事业――为人类的解放事业而斗争！ help： possession: n.财产 torturing : adj. 使痛苦的 二． happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to , but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men. 幸福并不在于单纯的占有金钱，幸福还在于取得成功后的喜悦，在于创造努力时